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Tytuł:
Review of: Chantal Mouffe, For a Left Populism, Verso, London 2018, pp. 93
Autorzy:
Słupek, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056234.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism
left-wing populism
populist moment
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2020, 27, 2; 171-174
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prefectural Governors and Populism in Japan (1990s-2010s)
Autorzy:
Trifu, Ioan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/599737.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN
Tematy:
Prefecture
Japan
Populism
Opis:
Populism has become a recurring issue in Japanese politics, particularly at the local level. In a time of general discontent with traditional politics and politicians, the prefectural governor, chief executive of the larger local government body and elected by popular suffrage, occupies a political office which seems to offer large opportunities for populist behaviors. In the past two decades, various governors have been labeled with the term ‘populist’ for political styles built on appeals to the people and the use of mass media. However, the diversity and continuous increase in the number of such situations may, , albeit sometimes in an extreme, deformed way, indicate the emergence of a new kind of democracy in Japan.
Źródło:
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia; 2013, 26; 64-85
0860-6102
Pojawia się w:
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Unpredicted Rise of Populism: The Case of Poland
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Danuta A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16647465.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-10-21
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Ekonomicznych
Tematy:
globalisation
inequality
populism
democracy
Opis:
This article investigates the rise of populism in Poland, applying an interdisciplinary method, with political, social, and economic factors as the compound reason for the turn from liberalism towards populism. The methodology of the study is the exploratory analysis of research, historical materials on Poland`s transition to capitalism, and calculation of the selected empirical data of household incomes, linked to election results, in the regional cross-section. The household economic condition was validated by a report on deprivation and the presented growth of households’disposable income, exposing regional differences between the selected voivodeships. The populist party Law and Justice (PiS) won the two last elections, with the majority of votes in low-income regions, which proved the hypothesis that economic inequality, amplified by globalisation and transition disparities were the main reasons for populism’s prevalence. The democratic backsliding has not changed party-political scenery for very long, which revealed that for the majority of Polish voters, economic upgrading counted more, despite the violation of democracy. Therefore, the advance of knowledge about measures to reduce the in-country socioeconomic disparities between regions has become more important.
Źródło:
Central European Economic Journal; 2023, 10, 57; 304-322
2543-6821
Pojawia się w:
Central European Economic Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Symbolism of Populism
Symbolika populizmu
Autorzy:
Taranu, Andrei
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953204.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
populism
behavioural theory
Opis:
The vast majority of the papers on populism describe this political phenomenon as one which is very difficult to explain and to analyze due to its discursive versatility and behavioural chameleonism. Furthermore, I would argue that the term populism covers more political and social realities than one single term would normally concentrate from a semantic point of view. I focus more over the psychological roots of populism which can be observed in the political symbolic field. In that manner, I consider that political symbolic, as part of the behavioural theory, can be a better tool for unveiling the populist discourse than the usual techniques of political analysis.
Ogromna większość artykułów dotyczących populizmu opisuje to polityczne zjawisko jako trudne do wyjaśnienia i analizy ze względu na jego dyskursywną różnorodność i behawioralny „kameleonizm”. Co więcej, twierdzę, że termin „populizm” opisuje większą liczbę politycznych i społecznych faktów, niż pojedynczy termin jest w stanie pomieścić w swej objętości semantycznej. Skupiam się głównie na psychologicznych źródłach populizmu, które mogą być obserwowane w symbolicznej sferze polityki. W tej perspektywie postrzegam polityczny symbolizm, będący częścią teorii behawiorystycznej, jako lepsze narzędzie służące ujawnianiu dyskursu populistycznego niż zwykłe techniki analizy politycznej.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 48; 64-75
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dominik Héjj, Węgry na nowo. Jak Viktor Orbán zaprogramował narodową tożsamość, Wydawnictwo Szczeliny, Kraków 2022, ss. 352
Dominik Héjj, Hungary anew. How Viktor Orbán programmed the national identity, Wydawnictwo Szczeliny, Kraków 2022, ss. 352
Autorzy:
Jakimowicz-Pisarska, Iwona
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32444010.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Fundacja PSC
Tematy:
Hungary
populism
national identity
Źródło:
Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne; 2022, 4(12); 41-42
2719-9851
Pojawia się w:
Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populizm a relacje międzynarodowe. Porównanie sytuacji Stanów Zjednoczonychi Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej
Populism and International Relations. Comparison of the United States and Central and Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Ilowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/557899.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Populism;
Populism in Foreign Policy;
Donald Trump;
Central Europe;
Minorities;
Elites;
Opis:
The problem of populism is now widely discussed topic in the world. There are many analysis of this phenomenon, and the reason is the growing importance of it both in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as in countries with a well-established democracy, such as the United States. Until now, this phenomenon has been treated as a problem of internal policy, often in isolation from the external situation. The problem of populism in foreign policy, its influence on state policy and international relations has not been studied extensively. This is puzzling considering the fact that such phenomena as globalization, immigration or trade relations have a transnational dimension. The victory of Donald Trump in 2016 shows that there is a possibility of changing the existing paradigms and the rules may change due to new factors, the character of which is above the national one. We can already see populist transformations, and the reason is growing support for extreme groups. That is why it is worth to consider: Is it possible to talk about populism in international politics? What influence does international affairs have on domestic politics of countries where populists rule? What impact does the populist policy of a given country have on its neighbors or in the case of the US on international principles and security? The attitude of this type of groupings to many matters over the state, such as migration, trade, international organizations, humanitarian aid and the role of armed forces is crucial. It is also important to draw attention to the similarities and differences between populism in foreign policy and populism. In addition, a comparison of populism in the US and in Central and Eastern Europe will help to indicate some universal characteristics of populism in foreign policy in the countries discussed.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2019, 3; 49-67
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populizm Ruchu Palikota
Populism of Ruch Palikota
Autorzy:
Wasiuta, Martyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populism
Ruch Palikota
left -wing
Opis:
This article deals with the Ruch Palikota political party, which has gained enough support in 2011 elections in Poland to be represented in Polish chamber of deputies – Sejm. One of the main opinions in media and within politicians is that Ruch Palikota (RP) is a populist party. This article attempts to examine the argument that the RP is not a populist party. A basic conception of populism is a description made by Roman Tokarczyk and Maria Marczewska-Rytko.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 45; 157-175
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Identity and Populism
Autorzy:
Szatlach, Maria Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028531.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
social sciences
populism
European identity
Opis:
Identity as a theoretical concept in social sciences has evolved from a status of derivative importance into an essential and autonomous notion performing at present an important role that explains some processes of the contemporary world. According to Renata Dopierała, generally identity can be defined as a reflective attitude of an individual to himself, created by the necessity of self-characteristic building a system of ideas, opinions, convictions, etc., that corresponds with the given social context. However, the answer to the question: What is identity?, is not so obvious as some can expect. The relationship between identity, interests, preferences, and loyalty is also not so clear. Shortly speaking, identity can be also perceived as a self-conception rooted in the society, our attitude and relation to others. Its integral parts are two main components: individual and social.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2007, 36; 69-90
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Social security as an instrument for creating populist attitudes
Autorzy:
Plecka, Danuta
Rutkowska, Patrycja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514521.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
social security
populist attitudes
populism
Opis:
Societal security is undoubtedly an instrument for creating populist attitudes. This is related primarily to the quality of different democratic mechanisms and their representations affecting the political system. However, in the largest extent the merge of societal security and populism are triggered by the political elite, and the recipients of their communication - the citizens. It is related to the belief, which is increasingly affecting the public that ‘the elite should do what people order them to’ (Markowski 2004: 14). Undoubtedly, this situation creates series of consequences related primarily to the lack of political and economic civic competences. On the other hand, it may contribute to the growth of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the government actions that results in the loss of the legitimacy.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2016, 13; 115-123
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Szwecja wobec kryzysu migracyjnego: aspekty polityki i bezpieczeństwa
Autorzy:
Gruszczak, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/558076.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Sweden;
Immigration;
Asylum;
Security;
Populism;
Opis:
This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden’s immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2020, 24, 3; 45-61
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A different kind of massive attack: How the Bulgarian Ultranationalist Party Ataka engineered its political success using electronic media
Autorzy:
Ibroscheva, Elza
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471228.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
media
nationalism
populism
xenophobic rhetoric
Opis:
Th is study explores the role of media in securing the electorate success of Ataka, Bul- garia’s ultra-right-wing party, as well as their contribution to the rise of nationalistic tendencies among the Bulgarian electorate. To accomplish this, the study sets two goals: fi rst, to explore the political and socio-cultural environment which has allowed for the growth of ultra-nationalist rhetoric in Bulgaria, and second, to examine how Ataka’s media publicity machine, with a specifi c focus on their new media tactics, have contributed to securing popular support for the virtually unfettered expression of ultra-nationalistic ideas. By conducting a critical analysis of Ataka’s use of electronic media, includ- ing websites, online forums, and other social networking tools, the study analyzes the importance of electronic media to a right wing party such as Ataka, that catapulted it from complete obscurity into a political force of national importance.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2013, 6, 1(10); 51-66
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Some thoughts about the interplay between welfare attitudes and populism
Autorzy:
Saxonberg, Steven
Sirovátka, Tomáš
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/473271.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-07-16
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
populism
welfare attitudes
political parties
Opis:
This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties. It notes that although much has been written about populism, much less has been written about the interplay between populism and welfare attitudes. In addition, populism has tended to concentrate on rightwing populism while devoting less attention to leftwing populism. Meanwhile, centrist populist parties have been has been even more neglected than leftwing populism. We need to develop a more nuanced view and conduct comparative analyses of the differences in welfare attitudes among leftwing, centrist and rightwing populist voters. Our article also notes that the current databases that have both voting and welfare attitudes often do not include the countries with the most important leftwing populist parties. Another problem is the need to take into account the country context. For example, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece and Smer in Slovakia are all three normally considered to be leftwing populist parties, but only Smer has promoted an anti-immigrant and anti-Roma agenda.
Źródło:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje; 2020, 48; 27-40
1640-1808
Pojawia się w:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Some remarks on the comparative experiment as a method in assessing populist political communication in Europe
Autorzy:
Kasprowicz, Dominika
Hess, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471296.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
populism
populist communication
comparative experiment
Opis:
In this paper fundamental information concerning the designing and conducting of comparative experiments, as methods which are able to be employed in the field of media studies, will be successively delineated. On the basis of the large-scale online experiment conducted in 15 countries in 2017, the assessment of the populist message impact as well as methodological challenges to such a project will be presented. We discuss challenges and lessons learnt from this type of research design.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2019, 12, 2/23; 243-255
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dyskretny urok władzy – czyli kilka słów o tym dlaczego ulegamy wpływowi populistów? Perspektywa krytyczna
The Discreet Charm of Power – a Few Comments on Why We Fall Prey to Populists. A Critical Perspective
Autorzy:
Karkowska, Magda
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/15836504.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
power
identity
critical perspective
populism
agency
Opis:
The book Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock was published by University of Westminster Press in 2018. It is not only a recent, but also an extremely up-to-date publication due to the subject matter. The 299-page volume is divided into three chapters: “Theories of Authoritarianism”, “Foundations of Authoritarianism”, and “Digital Authoritarianism.” Within each of these, three, or in the case of the first chapter, four sections can be distinguished. Below, I will present the main themes of the book with reference to the political situation in Poland and Europe. From the pedagogical point of view, the developmental and educational implications of the issues discussed seem particularly important.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2021, 61; 77-100
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Media populism in Macedonia: Right-wing populist style in the coverage of the “migrant crisis”
Autorzy:
Bosilkov, Ivo
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471284.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
populism
migration
Macedonia
media
content analysis
Opis:
The communicative style used to exclude immigrants from the idea of “the people” is the scope through which right-wing media populism is measured in a case study of Macedonia, a post-communist country on the Balkan migrant route. Quantitative content analysis of articles from four Macedonian right-wing partisan news outlets N = 409, demonstrates a clear change in tone in coverage of migration, marked by an increase of populism as the “migrant crisis” intensified. Logistic regression confirms that  incivility, as a proxy for the intensity of partisan bias, is a significant predictor of populism, and opinion pieces have a significantly stronger populist tendency than news reports. The findings show that online news outlets, however, are not more populist than traditional print media.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2019, 12, 2/23; 206-223
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wizualny populizm: analiza praktyk multimodalnych na przykładzie plakatów wyborczych z Polski i Niemiec
Visual populism: Analysis of multimodal practices on the example of election posters in Poland and Germany
Autorzy:
Czachur, Waldemar
Pappert, Steffen
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1396831.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski i Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Tematy:
visual populism
election poster
multimodal practices
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present a picture of populist parties on the example of selected election posters from Germany and Poland. We assume that linguistic and visual stereotypes play a special role as collectively recognized knowledge formations in the process of creating populist images of the world. By analyzing election posters, we want to capture the specificity of multimodal practices through which populists invoke stereotypes in order to activate the desired emotions and legitimize their interests. Using selected posters from Poland and Germany as an example, we want to capture communication strategies and multimodal practices typical of populist parties.
Źródło:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs; 2019, 12; 165-189
1899-0983
Pojawia się w:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The end of penal populism : the rise of populist politics
Autorzy:
Pratt, John
Miao, Michelle
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962404.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
neoliberalizm
populizm penalny
populizm
niebezpieczeństwo
zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa
migracja
penal populism
populism
risk
neo-liberalism
insecurity
immigration
Opis:
Populizm penalny w ogromnym stopniu przeorganizował i zmienił podejście współczesnych społeczeństw do idei kary i karania. Zmienił także rozłożenie akcentów – rozpoczęło się odchodzenie od zasady ochrony praw jednostki przed potencjalnym nadużywaniem przez państwo władzy wykorzystywanej w celu ukarania danej osoby na rzecz korzystania z tej władzy, by ochronić społeczeństwo przed jednostką, która zaczęła być postrzegana jako zagrożenie dla ogółu. Proces ten działał wówczas jak swego rodzaju tama – zatrzymywał obawy i niepewności społeczne, które zostały uwolnione w procesie neoliberalizacji społeczeństw. Jednak obserwowany obecnie wzrost polityk populistycznych wskazuje, że ta retencyjna rola się skończyła, a cała toksyczna zawartość zatrzymywana dotychczas przez tę tamę rozlała się po społeczeństwie i jego instytucjach. W tekście postawiono tezę, że przyczyn tej zmiany należy szukać w globalnym kryzysie ekonomicznym z 2008 r., który doprowadził do masowych migracji na świecie. Zauważono także, że populizm penalny ma nową rolę. Został on włączony w rozwój polityk populistycznych i jest używany do uzasadniania karania oraz kontrolowania coraz szerszego kręgu osób uznawanych za wrogów publicznych.  
Penal populism has radically reshaped and reorganised many aspects of punishment in modern society. It has also shifted the emphasis from protecting the rights of individuals from excessive use of the state’s power to punish to using those powers to protect the public from individuals thought to put them at risk. In so doing, it has acted as a kind of dam, holding back the anxieties and uncertainties unleashed by the neo-liberal restructuring of these societies. However, the ascendancy of populist politics indicates that this containment role is ending. The toxic contents that had been stored behind the dam have now spread throughout the social body. This paper argues that the reasons for these developments lie in the effects of the 2008 global financial crisis and the mass movement of people around the globe. As this has occurred, penal populism has taken on a new role. It is incorporated within the broader thrust of populist politics and is used to punish and control its wider sweep of public enemies which it needs to sustain itself.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2019, XLI/2; 15-40
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Leadership in Times of Populism: Selected Examples of Italian Political Leaders
Autorzy:
Dudała, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514632.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Italy
populism
leadership
Berlusconi
Grillo
Renzi
Opis:
The issue of leadership is becoming increasingly a phenomenon studied by specialists in political sciences. However, the emerging theoretical concepts call for constant changes and updates due to the political practice. This is supported by the changes in the political scene observed in many countries, generally referred to as the “populist revolution”. This phenomenon, with varying intensity, has been present on the Italian political scene for almost a quarter of a century. The specificity of Italian populism should be expressed concerning three political leaders: Silvio Berlusconi, Beppe Grillo and Matteo Renzi. Although, there are many differences between them – the time of appearance, the scope of power and political culture, there are also common formal references regarding personal image and applied rhetoric. The distinct approach of leadership to populism has been further strengthened by the increasing use of new means of social communication. As a result, the intersection of technology and social change has had and will have a significant impact on the perception of politics in the future.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2018, 21; 55-70
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and its perils: language and politics
Autorzy:
Skidmore, Max J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism
language
propaganda
education for democracy
Opis:
Populism appeals to the masses, and against elites. To the extent that any successful democracy must respond to popular desires, democracies must incorporate some elements of populism. Nevertheless, for continued success a democratic polity also must ensure widespread education, including a concern for language and the ability to analyze and resist “mind manipulators”.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and Its Democratic, Non-Democratic, and Anti-Democratic Potential
Autorzy:
Riedel, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-14
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
populism
democracy
authoritarianism
illiberalism
anti-elitism
Opis:
The starting point of this paper is the acknowledgement that the DNA of populism is democratic. At the same time, it may bring undemocratic or even counter-democratic consequences when it questions and contests liberalism and pluralism. This paper maps the key arguments on the relations between populism and authoritarianism, and discusses the risk of democratic backsliding as a result of authoritarian populism gaining power. This topic is critically important and growing urgent with the rising wave of populism across the Western world. Due to its chameleonic nature, populism (as a “thin-centered” or “empty-hearted” ideology) manifests itself in various (re)incarnations and intertwines with nationalism, libertarianism, and also radical left-wing ideas or any other ideology from across the wide political spectrum. First, the author reconstructs the historicity of populism as well as the most important ways of defining it. Second, he reflects on the major arguments about the consequences for democracy of populist politics. Finally, in conclusion, he discusses the threat of authoritarianism that populism brings to liberal democracy and democracy as such.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2017, 199, 3; 287-298
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Right-wing and left-wing populist parties as a threat to modern liberal democracies
Autorzy:
Burdiuh, Maksym
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933325.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populism
democracy
liberalism
populist parties
parliamentarism
Opis:
The article analyses modern populism as a challenge to liberal democracy in terms of the activities of right-wing and left-wing political parties. An important factor in the growth of populism is the lack of effectiveness of constitutionalism and other formal limited institutions, procedures to ensure the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, justice, guarantee the interests of the majority in the modern world. It is noted that populism emerged in the late 19th century as a social movement, ideology, and political activity, and since then has firmly taken its place in the political consciousness of the masses, gaining new features and intensifying at times when countries are experiencing turning points in their history. The main factors in the growth of populism include the insufficient effectiveness of the institutions of indirect democracy in modern consolidated democracies. Another reason for the rise of populism is related to the tendency of ideological deradicalization, which manifested itself in the activities of different parties. Today, populism does not have a developed fundamental theoretical background and conceptual texts like nationalism and conservatism. However, it has a holistic structure as a political phenomenon and a set of ideological positions. The goal of modern populism is the introduction of “illiberal democracy” – a government that ensures smooth transformation of people’s preferences into public policy (unlike liberal democracies, which are almost always hindered by certain obstacles to responding effectively to pressing problems). From this point of view, populism is not a threat to democracy as such, but the leading liberal version of democracy. The possibilities of constitutionalism are treated with scepticism in the populist ideology, as formal, limited institutions and procedures prevent the majority from executing their will. Liberal democracy is not strong enough and constantly needs strengthening elements in response to new challenges and threats. But liberal democracy, more than any other political form, contains the potential for development, a synergistic resource, and the power of self-correction. A strong parliament and a developed civil society remain effective counterweight to populism.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2021, 15; 11-21
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Affekte und Emotionen im rechtspopulistischen Diskurs
Affects and Emotions in the Discourse of the Right-Wing-Populism
Autorzy:
Demčišák, Ján
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2029026.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe
Tematy:
right-wing populism
political discourse
manipulation
Opis:
The paper deals with the language and discourse of the right-wing populism and it analyzes the instrumentalization of emotions as part of the political marketing. The coding of emotional content using images and cultural symbols is primarily examined. The breadth of the emotional scale and the temporal dimension of linguistic and communicative strategies of right-wing populism should be pointed out.
Źródło:
Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław; 2020, 18; 71-81
2084-3062
2657-5647
Pojawia się w:
Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and National Identity
Autorzy:
Ociepka, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026738.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
national identity
populism
European Union
politics
Opis:
Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2006, 35; 97-107
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Emotional Dynamics of Populism and Its Non-Populist Alternatives: Discussing the Role of Compassion and Pride
Autorzy:
Wawrzyński, Patryk
Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195797.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populism
emotions
anger
fear
compassion
pride
Opis:
The paper discusses populist appeals to emotions in political communication, considering their role in the proliferation of political polarisation and radicalisation. Revisiting the Emotional Rescue Model of anger, enthusiasm, and fear, we considered pride and compassion low-arousal alternatives to populist storytelling. In the experiments, we tested how participants (n=364) respond to appeals to pride and compassion in their brain activity, emotional expressions, prosocial behaviour, attitude change, and memorisation. In the paper, we primarily discussed the results of the fMRI (neuroimaging) study and compared them with the previous studies on authentic pride, compassion, empathy, and reappraisal. Considering similarities in the activation of the superior and middle temporal gyri, temporal pole, inferior frontal gyrus, and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, we argue that compassionate political narratives should be the most effective low-arousal alternative to populist storytelling. Moreover, stimulation of the reappraisal-related network in that group suggests that participants reframed emotional negativity into prosocial acts of caring and helping, also re-evaluating their attitudes.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2022, 4(51); 47-62
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Edukacja polonistyczna w czasach populistycznej zarazy
Polish language education in times of populist plague
Autorzy:
Koc, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/784496.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
populism
education
children’s literature
information
opinions
Opis:
The article encourages reflection on the role of Polish language education in the face of contemporary challenges. One of them is the expansion of populism (e.g. in politics, in the media, in the way of thinking about education) and the accompanying disinformation campaigns, propaganda or replacing information analysis with emotional opinions. We are also in Poland witnessing this disturbing process, which threatens the foundations of democracy. That is why teaching a critical attitude towards theses expressed in public discourse is so important. The article shows how access to reliable information can contribute to forming such an attitude. The author also suggests that the interpretation of modern children’s literature may be used to expose populist lies, harmful simplifications, and manipulation of facts; it can also successfully support the development of mature civic awareness even among very young students. The point of reference in this case is the problem of attitude towards refugees.
Źródło:
Paidia i Literatura; 2020, 2; 13-34
2719-4167
Pojawia się w:
Paidia i Literatura
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Do Algorithms Dream of Social Strike? Review of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Assembly
Autorzy:
Sowa, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1009339.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-10-10
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
social factory
algorithmization
post-Operaism
populism
peripheries
Opis:
The essay is a review of Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri’s Assembly and it aims at a critical evaluation of its empirical relevance and political usefulness. It focuses on two issues. The first one is general and as such relates to the global context of struggles against capital: the notion of social factory and its implications for political action. The essay argues that the concept of social factory grasped an important development within twentieth century capitalism. It is, however, becoming more and more irrelevant as living labour is being systematically replaced by automation. Unlike the social media or other similar forms of “digital capitalism” analysed in Assembly, a very large part of automation does not depend on any kind of continuous, multitudinous human input. It rather aims at uploading the general intellect into the system of autonomous machines, making them independent from the human element. The second issue this essay examines is the recent populist-conservative turn and the situation of peripheral countries that had no part in the recent progressive cycle of struggles (Arab Spring, Occupy, Indignados). The essay points to a bias in the post-Operaist project – its focus on particular geographical and socio-cultural areas – that ignores the different social and political situations of some peripheral countries, especially those of Central-Eastern Europe.
Źródło:
Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2018, 27, 1; 269-285
2081-8130
Pojawia się w:
Praktyka Teoretyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populistisches Argumentieren? Feindbilder und Sprachstrategien der AfD
Populist argumentation? Enemy imaging and linguistic strategies of the AfD
Autorzy:
Lüger, Heinz-Helmut
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1396834.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski i Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Tematy:
populism
persuasion
polarization
face-threatening act
propaganda
Opis:
The aim of the present article is to analyze how different patterns of argumentation are used to emphasize polarization, aggressiveness and other forms of populist communication. Special attention will be paid to persuasive strategies and enemy imaging. The source material includes current documents generated by the German political party Alternative für Deutschland.
Źródło:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs; 2019, 12; 137-163
1899-0983
Pojawia się w:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Right-Wing Perspective: Populist Frames and Agenda on Facebook in Central and Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Almodt, Rémi
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2176105.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-02-24
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
Social media
alternative media
populism
right-wing
Opis:
Political and public debates unfolding online provide various spaces for interaction between political actors, citizens and media outlets. This environment can be employed for diverse agendas, frames and biases, especially within populist narratives. This work examines the discourse of Central and Eastern European right-wing populists from Austria, Germany, Hungary and Poland (2015-2021). To identify discursive patterns within public Facebook posts (n=192,057) by 31 party, movement and partisan news media pages, created by API interrogation, right-wing discourse is analyzed through semi-automated quantitative content analysis based on text mining, in conjunction with qualitative content analysis of messages that generated the highest engagement-rates (n=80). Key findings indicate both national and international narrative patterns with a focus on political, social and ethnic opponents, by incorporating Engesser et al.’s (2017) core elements of right-wing populist discourse within Master Populist Frame building (Heinisch & Mazzoleni, 2017), thus marking the contemporary agenda of European right-wing discourse.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2022, 15, 3(32); 434-463
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Globalne procesy erozji demokracji w perspektywie czynników politycznych, społecznych i medialnych
Global processes of democratic erosion in the perspective of political, social and media factors
Autorzy:
Olender, Kamil
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2231813.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
demokracja
władza
media
populizm
democracy
authority
populism
Opis:
CEL NAUKOWY: Próba przedstawienia problemu erozji demokracji w perspektywie czynników politycznych, społecznych i medialnych oraz weryfikacja ich zasięgu globalnego na przykładzie ruchów populistycznych w Polsce i na Węgrzech. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Problemem badawczym jest proces autokratyzacji w kontekście rosnącego zainteresowania ruchami populistycznymi w wielu państwach na całym świecie. Dla zweryfikowania celu posłużono się redukcjonistyczną metodą analizy i konstrukcji logicznej, w której zbadano występowanie pojawiających się w literaturze aspektów pod kątem ich występowania w obu krajach. PROCES WYWODU: Zreferowano bieżącą sytuację polityczną na świecie. Następnie wyeksplifikowano trzy kluczowe czynniki destabilizujące demokracje na świecie: polityczne, społeczne i medialne, by ostatecznie opisać, jak w połączeniu wpływają one na globalne procesy erozji demokracji. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Wykazano, że czynniki te mają charakter globalny oraz wskazano na ich sprzężenie i wynikowość, służące w konsekwencji pogłębieniu polaryzacji poprzez wspieranie poglądów populistycznych, co może być przyczyną poważnych skutków politycznych i zmniejszenia poparcia dla demokracji w przyszłości. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Opisywane czynniki i zależności między nimi powinny prowadzić do głębszej refleksji aktantów oraz obserwatorów polityki względem skutków komunikatów medialnych w dłuższej perspektywie czasowej.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: An attempt to present the problem of the erosion in democracy in the perspective of political, social and media factors along with verification of their global reach based on example of populist movements in Poland and Hungary. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The researched problem is the autocratization process in the context of the growing interest in populist movements in many countries around the world. To verify the goal, a reductionist method of analysis and logical construction was used, in which the occurrence of aspects appearing in the literature was examined in terms of their occurrence in both countries. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The current world political situation was presented. Then, three key factors destabilizing democracies in the world were exposed: political, social and media to finally describe, when combined, their influence on global processes of democracy erosion. RESEARCH RESULTS: It was indicated that these factors are global in nature and their linkage and resultant have been shown, which in turn serve to deepen polarization by supporting populist views, which may cause serious political consequences and reduce support for democracy in the future. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The described factors and dependencies between them should lead to deeper reflection of actors and policy watchers in relation to the effects of media messages in the long term.  
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2021, 12, 39; 89-104
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Cultural Factors of Aggression in the Public Field
Autorzy:
Młodzik, Lilla
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514533.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
stereotypes
aggression
populism
liberal and restrictive cultures
Opis:
The analysis of literature on the subject indicates the occurrence of cultural stereotypes that hinder the adaptation to the conditions of the era of an information civilization. They are of a particular importance in the public sphere. Their main feature (disadvantage) is the stimulation of aggression in social relations, the manifestations of which deform the functioning of liberal democracy. Aggression as a cultural trait comes from the fear of losing identity and from the uncertainty. The dissemination of the patterns of liberal culture and thus the displacement of the restrictive culture are the ways of counteracting the negative phenomena associated with it. The development of this problem is the subject of this text.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2019, 24; 57-72
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elites vs the people: populism in the political thought of Law and Justice
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Polakowski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647751.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism
elites
the people
Law and Justice
Opis:
The purpose of this paper was to specify what is the share of narrowly understood micro-ideology in the political thought of Law and Justice. Embarking on the analysis of the above-stated problem, we first and foremost fixed particular methodological assumption. As a point of departure for our analysis we adopted the conception of the ideological morphology by Michael Freeden. In line with it, we assumed that ideologies are not fully distinct entities but they interact with one another. They are also partly overlapping and thus they share some contiguous points. In accordance with the concept of populism, as worked out within our framework, we focused our attention on the problematics of elites and the people. As conceived of by Law and Justice, elites did not discharge their duties, alienating themselves from the society and caring mainly about their own socio-economic interest. Furthermore, the critique of elites was mainly related to their non-democratic genesis and artificially created putative “super-expertise”.Eventually, we proved that populism may be regarded as one of the phenomena characterizing the political thought of Law and Justice.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2018, 25, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Niejednoznaczna odpowiedź miast na populizm i kryzys demokracji
An Ambiguous Response of Cities to Populism and the Crisis of Democracy
Autorzy:
Kowalewski, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/428041.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
miasta
demokracja
populizm
protest
cities
democracy
populism
Opis:
Artykuł rozpoczyna się od rekonstrukcji dyskursu o kryzysie demokracji i reakcji wywoływanych przez ten rodzaj narracji. Następnie omówiono ideę protestu miejskiego, wskazując na dwoiste oblicze obywateli miasta i ambiwalentne reakcje miast na zjawisko dekapilaryzacji władzy. Aby ukazać złożoność i różnorodność opisywanego zagadnienia, autor przywołuje przykłady miejskiego populizmu i reakcji na to zjawisko (między innymi w miastach Polski, Kanady, Włoch, Holandii, Niemiec). Autor w tekście wskazuje, że odpowiedź miast na populizm i kryzys demokracji wzmacnia lub osłabia tendencje autorytarne, zarówno w przypadku działań instytucjonalnych (związanych z tworzeniem i realizacją lokalnej polityki), jak i pozainstytucjonalnych (związanych ze sferą aktywizmu mieszkańców).
In the article, a reconstruction of the crisis of democracy discourse and the reactions to this narration is laid out. Based on this reconstruction, the idea of urban protest is discussed. The dual face of the urban citizenry and ambivalent reactions of cities to the phenomenon of decapillarisation of power are discerned. Several case studies of urban populism (from the cities in Poland, Canada, Italy, Netherlands, Germany) and reaction to it are presented and analyzed in order to demonstrate the complexity and diversity of the problem. The author stipulates that the response of cities to populism and the crisis of democracy may strengthen or weaken authoritarian tendencies both at the level of institutional activities (related to the creation and implementation of local policies) and at the non-institutional level (related to the sphere of activism).
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2019, 3(234); 55-80
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Árpád Schilling: Strzaskać skorupę teatru
Árpád Schilling: To Crack the Carapace of Theatre
Autorzy:
Sztarbowski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/889453.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04
Wydawca:
Instytut im. Jerzego Grotowskiego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
Árpád Schilling
political theatre
populism
Krétakör
Hungary
Opis:
This article covers the work of Hungarian director Árpád Schilling in the perspective of his direct political activities against Viktor Orbán’s manipulations of democracy. The author situates the theatrical activities of this director as a vehicle for understanding contemporary populism. Using the political and sociological categories (like “stubborn structures” or “deep history”), he describes how Schilling generates the vision of politically engaged theatre based on very simple gestures and texts with “deep histories” and how his activities try to transcend the division between “artistic” and “political”.
Źródło:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna; 2020, 156; 1-28
2720-0043
Pojawia się w:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism in Internet Memes. An Investigation with Analytical Approaches from Discourse Analysis and Multimodality
Autorzy:
Hultin Morger, Fabia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2164548.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski i Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Tematy:
populism
populist style
Internet memes
multimodality
discourse
Opis:
This article explores if and how populist elements are expressed in Internet memes within German-language political discourses. This is done by conducting a data-based investigation rooted in the discourse historical approach and multimodality theory. Memes with varying political alignments are analysed with regards to how they express either of the following features of populist style: the appeal to the people vs. the elite, the use of bad manners, and the performance of crisis. Special focus is given to the political context as well as the semiotic resources used to convey populist themes. The findings of this study show that in order for populism to be analysed within memes a gradational perspective on populism is necessary. Applying this method, a diverse variety of populist characteristics can be found in memes, revealing the many possibilities of populist expression in this format.
Źródło:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs; 2022, 16; 277-301
1899-0983
Pojawia się w:
tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Understanding Donald J. Trump. Comprehensive analysis of the political discourse created by the use of rhetoric on Twitter (2015–2021)
Autorzy:
Homańska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/9195741.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
rhetoric
discourse
president
Donald Trump
discrimination
populism
Opis:
This paper aims to explore the correlation between rhetoric, political views, and actions and how the construction of utterances conveys ideological meaning. Specifically, I examine the nature of rhetoric, its structure, and its impact on the overall tone of an utterance. The analysis reveals that rhetorical devices can manipulate and create messages promoting segregation and discrimination. To illustrate this, I focus on D. Trump’s statements, particularly his use of Twitter to communicate. I analyze his selection of vocabulary and figures of speech, demonstrating his use of hate speech and misogynistic and racist thoughts. Drawing on the work of prominent linguists such as T. Van Dijk, R. Harris, and M. Reisigl, I examine the rhetorical devices used by Trump and their influence on the overall message conveyed. I support the analysis with press publications, articles, and books that provide further insight into Trump’s language use. The conclusions summarize my findings and emphasize the link between rhetoric and political actions and views.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2023, 24; 28-44
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populist retrotopia: On the road to culture war
Autorzy:
Szczegóła, Lech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/chapters/11174512.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-28
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
right-wing populism
ideology
retrotopia
cultural war
Opis:
The subject of the article is the phenomenon of successes of right-wing parties and their leaders. The contemporary rise of radical populism and its geopolitical scope are reflected in the discourse of its new features. Such a discussion offers a wealth of concepts and notions. Most of them describe practices of “dismantling” democracy, threats of dictatorship or even fascism. The presented analysis focuses on the question of the ideological identity of cases that can be specified as consolidated populism. The thesis I advance shows that the source of the durability of electoral support is a specific narrative based on a thinking style which Zygmunt Bauman termed “retrotopia.” This popular world view functions as a legitimizing myth, which the process of limiting democracy hides in the form of culture war. I conclude that the concept of retrotopia adds little to the distinction between today’s different varieties of populist movements and political leaders.
Źródło:
The Virus of Radicalization; 249-258
9788366386334
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawo podatkowe w cieniu populizmu (na przykładzie Polskiego Ładu)
Autorzy:
Radzikowski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/48567346.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-11-13
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
tax law
populism
tax justice
Polski Ład
Opis:
Tax law populism should be associated more with a populist economic policy than with the legal populism. Populist economic policy requires an increase in social spending, while the source of financing is the public debt or an increase in tax burdens. However, the tax increase is hidden from the public due to the complexity of regulations and the method of settlement, imposing levies that are less noticeable by society (indirect taxes) and changing the structure of direct tax burdens for various social groups (primarily a raise for the wealthy).
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica; 2022, 91; 334-350
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Drugs and State Vigilantism as a Strategy of Political Activity: The Example of Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia
Autorzy:
Bielawski, Kornel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22357522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Southeast Asia
drugs
state vigilantism
political strategy
populism
Opis:
The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2023, 3(53); 43-54
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Parliament Elections in Lithuania: Populist Competition in the Shadow of the Presidential Vote
Autorzy:
Aleknonis, Gintaras
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514527.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
European Parliament
Lithuania
elections
campaign
electoral slogan
populism
Opis:
The 2014 European Parliament elections in Lithuania were successful for mainstream political parties: no new-born political movement came up in the political scene; no open Euro-sceptic party was able to gain any seats. But such a victory came at a price: the major European topics (joining the euro-zone, land-ownership by the foreigners) were left aside; the EP electoral campaign was overshadowed by Presidential elections with populist discussions about Russian threats and national security. The coincidence of two political campaigns boosted the voter turnout and made a significant impact on the distribution of MEP seats; because of the higher turnout, smaller parties were able to enter the EP, while two established parties with devoted core voters suffered some losses compared to the 2009 EP elections.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 39-56
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism, de-globalization, and media competition: The spiral of noise
Autorzy:
Müller, Henrik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/470963.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
populism
globalization
media economics
agenda setting
media policy
Opis:
Populism is increasingly turning against globalization, thereby threatening the stability of the international order. In the vast debate about the causes of the current backlash many factors have been discussed, without explicitly analyzing the role of the media. This paper strives to fill this gap. It focuses on the interaction between politics, economics, and the media in the context of globalization-related issues. In applying a media economic framework it shows that the rise of populism can be interpreted as the consequence of rational choices of different groups of players. The result is a spiral of noise of ever more extreme anti-globalist rhetoric and policies.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2017, 10, 1 (18); 64-78
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Examining the populist communication logic: Strategic use of social media in populist political parties in Norway and Sweden
Autorzy:
Kalsnes, Bente
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471286.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
social media
political communication
populism
election
Norway
Sweden
Opis:
Previous research has demonstrated that right-wing populist parties are particularly successful in gaining engagement and interaction on social media, but less is known about how rightwing populist parties use social media strategically, both in relation to voters and news media. By focusing on two Nordic countries, Norway and Sweden, this paper addresses the strategic use of social media within the Sweden Democrats and the Progress Party based on three different data sets: interviews, content analysis of Facebook posts, and engagement data from the parties’ Facebook pages. This study finds that the two populist parties basically follow up their social media strategy in practice, and the Sweden Democrats are more closely following a populist communication logic in their Facebook posts. The article argues that right-wing populist parties’ social media strategy and communication style must be understood in relation to their position in the political system and the parties’ different phases in the life cycle model of populist parties.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2019, 12, 2/23; 187-205
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nonverbal components of the populist style of political communication: A study on televised presidential debates in Poland
Autorzy:
Piontek, Dorota
Tadeusz-Ciesielczyk, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471290.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
nonverbal communication
populism
political communication
television debates
elections
Opis:
While much of the scholarship on populist political communication focuses on its content and a verbal style, less is known about the nonverbal cues accompanying populist messages. This paper aims in filling that gap by providing findings of the study on characteristics of nonverbal communication of two Polish presidential candidates: Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda, traced during two debates broadcast on television before the second round of the presidential elections in 2015. The results revealed that both candidates employed nonverbal cues such as appearance, eye contact, facial expressions, or gestures that emphasized their references towards the people or negative attitudes towards elites expressed in their verbal messages. The study also proved that the methods used previously in research on nonverbal content on television observational protocols and analysis of facial expressions may be successfully employed in studies on nonverbal components of the populist style of communication.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2019, 12, 2/23; 150-168
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
From local clientelism to populism – the case of Radu Mazăre
Autorzy:
Pandelea, Sabin
Mieczkowski, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism, clientelism
local political elites
electoral linkages
accountability
Opis:
The fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe imposed not only a transition towards a new regime, but also the reconstruction of the democratic institutions. That meant, as Peter Mair puts it, that the firsts to come to power had the great advantage of shaping the administration and government agencies for their own benefit. This consequently led to establishing clientelistic networks and party patronage by spoiling offices. At the same time, the new post-communist democracies had to transform themselves, from a totalitarian regime with a unique party which controlled merely every aspect of politics and society, into pluralistic societies with multiparty systems. That also meant that the political actors had to win their positions through an open and democratic electoral process, thus having to create electoral linkages in order to secure their sits. Many local political figures in post-communist Romania interpreted this new situation by buying the votes and by establishing clientelistic linkages, based on offering various goods, favors or social security benefits in the exchange of the vote and of the electoral support. These practices led to the emergence of powerful local political elites, with increased popular support and significant influence in the party structure due to their electoral linkages, the so-called local barons. This paper seeks to explore the connection between such local electoral clientelistic networks and the populist approach employed by the respective local political elites.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populist Political Movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár)
Populistyczna Partia Polityczna Jesteśmy Rodziną – Boris Kollár
Autorzy:
Školkay, Andrej
Žúborová, Viera
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620030.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Slovakia
Sme rodina – Boris Kollár
populism
Słowacja
populizm
Opis:
Artykuł opisuje badanie wyjaśniające dotyczące populistycznego ruchu politycznego Sme rodina – Borisa Kollára (Jesteśmy Rodziną – Boris Kollár, od listopada 2019 wyłącznie Sme rodina). W pierwszej kolejności artykuł umieszcza ruch w generalnej koncepcji sui generis rodziny partii politycznych (partia niszowa), w przeciwieństwie do niektórych klasyfikacji określających ruch jako przede wszystkim populistyczną partię protestu, koncentrującą się na niektórych kwestiach niszowych, a dopiero w drugiej kolejności jako partię przedsiębiorców. Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie dlaczego partia uważana jest za populistyczną przez licznych politycznych i niepolitycznych aktorów i analityków. Artykuł również sugeruje, że w rzeczywistości nie ma zakładanego bezpośredniego związku pomiędzy poparciem dla tej partii a pogorszeniem się poziomu życia, jak czasem jest to przedstawiane w dyskursie publicznym. Wręcz przeciwnie, artykuł sugeruje, że mogą występować silniejsze powiązania pomiędzy względnym ubóstwem, poczuciem opuszczenia przez polityczne elity/partie a niskim poziomem wykształcenia. Ponadto, istotną rolę odgrywa znajomość lidera partii (o statusie celebryty), który często pojawiał się i był opisywany przez media bulwarowe (tabloidy). Z tego powodu, wiele młodych kobiet oddało głos na tę partię. Partia zaczęła również podnosić kwestie postrzegane jako problematyczne, którymi poprzednie rządy i inne partie polityczne nie zajmowały się w ogóle lub w niewystarczającym stopniu (kwestie niszowe lub szczególnie istotne).
This is an exploratory study of populist political movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár, since November 2019 only Sme rodina). The paper first locates this movement into a lose concept/sui generis family of political parties (the niche party), arguing in contrast to some typologies that this is primarily protest populist party presenting some niche issues, and only secondarily, an entrepreneurial party. The paper also answers the question why this party is considered as being populist by many political and non-political actors and analysts. The paper also suggests that there is actually non-existent, but assumed direct correlation between the support for this party and the decline in the standard of living, as sometimes presented in public discourse. In contrast, it is suggested here that there may be stronger links between relative poverty, feeling of being abandoned by political elites/parties, and low educational levels. Moreover, there played an important role previous knowledge (celebrity status) of the party leader who was often presented and discussed in tabloid media. For this reason, many young females voted for this party. The party also managed to raise a widely perceived problematic issue that was seen as not tackled sufficiently or at all by the previous governments and other competing political parties (the niche or salient issue).
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2019, 4; 5-26
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Bias of Mediatization: Utopia in Charlottesville
Autorzy:
Mlađenović, Nikola
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/691360.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
mediatization
neoliberalism
populism
bias of communication
Donald Trump
Opis:
The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a view of the future in line with temporalized Platonism that excludes people that belong to the past. The clash of statues and media in Charlottesville presented mediatization as a progressive but not dialectical force. Statues and media did not check each other’s biases. Media embody the confrontation of authority and publicity (Habermas) or the Enlightenment and Absolutism (Koselleck). After the neoliberal commercialization, the Enlightenment acquired the form of utopian future that confronts the media logic against conservative forces. The truth is constructed according to the prescribed future. Trump blamed all, in accordance with the Absolutist principle. Commercial media professionalism stood by its Enlightenment origins and accused Trump of revitalizing forces of the past. Because most citizens were against taking down the statues, commercialized media logic was less receiver steering than the public service media.
Źródło:
Mediatization Studies; 2019, 3
2451-1188
Pojawia się w:
Mediatization Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Anxiety Determinants of Populist Attitudes among Young People
Lękowe uwarunkowania postaw populistycznych wśród osób młodych
Autorzy:
Plecka, Danuta
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1943973.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
anxiety
populism
young elector
lęk
populizm
młody wyborca
Opis:
In 2015, so-called double (i.e., presidential and parliamentary) elections were held in Poland. The unquestionable winner of these elections was Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość], using slogans such as “good change” or “we’ll make it” in the campaign. The leitmotif of this campaign was discrediting any activities, including achievements, of the Civic Platform [Platforma Obywatelska] / Polish Peasant Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe] coalition, addressing a “simple man” or the nation, and pointing out the need to involve the state institutions to implement the “good change” in favor of the “simple man”. Thus, Law and Justice adopted the anti-elitist position, pointing to the “pathologies of democracy in Poland”, mainly caused by the rule of the Liberals. Initiating the populist style of thinking was one of the reasons for the party’s success. This was an interesting research problem for us, especially that Law and Justice gained the trust of many young voters, aged 18–24. The success of Kukiz’15 Election Committee, based on the third place achieved by musician Paweł Kukiz in the presidential election, was also very significant for our research questions. It was fascinating because Kukiz’15 Electoral Committee, apart from the popular slogan about the need to establish single-member electoral districts (JOW) and anti-elitist approach, did not offer the voters any vision of socio-political order in terms of ideology or programme. Still, it managed to persuade citizens to vote for Kukiz’15 in the parliamentary election. These premises led to a research problem concerning the analysis of anxiety determinants that contributed to the positive reaction of voters, especially young ones, to the populist elements of the electoral campaign. Obviously, the fact that so-called soft populism is an inherent characteristic of all electoral campaigns was taken into account. Furthermore, we took into consideration the widespread occurrence of populist slogans in virtually all political programmes. Still, some questions remained unanswered, and the aim of the present study was to answer them. The primary question to answer is about the degree to which individual anxiety dispositions influence the development of populist attitudes among young people. Another important question is whether these are strong populist attitudes or just populist tendencies. The research results presented below are exploratory in character: this is only an introduction to further search for the answers to the above-mentioned questions.
W 2015 roku w Polsce odbyły się tzw. podwójne wybory: prezydenckie i parlamentarne. Niekwestionowanym zwycięzcą tych elekcji zostało Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, posługujące się w kampanii wyborczej między innymi takimi hasłami wyborczymi, jak „dobra zmiana” czy „damy radę”. Lejtmotywem kampanii było dyskredytowanie wszelkich działań, w tym także osiągnięć koalicji rządowej Platforma Obywatelska–Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, zwracanie się do „prostego człowieka”, narodu, a także wskazywanie na konieczność uruchomienia instytucji państwa w celu realizacji „dobrej zmiany” na rzecz tegoż „prostego człowieka”. Tym samym PiS zajęło pozycję antyelitystyczną, wskazując na „patologie demokracji w Polsce”, których przyczyną były przede wszystkim rządy „liberałów”. Uruchomienie populistycznego stylu myślenia było jedną, choć nie jedyną, przyczyną sukcesu ugrupowania. Zwróciło to naszą uwagę badawczą, tym bardziej że PiS zdobył duży poziom zaufania wśród młodych wyborców, w wieku 18–24 lata. Duże znaczenie dla stawianych przez nas pytań badawczych miał także sukces Komitetu Wyborczego Kukiz’15, stworzonego na bazie zagospodarowywania sukcesu odniesionego przez muzyka Pawła Kukiza w wyborach prezydenckich (trzeci wynik). KW Kukiz’15 bowiem, poza nośnym hasłem o konieczności stworzenia jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych (JOW) oraz antyelityzmem, ideowo i programowo nie oferował wyborcom żadnej wizji porządku społeczno-politycznego. Pomimo to udało się przekonać obywateli do pomysłu oddania głosu na Kukiz’15 w wyborach parlamentarnych. Powyższe przesłanki spowodowały pojawienie się problemu badawczego dotyczącego analizy lękowych uwarunkowań, które przyczyniły się do pozytywnej reakcji wyborców, szczególnie osób młodych, na populistyczne wątki w kampanii wyborczej. Oczywiście pod uwagę został wzięty fakt, że tzw. miękki populizm jest nieodłączną cechą wszystkich kampanii wyborczych. Ponadto uwzględniono także powszechność haseł populistycznych – ich obecność w zasadzie we wszystkich programach politycznych. Pomimo to pozostały pytania, na które przeprowadzone badania miały dać odpowiedź. Do podstawowych należy przede wszystkim to, w jakim stopniu dyspozycje lękowe jednostki wpływają na kształtowanie się postaw populistycznych wśród osób młodych. Nie mniej ważne jest pytanie, czy mamy do czynienia ze zdecydowanymi postawami populistycznymi, czy jedynie z tendencjami populistycznymi wśród młodych. Zaprezentowane poniżej wyniki badań mają charakter eksploracyjny – są jedynie wstępem do dalszych poszukiwań odpowiedzi na postawione pytania.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2016, 52; 256-269
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Politics Of Melodrama: The Serialization Of Populism In Kirchner’s Presidency
Autorzy:
Ponti, Martín
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526467.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Univerzita sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Fakulta masmediálnej komunikácie
Tematy:
Populism
Political Discourse
Peronism
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
Opis:
As part of a diplomatic tour to the United States in 2012, now ex-president of Argentina Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, gave a series of speeches at various institutions of higher learning. The Argentinean press covering the President’s visits coded their analysis following a melodramatic code reminiscent of popular serialized programming known in Latin America as telenovelas (Soap operas in the Anglo-American media context). Conservative and right leaning media outlets used the telenovela formula to construct Kirchner as a villain, due to her promotion of a populist participatory democracy in opposition to neoliberal economic policies. Journalists followed the Kirchner tour closely, and each of her visits were framed as episodes full of the genre’s markers with clearly delineated cliff-hangers, explosive revelations, and competing dichotomous characters. In order to understand the uses of melodramatic paradigm, I am proposing a close reading of the staging, performance and the speeches Kirchner held at Harvard University. I argue in this article that Kirchner employs the code of melodrama to speak to her constituents, but it is also her adversaries which frame a condemnation of the President using similarly structured telenovela paradigm. I am interested in addressing how the telenovela/ melodramatic code is appropriated by both opposing political sides and the implications this has on the television genre as a purveyor of political discourse.
Źródło:
Media Literacy and Academic Research; 2020, 1; 32-45
2585-8726
Pojawia się w:
Media Literacy and Academic Research
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nayib Bukele: populism and autocratization, or a very popular democratically elected president?
Autorzy:
Nilsson, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2129844.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-19
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
democratic recession
autocratization
populism
President Bukele
El Salvador
Opis:
This article is about Nayib Bukele’s presidency in El Salvador, and to what extent it is a case of populism, and if it has contributed to a negative democratic development between 2019–2021. By using the concepts of democratic backsliding, autocratization, and populism, three main conclusions are made. First, actions taken by Bukele during his presidency has directly contributed to a negative democratic development. Second, both during the electoral campaign and in office, there are also signs of populism, such as anti-pluralism, hijacking the state, mass clientelism, and a feeling of a less democratic civil society and free media. Consequently, Bukele has pushed the country into a process of autocratization, where the future destiny toward less democracy is still uncertain.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2022, 12, 2; 16-26
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Theorising an Omnipresent Concept. Memory as a Thickening Factor of Populism
Autorzy:
Mazzini, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28706875.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
populism
memory
symbolic thickening
historical revisionism
ideational approach
Opis:
Within various fields of social sciences, populism is being constantly re-conceptualised to create a possibly most holistic definition of the phenomenon, one which would encompass all of its structural features and allow it to be applied to the largest number of empirical manifestations. Nonetheless, across different disciplines a growing consensus gains traction to define populism through the framework of ideology. As such, populism is understood as possessing a capability to attach itself to more powerful ideological concepts – nationalism, socialism, fascism. Thus, the central question in the study of populism as ideology needs to focus on the mechanics of strengthening populism in a given case. What makes one populism more radical than another? Using Freeden’s ideational approach and Mudde’s work on factors influencing intensity and efficiency of populism, this paper argues that the perception of the past in a given community, constructed through collective memory policies and expressed by means of historical revisionism, works as a ‘thickening agent’ fostering electoral success and increasing political durability of populist governance. Although seeking to create primarily a theoretical contribution, it will also encompass evidence of that modality from studying collective memory policies under Poland’s Law and Justice Party rule between 2015 and 2019.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2023, 128; 27-44
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
American Perspective on the Quality of Democracy in Poland
Autorzy:
Jureńczyk, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411138.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
quality of democracy
United States
Polska
democratic backsliding
populism
Opis:
The American model of democracy is identified with liberal democracy, which in the West is usually considered a democracy of the highest quality standards. The illiberal authorities in Poland criticize this model of democracy, introducing a number of legal changes which, in their opinion, are to lead to an improvement in the quality of democracy. American researchers quite unequivocally criticize the changes, especially those taking place in the area of independence of the judiciary, freedom of the media and women’s rights. They also criticize the attitude of the Polish authorities towards minorities, including LGBTQ+ communities. Criticism also appeared from the American authorities, although in this case we were dealing with a large variation in the approach of individual administrations. The aim of the article is to analyze and evaluate the American perspective on the quality of democracy in Poland. During the research, scientists and experts from research institutions in Washington, D.C. and New York were interviewed.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 46 (53); 9-25
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podmiotowość megalotymiczna jako efekt populistycznych strategii narracyjnych
Megalothymic Subjectivity as a Result of Populist Narrative Strategies
Autorzy:
Bielawski, Kornel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/25805891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
podmiotowość
megalotymia
thymos
populizm
Donald Trump
subjectivity
megalothymia
populism
Opis:
The article addresses the phenomenon of megalothymic subjectivity as an indirect effect of the systemic weakness of modern liberal democracy. By using Donald Trump’s narrative strategies as an example, the author shows how populism creates in voters’ minds an imagined reality of conspiracy, danger, and loss of human decency. The process of populist communication takes the form of a story with an upcoming decisive moment, the victory of good or evil. A voter being shaped in such manner sees himself both as a part of a significant and strong community and as a victim of hostile actions of politicians on the national and international scene. The voter in such a position begins to manifest attitudes indicating a desire to regain his supposedly lost subjectivity, the extreme manifestation of which was the attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021.
Artykuł podejmuje problematykę zjawiska podmiotowości megalotymicznej, ujawniającej się jako efekt pośredni systemowej słabości współczesnej demokracji liberalnej. Na przykładzie strategii narracyjnych Donalda Trumpa autor wskazuje, jak populizm kreuje w wyborcach wyobrażoną rzeczywistość spisku, zagrożenia i utraty ludzkiej wartości. Proces komunikowania populistycznego przybiera formę opowieści z nadchodzącym rozstrzygnięciem w postaci zwycięstwa dobra lub zła. Wyborca podlegający takiemu kształtowaniu postrzega siebie jednocześnie jako element znaczącej i silnej zbiorowości i jako ofiarę wrogich działań polityków na scenie krajowej i międzynarodowej. Znajdując się w takiej pozycji, wyborca zaczyna przejawiać postawy wskazujące na chęć odzyskania utraconej rzekomo podmiotowości, czego skrajnym przejawem był atak na amerykański Kapitol 6 stycznia 2021 roku.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2023, 78; 238-252
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demokracja bezpośrednia w Polsce jako instrument populistycznej polityki
Direct democracy in Poland as an instrument of populist politics
Autorzy:
Dzwończyk, Joanna Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421128.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
populizm
demokracja
demokracja bezpośrednia
referendum
populism
democracy
direct democracy
Opis:
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to show the relationship between the use of direct democracy instruments and populism in Poland. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The basic issue is to demonstrate the instrumental use of the referendum institution and the citizen's referendum initiative to carry out current political interests by both the ruling and opposition parties, leading to the objectification of society and facilitating populist influence. The text refers to the conclusions of two populism`s - the populism of  politicians and populism of voters and the case analysis method – which was applied to five national referenda after 1989 and to the ten civic referendum initiatives taken over the same period. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Starting from the indication of the common ground of democracy and populism, what is the people,  it has been pointed out that populism has an instrumental approach to citizens, whose voices are heard by politicians but often generated, only when they recognize him as useful for their interests. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis showed that there is justification for the instrumental treatment of both of the discussed forms of direct democracy, what conducive to the populism of politicians, while at the same time strengthens the populism of voters. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The reach of Polish politicians to direct democratic institutions, such as the referendum and the civic referendum initiative, is a selective one and is characterized by far-reaching selfish pragmatism, which has the power to make the instruments of legitimation of their decisions. 
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest pokazanie zależności między stosowaniem instrumentów demokracji bezpośredniej a populizmem w Polsce. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Podstawowym zagadnieniem jest wykazanie instrumentalnego wykorzystywania instytucji referendum i obywatelskiej inicjatywy referendalnej do realizacji bieżących interesów politycznych zarówno przez partie sprawujące władzę, jak i te pozostające w opozycji, co prowadzi do uprzedmiotowienia społeczeństwa i ułatwia populistyczne oddziaływania. W tekście odwołano się do koncepcji dwóch populizmów – populizmu polityków i populizmu wyborców oraz metody analizy przypadku – którą zastosowano w odniesieniu do pięciu przeprowadzonych po 1989 r. referendów ogólnokrajowych i dziesięciu, podjętych w tym samym okresie, obywatelskich inicjatyw mających na celu doprowadzenie do zarządzenia przez Sejm referendum ogólnokrajowego. PROCES WYWODU: Wychodząc od wskazania wspólnej podstawy demokracji i populizmu, jaką jest lud, wskazano, że populizm cechuje się instrumentalnym podejściem do obywateli, których głos jest przez polityków słuchany, ale i często generowany tylko wtedy, gdy uznają go za przydatny do realizacji ich interesów. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Przeprowadzona analiza pokazała, iż uzasadnione jest twierdzenie o instrumentalnym traktowaniu obu omawianych form demokracji bezpośredniej, co sprzyja populizmowi polityków, wzmacniając jednocześnie populizm wyborców. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Odwoływanie się przez polskich polityków do instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej, jaką jest referendum i obywatelska inicjatywa referendalna, ma charakter wybiórczy i cechuje się daleko posuniętym egoistycznym pragmatyzmem, który ma z tych instrumentów uczynić narzędzie uprawomocnienia podejmowanych przez nich decyzji.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2018, 9, 28; 59-72
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Interaction specifics of political and comic in popular culture
Specyfika interakcji polityki i komiksu w kulturze popularnej
Autorzy:
Pavlova, Olena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1376042.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Zielonogórski. Wydział Humanistyczny
Tematy:
comic
political
popular culture
de-differentiation
populism
post-modern
Opis:
The study is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the comic and political in the logic of the popular culture organization. The latter is defined as a form of de-differentiation of mass and elite cultures. It differs from the democratic foundations of Antiquity, where the political needed forms of critical comedy under circumstances of the external institutions absence for self-correction. In the same way, the postmodern situation in the conditions of de-differentiation of all forms of culture gives populism as a new form of political and comic interaction in the conditions of the crisis of the Modernity basic institutions. Postmodern synthesis of political comic and administration of horror testifies to a dedifferentiation in popular culture, and is a symbol of the end of the social. The horror of the total chaos of personified corruption highlights the ironic evidence of their political scheme and the comic populism of their representations. Unlike the comic of Antiquity, where theatrical satire was a way of social criticism of political leaders, and, consequently, a way of increasing meaning, the comic populism of post-modernity is a way of concealing the disappearance of meaning. Although both historical versions of the interaction of political and comic work in the logic of the sign and dominant of popular culture in these periods.
Źródło:
International Journal of Slavic Studies Transgressive, Pragmatic and Speculative Horizons of Popular Literature and Culture; 2019, 1, 1; 99-108
2658-154X
Pojawia się w:
International Journal of Slavic Studies Transgressive, Pragmatic and Speculative Horizons of Popular Literature and Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Lithuanian Election 2016: the Mainstream Left and Right Rejected by Voters Angry with the Establishment
Autorzy:
Valentinavicius, Virgis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514652.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Lithuanian politics
Lithuanian election
party politics
populism
establishment
radicalism
Opis:
In the 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election the established political parties suffered an unexpected and crippling defeat at the hand of the Lithuanian Peasant and Green Union (Lietuvos valstiečių ir žaliųjų sąjunga, LVŽS), a populist one-size-fits-all formation. The aim of this article is to identify and analyze major reasons of the populist victory in Lithuania in the context of global trend of trumpisation of politics. The traditional message of the establishment parties to take care of the economy, to advance foreign investment and improve business climate did not appeal to voters, while the LVŽS made a point of talking about issues people wanted to hear: the need to tackle social exclusion and poverty; to address the privileged position of big business; to fight endemic corruption; to deal with the underfunding of education and culture. The electoral message of the winner combines the hard left promise of radical change on socioeconomic issues and the far right conservative approach to identity politics, human rights, minority rights, gender equality, and refugees. The LVŽS did its best to look as an anti-establishment, anti-party politics force, a loose and wide amalgam of contrasting personalities and contradicting messages. At the same time, the major factor behind the ‘revolutionary’ victory for radical change seems to be the inability of the mainstream parties to sense the change of sentiment of the electorate and to address the growing grievances of the public. The Lithuanian anti-establishment revolt is being compared with Donald Trump’s victory in the US, Brexit in the UK, Poland after the last election in 2015, and Hungary under Victor Orban.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 14; 19-34
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populist and Nationalist Trends in the Polish Influential Press: Pro-European or Euro-Skeptical?
Autorzy:
Leśniczak, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647822.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism, nationalism, pro-European attitude, Euro-skepticism, influential press
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to determine the level of populist and nationalist trends in the Polish influential press articles related to the global financial crisis triggered on 15 September 2008 by the collapse of the Lehman Brothers investment bank. The result of the Polish presence in the European Union and NATO structures is that the crisis situations in Western Europe and the USA constitute an important topic for Polish media, and allow for the assessment of the level of approval/criticism towards the Western world. The author assumed that the domination of populist and nationalist trends is a sign of Euro-skepticism, while their presence that is not more than incidental – a sign of pro-European attitude. The paper versions of the most influential Polish press titles constitute the research material, namely daily papers: “Rzeczpospolita” and “Gazeta Wyborcza” and weekly magazines: “Newsweek Polska” and “Polityka”.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2019, 26, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Egalitarian Democracy between Elitism and Populism
Autorzy:
Cerovac, Ivan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628180.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
Ranciere, democratic legitimacy, elitism, populism, epistemic proceduralism, deliberative democracy
Opis:
In his influential book Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy Jacques Ranciere builds a substantial critique of liberal regimes present in most Western countries. He finds them defective because: (1) they allow wealth and economic power of groups and individuals to influence public decision-making, making those with economic power an elite group; (2) they allow knowledge and expertise of groups and individuals to influence public decision-making, making those with epistemic power an elite group; (3) they allow and encourage social and economic conditions that make people inappropriate for decision-making on important issues, making those with certain characteristics thus acquired an inferior group. We focus on the Ranciere’s second objection by relying on Estlund’s epistemic proceduralis approach and claim that one does not have to embrace postmodernist idea of reducing reason to relations of power in order to present a substantial critique of our contemporary society. Furthermore, we argue that one does not have to base egalitarian democracy on postmodernist ideas that reject the truth-tracking potential of democratic procedures – egalitarian democracy is perfectly compatible with the idea of truth in politics.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2014, 5, 2; 31-42
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elitist Democracy as the Root of Populist Counter-Revolution: A Theoretical Approach
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2048207.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-14
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
elitist democracy
crisis of liberal democracy
counter-revolution
populism
Opis:
The article aims to critically discuss elitist democracy as one of the possible causes of the contemporary crisis of liberal democracy. The research problem is the question about the essential elements of the concept of elitist democracy, which potentially account for the populist counter-revolution aimed at changing the political systems formed after 1989. The theoretical background of this paper is provided by the studies on the crisis of democracy, which have been conducted in recent years and presented by Jan Zielonka, or the duets of Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes as well as Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin. The analysis makes it possible to state that relations between elites and non-elites are crucial for elitist democracy, and they include the process of elites distancing themselves from non-elites, depreciating the needs of non-elites and their importance within the political system, and privileging the position of the elites. In turn, the indicated features of elitist democracy constitute the areas of populist criticism of liberal democracy.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2021, 38 (45); 145-155
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Between Vision and Scandal. Analysis of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump’s Language During the American Presidential Primaries
Autorzy:
Rydliński, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519401.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
democracy
socialism
right-wing politics
left-wing politics
populism
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to analyse the political language of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump during the 2015/2016 presidential primaries in the United States. The narrative delivered by both candidates is interpreted from the perspective of political science in order to show not only its ideological and political content, but also the electoral significance. The author stresses not only the highly particular nature of the analyzed primaries of the Democratic and Republican Parties, but also discusses the character of the candidates themselves. Sanders and Trump not only represented the populist answer to the 8 years of presidency of Barack Obama (on the left and right side of the political spectrum respectively), but were also the main candidates of the American anti-establishment circles, which becomes very clear in the analysis of their political language.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2018, 26 (33); 29-41
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Imitacja, deprywacja, kontrrewolucja… W poszukiwaniu nieoczywistych źródeł wojny plemion?
Imitation, deprivation, counter-revolution ... In search of non-obvious sources of tribal war?
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/10147649.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-11-11
Wydawca:
Instytut Dyskursu i Dialogu
Tematy:
deprywacja
polityka imitacji
populizm
deprivation
politics of imitation
populism
Opis:
Artykuł stanowi w pierwszej kolejności wyjaśnienie znaczenia pojęć takich jak deprywacja oraz Polityka Imitacji, a następnie określenia ich potencjalnego wpływu na zjawisko wojny plemion. Problemem badawczym jest pytanie, czy związane z kryzysem demokracji kategorie polityki imitacji i względnej deprywacji mogą stanowić jedno z źródeł wojny plemion, oraz w jaki sposób owo powiązanie mogłoby się realizować. Problem analizowany jest w kontekście procesu określanego mianem kontrrewolucji względem przemian, jakie nastąpiły po 1989 roku.
First of all, the article explains the meaning of such terms as deprivation and the Politics of Imitation, and then determines their potential impact on the phenomenon of tribal war. The research problem is whether the categories of the politics of imitation and relative deprivation related to the crisis of democracy can constitute one of the sources of tribal war and how this link could be realized? The problem is analyzed in the context of the process known as the counter-revolution in relation to the changes that took place after 1989.
Źródło:
Dyskurs & Dialog; 2021, (2) 8; 9-26
2658-2368
2658-2406
Pojawia się w:
Dyskurs & Dialog
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Who Is a Right-Wing Supporter? On the Biographical Experiences of Young Right-Wing Voters in Poland and Germany
Autorzy:
Mrozowicki, Adam
Trappmann, Vera
Seehaus, Alexandra
Kajta, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/623415.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Right-Wing Populism
Biographical Research
Precarious Work
Polska
Germany
Opis:
This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.
Źródło:
Qualitative Sociology Review; 2019, 15, 4; 212-235
1733-8077
Pojawia się w:
Qualitative Sociology Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola mediów w kreowaniu zagrożeń i sprzyjaniu populizmowi
The Role of the Media in Creating Threats and Supporting Populism
Autorzy:
Filar, Marian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698704.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
media
populizm
prawo karne
mass media
populism
penal law
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 489-493
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
50 Shades of Radicalism: an Analysis of Contemporary Radical Parties in Europe
Autorzy:
Bartoszewicz, Monika Gabriela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648444.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
radical politics
far-right
populism
European politics
societal insecurity
Opis:
The paper provides a comprehensive overview of European radical parties. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether there are common patterns regarding these parties, and to analyse the implications of this phenomenon. In order to achieve the above, the paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, the phenomenon of political radicalisation in contemporary Europe is explored. This leads to mapping the radical political landscape in Europe. Finally, the paper concludes with the analysis of the possible outcomes of radicalisation of European politics including the possible societal effects. By doing so the paper argues that a fresh theoretical approach to comprehend the phenomenon is necessary.
Źródło:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal; 2015, 17; 27-41
1641-4233
2300-8695
Pojawia się w:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przekaz mediów a populizm penalny i jego znaczenie społeczne (na przykładzie sprawy „polskiego Fritzla”)
Autorzy:
Ewelina, Kamińska
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643169.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
mass media, media influence, penal populism, criminal law, pedophilia
Opis:
On November 5th, 2009, the Polish Parliament passed an amendment to the Penal Code, introducing a new preventive measure against pedophilia perpetrators, commonly known as chemical castration. The amended Article 95a, section 1a of the Penal Code concerns, among others, a mandatory referral of the perpetrator of rape of a minor under the age of 15 to outpatient treatment or placement in a closed institution, where they will undergo pharmacological and psychotherapeutic treatment aimed at reducing sex drive. The amendment has been widely criticized by professionals; doctors, sexologists, and criminologists, who underlined ineffectiveness and possible adverse health consequences of the so-called chemical castration, not to mention how its mandatory nature violates the basic rights of the individual.Nevertheless, this law has an extremely large popular support: according to a Millward Brown SMG / KRC survey lab, 79% of Poles approved of the amendment. It is also worth noting that the first announcement of the introduction of the above-mentioned Act took place on September 9th, 2008, and thus on the same day on which the media revealed the so-called Polish Fritzl case, whose perpetrator, Krzysztof B. is currently held imprisoned for sexual abuse of his daughter. The topic of this paper is to answer whether and to what extent the introduction of the so-called ‚chemical castration act’ was infl uenced by the phenomenon of penal populism, and what the role played by media was in this process. It is a research attempt to determine how the Polish media report the allegations of pedophilia crimes and whether the manner of reporting could have infl uenced the public opinion about this kind of crimes and the political decisions about the employed ways of combating it.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze; 2014, 57, 1
0555-0025
2084-3836
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Critical Theory in Regressive Times: Liberalism, Global Populism and the “White Left” in the Twenty-First Century
Autorzy:
Xingfu, Wang
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1033754.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Critical Theory
social progress
regression
liberal left
populism
Habermas
Opis:
In this paper, I consider not only the crisis in conservative neoliberalism and free market economics, but a crisis of representation and plausibility in progressive new liberalism; a situation which leads to deadlock for progressivism in which things cannot progress. In order to address this state of crisis in the global perception of the “white left,” Critical Theory, as a mode of Western liberal thought, needs to rethink the direction of its own criticism. Additionally, Critical Theory needs to adjust its focus to respond to the deadlock presented by the rise of right-wing populism and the derogation of liberal values in these regressive times (I refer antonymically, here, to Jürgen Habermas’s use of the term “progressive”). The radical democratic ideal advocated by Habermas, comprising universal equality and emancipation, should still be the goal for liberalism, and for Critical Theory, but first of all, the achievements and advances liberal progressivism has already made need to be secured to prevent society from regressing. This does not mean making a choice between neoliberalism and authoritarianism, but that a new paradigm of thinking is due. I argue that universality is anterior to cultural pluralism, as are social topics to cultural issues, and justice of distribution to justice of identity. In the complex world of modernity, good things do not come together if there is conflict between desirable values, so choices need to be made: a ranking of real, material conditions is necessary, to ensure cohesion and progression.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica – Aesthetica – Practica; 2019, 34; 67-77
0208-6107
2353-9631
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica – Aesthetica – Practica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Dispute about the Future: Anthropocene and Sustainability as a Challenge
Autorzy:
Wulf, Christoph
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1932009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Anthropocene
sustainability
globalization
facts
truth
populism
grand narrative
utopia
Opis:
The upcoming transformations of today’s societies into sustainable societies pose numerous problems. To avoid the destruction of the foundations of life in the Anthropocene, a profound social and cultural transformation encompassing all areas of life is required. To know how this can be accomplished requires extensive research and knowledge, the reliability of which plays an important role. The more open and diverse the global world becomes, the more difficult it is to determine which facts are important and what consequences can be drawn from them for human action. Instead of a reflexive approach to the results of scientific research, today one often encounters a populist approach to science. Its results are used to support preconceived opinions. One is not interested in new findings but aims at the disparagement of people of other opinions and their hateful insult. A destructive division of society is the result of the debates that are so important for the future of humanity.
Źródło:
Kultura i Edukacja; 2021, 4(134); 13-24
1230-266X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism in the pre-election period: Analysis of the social discourse on the topic of migration in Slovak parliamentary election campaign 2020
Autorzy:
Loziak, Alexander
Piterová, Ivana
Papcunová, Jana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28408744.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
populism
migration
social discourse
polarization
pre-election period
Slovakia
Opis:
The topic of migration is often used by populist and non-populist politicians in order to arouse emotions, polarise social attitudes and thus mobilise voters. The present study aims to identify themes (a cognitive aspect of attitudes) and discrete emotions (an emotional aspect of attitudes) in online social discourse as a reaction to the media posts of the main Slovak political parties on the topic of migration in the pre-election period (January-February 2020). Methodological triangulation of discourse analysis and Text mining was used to analyse the data. Analysis of the discourse revealed that articles with pro-migrant rhetoric provoked more discussion about the security and identity threat, while articles by populists provoked more discussion about the morality of elites and the economic threat of migration. The evoked sentiment throughout the discourse leaned more towards negative emotions (fear, anger) but pro-migrant articles and articles by non-populist politicians evoked also positive emotions (joy). Results indicate that rather than fear of migration, the anticipation of a change in the morale of the elites was the key element of the pre-election period in Slovakia. Limitations and implications of the study are further discussed. The value of this paper lies in focusing on both emotional and cognitive aspects of attitudes towards migration.
Źródło:
Society Register; 2022, 6, 4; 41-62
2544-5502
Pojawia się w:
Society Register
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populistyczne cechy w konstrukcji kategorii ludu w narracjach Prawa i Sprawiedliwości
Populist features in narratives of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość on the idea of the people
Autorzy:
Polakowski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24459857.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12
Wydawca:
Instytut Dyskursu i Dialogu
Tematy:
lud
populizm
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
people
populism
Law and Justice
Opis:
Artykuł przedstawia narracje polityczno-społeczne Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w kontekście występowania w nich populistycznie rozumianej kategorii ludu. W tekście główne elementy populistycznej koncepcji ludu najpierw zostają zrekonstruowane i poddane analizie krytycznej, a następnie rozpoznane w obszarze retoryki i koncepcji partyjnych przedstawicieli Prawa i Sprawiedliwości.
The paper presents the political and social narratives of Law and Justice party in the context of the populistically understood concept of people. The paper firstly provides a critical analysis and reconstruction of main elements of the populist concept of the people, that are subsequently recognized in the rhetoric of the Law and Justice representatives and political agenda of this party.
Źródło:
Dyskurs & Dialog; 2023, 12(2); 38-58
2658-2368
2658-2406
Pojawia się w:
Dyskurs & Dialog
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A New Popular Front, or, on the Role of Critical Jurisprudence under Neo-Authoritarianism in Central-Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Tacik, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685834.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
neo-authoritarianism
constitutional crisis
rule of law
critical jurisprudence
populism
Opis:
The current decade brought a neo-authoritarian wave to the countries in CEE. This process, which in certain respects runs parallel to the populist upsurge in Western countries, has its own specificity. Firstly, by focusing on the clash between “elites” and “the people”, it rekindles – in a displaced, right-wing form – the class conflict which before 1989 was an ideological staple in CEE countries. Secondly, insofar as neo-authoritarianism in CEE has often a distinctly neo-liberal agenda shadowed by declarative anti-globalism and national chauvinism, it warps the field of political struggle. Thirdly, in the neo-authoritarian turn law becomes the crucial field of ideological fight, principally in those countries where populists came to power. In this respect, new governments in CEE resort to a blend of old Fascist tools (such as dismantling of constitutional control and denying the primacy of international law) and new inventions (such as the effective state of exception in some areas of law in Poland introduced in 2015–18). The role of critical jurisprudence in CEE is therefore particularly significant and difficult. The paper argues that liberal jurisprudence, although actively engaged in analysing neo-authoritarianism, does not possess adequate conceptual tools for full success. Therefore critical jurisprudence should urgently take part in explaining neoauthoritarianism in the legal field.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2019, 89; 31-44
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radicals in Central Europe. Real Danger or a Passing Fad
Autorzy:
Marks, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
radicalism
populism
political parties
Central Europe
authoritarianism
democracy
system
transformation
Opis:
The object of this article is to discuss various forms of political radicalism in Central Europe after 1989. This issue is made important by this region’s impact on the Old Continent in its modern history and particular intensification of this phenomenon in countries undergoing dramatic social changes, system transformation in this case. Focusing his attention on Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, the author classifies radical groups as “classic autocrats” and “evolutionary populists.” Differences in ideology, programmes and organization between them as well as their immanent qualities indicate that the popularity of radicals is but a transient phenomenon and poses no threat to the bases of democracy. However, one can consider it a lasting feature of this system, which materializes in the form of changing, disintegrating and yet again reborn groups.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 209-230
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Lesya Ukrainka as а Critic of Polish Literature
Łesia Ukrainka jako krytyk literatury polskiej
Autorzy:
Radyszewśkyi, Rostysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2030932.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Lesya Ukrainka
Polish literature
romanticism
populism‑positivism
modernism
Stanisław Przybyszewski
Źródło:
Slavia Orientalis; 2021, LXX, 2; 317-330
0037-6744
Pojawia się w:
Slavia Orientalis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Bezbożny sojusz”? populizm i wiodące religie monoteistyczne
“Unholy alliance”?: populism and the leading monotheistic religions
Autorzy:
Chrostowski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1912272.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
populism
religion
Judaism
Christianity
Islam
populizm
religia
judaizm
chrześcijaństwo
islam
Opis:
Populizm to jedno z największych wyzwań współczesności nie tylko w rozumieniu kulturowym, społecznym i politycznym, ale także religijnym. Niezależnie od tego, czy to judaizm, chrześcijaństwo lub islam, każda z tych religii wraz z jej symbolami, obrazami, metaforami i przypowieściami, jest narażana na mimowolny i „bezbożny sojusz” z populizmem, który wykorzystuje religię do osiągnięcia własnych celów na drodze politycznej manipulacji, potęgowania postaw antyimigranckich, dewaluacji innych grup społecznych, a także antyestablishmentu i antypluralizmu. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem ukazanie relacji, jakie zachodzą pomiędzy populistyczną „ideologią o cienkim rdzeniu”, a głównymi religiami monoteistycznymi w ramach ideologicznego zawłaszczania religii przez populistów, które posiada każdorazowo jednakowy „punkt styczny”, tj. upolitycznienie religii i sakralizację polityki.
Populism is one of the greatest challenges of today not only in terms of culture, society and politics, but also religion. Whether it is Judaism, Christianity or Islam, each of these religions, with their symbols, images, metaphors and parables, are exposed to an involuntary and “unholy alliance” with populism, which uses religion to achieve its own goals through political manipulation, the intensification of anti-immigrant attitudes, the devaluation of other social groups, as well as anti-establishment and anti-pluralism. The aim of this article is therefore to show the relationship that exists between the populist “thin-core ideology” and the main monotheistic religions within the ideological appropriation of religion by populists, which each time has the same “point of contact,” i.e. the politicization of religion and the sacralization of politics.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2021, 2; 89-103
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Media jako wróg: o retoryce Donalda Trumpa
Media as an enemy: on Donald Trump’s rhetoric
Autorzy:
Miłkowska-Samul, Kamila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/954414.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Katedra Italianistyki. Polskie Towarzystwo Retoryczne
Tematy:
retoryka
populizm
idiolekt polityka
wróg
rhetoric
populism
idiolect politics
enemy
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie jednej ze strategii retorycznych Donalda Trumpa, opartej na konstruowaniu wroga w postaci mediów. Zebrany materiał językowy analizowany jest z perspektywy koncepcji ramowania E. Goffmana, co pozwala na rozpoznanie wprowadzonych przez Trumpa sposobów kategoryzowania i interpretowania elementów rzeczywistości w celach perswazyjnych. Uruchomienie i narzucenie w dyskursie odbiorcom ramy wroga (podział my-oni wraz z jednoznacznym wartościowaniem i emocjonalizacją przekazu) oraz językowe wykładniki pozwalają na uznanie języka Trumpa za populistyczny, a obsadzenie mediów w roli wroga jest przemyślaną strategią polityka.
The aim of this article is to present one of Donald Trump’s rhetorical strategies, namely constructing the press as an enemy. Trump’s linguistic production is analyzed in terms of E. Goffman’s frame analysis, which allows us to recognize how Trump categorizes and interprets the elements of reality with evident persuasive intentions. Activating and imposing the enemy frame in discourse (distinction us-others with unambiguous values assigned to these categories, emotionalization of the message) together with its linguistic exponents may lead to the conclusion that Trump’s discourse is of populist character; moreover, framing the press as an enemy definitely can be seen as the politician’s deliberate rhetorical strategy.
Źródło:
Res Rhetorica; 2018, 5, 2; 2-13
2392-3113
Pojawia się w:
Res Rhetorica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
On the Fringe: Greece, Migration, and Populism
NA POGRANICZU ŚWIATÓW: GRECJA, MIGRACJA I POPULIZM
Autorzy:
Visvizi, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1831877.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04-29
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
migracja
kryzys
populizm
Grecja
uchodźcy
migration
crisis
populism
Greece
refugees
Opis:
Na pograniczu światów: Grecja, migracja i populizm Światowy kryzys finansowy oraz kryzys w strefie euro i ich implikacje stanowiły przyczynek dla ożywienia demagogii i populizmu w krajach Unii Europejskiej (UE). W okresie 2015-2016 kryzysy uchodźczy i migracyjny wzmocniły dynamikę tychże tendencji, tym bardziej że rozgrywająca się na poziomie UE debata na temat migracji stworzyła możliwość wykorzystania tejże, debaty a przez to migracji, do realizacji – niekoniecznie związanych z migracją – celów polityki wewnętrznej wielu krajów członkowskich. Paradoksem jest, że choć Grecja bodajże najbardziej odczuła efekty kryzysów uchodźczego i migracyjnego, migracja nie została wykorzystana w Grecji jako element konkurencji politycznej. Niniejszy artykuł identyfikuje i analizuje czynniki, które się do tego przyczyniły.
The global financial crisis and the euro area crisis and their implications, triggered populism and demagogy, which have fed on people’s ignorance, confusion and despair. As no common EU-level response to the refugee and migration crises was negotiated promptly, over the period 2015-2016 the EU-level debate on migration created a new opportunity for domestic political actors to employ migration as a resource of political competition at home. Paradoxically, in Greece, i.e.  a country so profoundly exposed to the unprecedented influx of migrants, migration has not been used as a resource of political competition. This paper identifies and examines factors that have contributed to that.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2018, 46, 3; 63-75
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and Political Elites
Autorzy:
Pakulski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/561456.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
populism
populist movements
leadership
antielitism
demagogy
elite degeneration
political decay
Opis:
Contemporary populist movements – outlined as an ideal type (anti-elitism, demagogy, “citizenism”, conspiratorial views, and embrace of simple solutions) – are analysed according to the Weberian approach that focuses on leadership groups: their styles, structures, rhetorics, and the relationship with followers. Populist leaders emerge – and populist movements appear – at the times of rapid social change and the accompanying crises. But they also herald the decline of trust and moderation among the leaders and activists. This decline results in deep divisions and antagonisms within political elites which is reflected in populist styles rhetoric. Populist ascendancy is ac-companied by degeneration of political elites and political decay, that is weakening the core political institutions of the state, rule of law, and democratic.
Źródło:
Zoon Politikon; 2018, 9 Special Issue; 1-16
2543-408X
Pojawia się w:
Zoon Politikon
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Jak rozwalić system – populistyczny dyskurs polityczny na przykładzie wypowiedzi Pawła Kukiza
Autorzy:
Wrześniewska-Pietrzak, Marta Maria
Kołodziejczak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/611422.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism
political discourse
Paweł Kukiz
values
populizm
dyskurs polityczny
wartości
Opis:
By analysing the discourse of the Polish politician Paweł Kukiz one may conclude that his populism is manifested both on the content plane and in its linguistic shape. Kukiz’s parliamentary speeches and Facebook posts contain all features constitutive of populism, such as the central position of the people (in contrast to the establishment of “the others”), a simplification of the linguistic worldview (including values), the figure of a leader representing the people. The linguistic side of the discourse is colloquial, close to the average speaker, which imbues it with emotions and expressively evaluates reality, also though the use of metaphors and stereotypes. This kind of communication style helps the politician project an image of himself coherent with the roles he plays, by invoking the archetypes of a warrior and “a kid on the block”, but one that always enjoys a dominant position.
Analiza wypowiedzi Pawła Kukiza pozwala stwierdzić, że przypisywany politykowi populizm widoczny jest zarówno w treściowej warstwie wypowiedzi, jak i jej językowym kształcie. Wystąpienia sejmowe i posty zamieszczane na portalu społecznościowym Facebook zawierają wszystkie cechy konstytutywne dla populizmu, czyli centralnie usytuowany lud w kreowanej przez polityka wizji świata, który przedstawiany jest zawsze w opozycji do elit lub obcych, a także symplifikację językowego obrazu świata (w tym wartości), ponadto obecność lidera występującego z woli ludu. Językowy kształt wypowiedzi polityka odwołuje się do języka potocznego, bliskiego przeciętnemu użytkownikowi języka, dzięki czemu wypowiedzi lidera Kukiz’15 są emocjonalne, wyraziście wartościują opisywaną rzeczywistość, także przez stereotypy i metafory. Tak ukształtowany sposób komunikowania się z odbiorcami tworzy spójną wizję z przyjmowanymi przez polityka rolami, w które wchodzi, przywołując archetypy wojownika, chłopaka z sąsiedztwa, nie wyzbywając się nigdy pozycji dominującej.
Źródło:
Etnolingwistyka. Problemy Języka i Kultury; 2017, 29
0860-8032
Pojawia się w:
Etnolingwistyka. Problemy Języka i Kultury
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pochwała populizmu. Esej polemiczny
In Praise of Populism: A Polemical Essay
Autorzy:
Frieske, Kazimierz W.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/781989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
populism
liberal democracy
social utopia
populizm
demokracja liberalna
utopia społeczna
Opis:
The author supports the claim that attempts to formulate a universal definition of the term “populism” are not worthwhile, because the sense of the term is usually determined by a specific social context. Understanding the utopian nature of populism provides a better understanding of the utopian nature of democracy and allows for a humble departure from dreams of a perfect social order, because, as has been shown in numerous survey studies, the contemporary shift of social mood, attitudes, and opinions toward some version of populism is a relatively simple consequence of the deficiencies of democracy in its neoliberal version.
Źródło:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2019, 63, 4; 103-123
2300-195X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Projekt ustawy o ochronie państwa polskiego przed roszczeniami dotyczącymi mienia bezspadkowego jako przykład populizmu prawnego
The Draft Law on the Protection of the Polish State Against Claims Regarding Heirless Property as an Example of Legal Populism
Autorzy:
Paśnik, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901753.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Tematy:
populizm penalny
populizm prawny
mienie bezdziedziczne
mienie opuszczone
dziedziczenie przez Skarb Państwa
penal populism
legal populism
heirless property
abandoned property
inheritance by the State
Opis:
Autor podejmuje rozważania, czy w polskiej rzeczywistości istnieje zjawisko populizmu prawnego, jakie są jego elementy konstytutywne i czy aktualnie są prowadzone prace legislacyjne nad aktami, które spełniają sformułowane kryteria populizmu. Jako punkt wyjścia autor przyjął założenie, że zauważone przez naukę prawa karnego zjawisko populizmu penalnego można rozpatrywać w szerszym aspekcie, obejmującym wszystkie dziedziny prawa i to zarówno na etapie jego tworzenia, jak i stosowania. Na tak rozumiany populizm prawny składają się, zdaniem autora, stworzony przez J. Widackiego algorytm populizmu penalnego i sformułowane przez T. Pietrzykowskiego założenia prawnego przeciwdziałania populizmowi w polityce oraz występujące w trakcie procesu legislacyjnego tendencje w uzasadnianiu konieczności zmian istniejącego prawa. W dalszej części powyższe założenia autor skonfrontował z treścią projektu ustawy o ochronie państwa polskiego przed roszczeniami dot. tzw. mienia bezspadkowego i jego uzasadnieniem, które pomijało uwarunkowania prawne o zasadniczym znaczeniu dla istoty regulacji. Powyższy zabieg doprowadził autora do końcowej konkluzji, że proponowana regulacja – aczkolwiek w zróżnicowanym stopniu – to spełnia wszystkie sformułowane w opracowaniu o kryteria do uznania go za przejaw populizmu prawnego.
The author deliberates on whether legal populism is present in Polish reality, what the constitutive elements of the phenomenon are and whether draft laws meeting the formulated criteria of populism are currently the subject-matter of legislative work. As the starting point, the author adopted an assumption that the phenomenon of penal populism could be considered in a wider aspect encompassing all branches of law, at the stages of both the creation and application thereof. In the author’s opinion, legal populism – understood as assumed above – includes the penal populism algorithm created by J. Widacki and the principles of legal counteraction to populism in politics formulated by T. Pietrzykowski as well as trends in justifying the necessity to amend the current provisions of law emerging during the legislative process. Next, the author confronts the above assumptions with the proposed draft law on the protection of the Polish State against claims concerning the so-called heirless property and its justifi cation which disregarded legal conditions of principal importance to the substance of the regulation. The comparison has led the author to the fi nal conclusion that the proposed regulation – although to a varying degree – meets all the criteria of a sign of legal populism formulated in the study.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka; 2019, 4(61); 231-246
1733-8050
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
(Liberal) mass media and the (multi)party system in postcommunist Lithuania
Autorzy:
Matonytė, Irmina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471099.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-09
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
political parallelism
populism
communicative democracy
mass-media ownership
public sphere
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to describe and assess the political parallelism pertinent to the post-communist Lithuanian mass media; and to show potential risk (for democracy, civil society) of the absence of the political parallelism. Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institution- alization of ideological confl icts) and politicians (representation). The paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy which the free mass media might present when it gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. Th e (universal) contemporary mass society phenomenon, coupled with the (post- communist regional) ill-structured of the post-communist political field and (local) specific traditions of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere, gave birth to the peculiar absence of the mass- media and politics parallelism in the country. In the conditions of the relative absence of foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda, which hampers development of the civic-minded public sphere and definition of the social and professional responsibilities of the journalism as a profession and as a so- cial category. The Lithuanian mass-media and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2008, 1, 1; 123-144
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Propaganda against the West in the Heart of Europe. A masked offi cial state campaign in Hungary
Autorzy:
Demeter, Márton
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471326.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
political communication
anti-Western propaganda
media bias
populism
migrant crisis
Opis:
There is a twofold crisis in Europe: While mass migration is a serious challenge to the whole EU, we also have member-states striking at the EU itself. Our research shows that Hungary, with its overwhelming political communication, became the first post-socialist EU member state to run official anti-Western propaganda since the end of the Cold War and it seems that other CEEcountries will follow its lead. The campaign does not go against Brussels directly: the real message is hidden between the lines. We analyzed 644 pro-government articles on migration issues. The research shows that anti-Brussels narratives were strikingly frequent, and a new “war vocabulary” propaganda campaign started, stating that the EU is fighting against Hungary, so Hungary has to strike back
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2018, 11, 2/21; 177-197
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Państwa skandynawskie wobec kryzysu migracyjnego w Unii Europejskiej
The Scandinavian States Facing the Migration Crisis in the European Union
Autorzy:
Gruszczak, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/558085.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Scandinavia
Denmark
Sweden
Norway
Security
Migration
Refugees
Populism
Nationalism
Europeanization
Opis:
The migration crisis in the European Union brought about serious repercussions for immigration policies of the Scandinavian countries. Their governments, under pressure from nationalist, populist and anti-immigration political parties and movements, allowed for renationalisation of security mechanisms as a method of risk management in the face of the external migratory pressure. Referring to the concepts of Beck and Fode, this author puts forward a thesis that security renationalisation has been the result of ineffectiveness of compensatory mechanisms introduced to the internal policies of the Scandinavian countries as a result of Europeanisation of their security policies as well as a cosmopolitan approach to global migration governance. The arguments refer to the evolution of the party systems, anti-immigration changes in domestic laws of these countries and cultural tensions.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2018, 3; 75-96
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
LAS AMENAZAS A LA DEMOCRACIA SEGÚN TOCQUEVILLE. LA „TIRANÍA DE LAS MAYORÍAS” EN LOS TIEMPOS ACTUALES
Autorzy:
de los Reyes, Marcelo Javier
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/624765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Tocqueville, democracy
Caesarism
populism
neopopulism
Tocqueville
democracia
cesarismo
populismo
neopopulismo
Opis:
This article is addressed to Tocqueville's vision regarding the virtues of democracy in the United States, particularly regarding the „iqual conditions” but also refers to threats that can affect that form of ruling: the possibility of falling into despotism and tyranny of majorities.From that point it analyzes how these two threats advance in American democracies and, at present, have given rise to talk of „neopopulism”, which refers to the existence of net populist governments in the past. Several American nations went through this kind of politics, which has left serious consequences both to political parties, institutions and in the respective societies. After overcoming the military governments that dominated the political life of the region and after the return of democracy, the author considers that populism has become entrenched again in the form of government in many countries.
En este se aborda la visión de Tocqueville respecto a las virtudes de la democracia en los Estados Unidos, particularmente respecto a la „igualdad de condiciones” pero también se refiere a las amenazas que pueden afectar a esa forma de gobierno: la posibilidad de caer en el despotismo y la tiranía de las mayorías.A partir de ese punto analiza cómo estas dos amenazas avanzan en las democracias americanas y, en la actualidad, han dado lugar a que se hable de „neopopulismos”, lo que alude a la existencia de gobiernos de neto corte populista en el pasado. Varias naciones de América atravesaron por esa forma de hacer política, la cual ha dejado serias secuelas tanto en los partidos políticos, en las instituciones como en las respectivas sociedades. Luego de superar los gobiernos militares que dominaron la vida política de la región y tras el retorno de la democracia, el autor considera que el populismo se conquistó nuevamente en la forma de gobernar en numerosos países.
Brak abstraktu w języku polskim
Źródło:
Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych; 2013, 8
1896-8279
Pojawia się w:
Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism in Bulgaria Between Politicization of Media and Mediatization of Politics
Autorzy:
Raycheva, Lilia
Peicheva, Dobrinka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/691368.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
media, political populism, mediatization, politicization, content analysis of elections, Bulgaria
Opis:
Populism as a political position and rhetorical style is nowadays an object of comprehensive research and multi-faceted social discussions. The strong critical attitude of populists towards the status quo, towards what they regard as the chimera of democracy, is generally intertwined with the function of the media as a corrective factor with regard to government authorities. The development of mankind in the present is characterized by transformation trends in technological, economic, and social spheres. These trends impact the political environment as well. The challenges of the economic crisis, as well as the migration processes are strengthening the position of euro-skeptics and revitalize the development of populism. The present text is focused on the developments of political populism in Bulgaria. The political environment in the country is characterized by almost permanent merge of political entities, which gradually escalates the use of populist approaches, styles and rhetoric. Research attention to this political phenomenon is determined by the success of some newly formed populist parties during the new century, gradually winning considerable numbers of seats in the parliament. The use of populist phraseology is evident among all political parties in the country, whether left- or right-oriented. Bulgarian political actors of a populist trend – including political leaders and parties – have mixed, oftentimes changing, characteristics. this populist phraseology is transmitted to audiences mainly through the media. It has to be noted that the dynamics of the pre-election campaigns during the period of democratization since 1989 has been developing alongside demonopolization, liberalization and transformation of the media system. Deregulation of the radio and TV broadcasting sector dragged on, giving way to the development of two mutually bound processes – politicization of the media and mediatization of politics. The paper is structured in three methodologically interconnected parts, presenting: an overview of the process of politicization of the media and mediatization of politics in Bulgaria; an analysis of the political populist trends in the country; a discussion on the connections between populism and the media.
Źródło:
Mediatization Studies; 2017, 1
2451-1188
Pojawia się w:
Mediatization Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od pop-polityki do e-populizmu? Projekt i działanie najnowszych ruchów kontestacyjnych na przykładzie partii Podemos w Hiszpanii
Autorzy:
Górnicka, Weronika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647725.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism, pop-politics, Spain, Podemos
populizm, pop-polityka, Hiszpania, Podemos
Opis:
Populism is one of the most popular terms used to describe the activity of Podemos in Spain. However, understanding of this word is based on dictionary definition. In consequence the phenomenon and the activity gain negative character. In this article, the main reference point to the analysis of political strategy of Podemos is the conception of populism created by Ernesto Laclau. It makes possible to show the key components of this activity as a part of the process, which author classified as positive. Concentration on the form of the transmission: aspect of the Internet (e-populism) and image (pop-politics) is necessary to explain the role and meaning of proper tools in realization the aims adopted by creators of Podemos.
„Populizm” jest jednym z najpopularniejszych terminów używanych w kontekście działalności partii Podemos w Hiszpanii. Odnosi się on najczęściej do słownikowego rozumienia tego pojęcia, przez co zarówno zjawisko, jak i aktywność ugrupowania zyskują charakter negatywny. W niniejszym tekście za główny punkt odniesienia w analizie strategii politycznej Podemos przyjmuje się koncepcję populizmu stworzoną przez Ernesto Laclaua. Umożliwia to ukazanie kluczowych dla funkcjonowania partii komponentów jako elementów odgórnie założonego procesu, klasyfikowanego przez autora jako pozytywny. Koncentracja na formie przekazu, czyli uwzględnienie aspektu internetowego (e-populizm) oraz wizerunkowego (pop-polityka) przyczynia się z kolei do wyjaśnienia roli i znaczenia odpowiednich narzędzi w realizacji przyjętych przez twórców Podemos założeń.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Oliver Frljić i nowy koszmar Europy
Oliver Frljić and Europe’s New Nightmare
Autorzy:
Sztarbowski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/889428.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06
Wydawca:
Instytut im. Jerzego Grotowskiego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
Oliver Frljić
political theatre
nationalism
European crisis
leftist populism
agonism
Opis:
This article covers the works of the Croatian director Oliver Frljić from the perspective of the political influence of his performances. The frame for this research is Walter Benjamin’s historiosophical concept of „angel of history” and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonism concentrated on positive aspects of political conflicts. The author situates the director’s theatrical activities and his biography (especially his personal experience of the Yugoslav Wars) as a tool for understanding inexorable nationalistic tendencies in contemporary Europe. Frljić’s strategy of creating “radical fiction” and strong, shocking images is analysed as a vehicle for breaking the postdemocratic and postpolitical order. It means that theatre can be treated as a new form of protest and political subjectivity. For this reason Frljić’s performances are concerned with social debates about refreshing democracy
Źródło:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna; 2020, 157-158; 1-32
2720-0043
Pojawia się w:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola populizmu w kreowaniu szarej strefy
The Role of Populism in the Shadow Economy Creation
Autorzy:
Buszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969453.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Populism;
Shadow Economy;
Economy;
Supply and Demand;
Loops;
Economic Effects;
Opis:
The manuscript deals with the populism in the context of shadow economy creation and development. The correlation between shadow economy and populism was identified. The index of populism created by Think Tank Timbro was applied, but the size of the shadow economy was calculated based upon MIMIC approach. 28 countries were taken into an account. The typically threats of populism as the impact for shadow economy were presented.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2019, 3; 29-48
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rhetorical Aftershocks of Trump’s Ascendency: Salvation by Demolition and Deal Making
Retoryczne trzęsienie ziemi po objęciu prezydentury przez Donalda Trumpa: zbawienie poprzez burzenie i układy
Autorzy:
Ivie, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/954238.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-06
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Katedra Italianistyki. Polskie Towarzystwo Retoryczne
Tematy:
Donald Trump
rhetoric
demolition
populism
democracy
retoryka
burzenie
populizm
demokracja
Opis:
This essay offers an early assessment, after the fi rst 100 days, of Donald Trump’s bewildering ascendency to the US presidency. It examines his apocalyptic rhetoric as a spectacle of salvation by demolition and deal making, a polarizing and demonizing politics that trades in deception and distraction. The spectacle, whether it is a means to an end or an end in itself, functions to distort democratic politics and to displace public dissent over the negative impact of economic globalization. The question raised is whether and how dissent might be channeled more constructively through a narrative of fairness that balances interests equitably and deliberates policy options credibly.
Esej przedstawia wczesną ocenę po pierwszych stu dniach od zdumiewającego objęcia urzędu prezydenta USA przez Donalda Trumpa. Autor analizuje apokaliptyczną retorykę Trumpa jako spektakl zbawienia przez burzenie i zawieranie układów, polaryzującą i demonizującą politykę, realizowaną przez oszustwo i rozpraszanie uwagi. Spektakl ten, niezależnie od tego, czy jest środkiem do celu, czy celem samym w sobie, zniekształca politykę demokratyczną i wypiera publiczny sprzeciw wobec negatywnego wpływu globalizacji. Powstaje pytanie, czy i w jaki sposób sprzeciw może być bardziej konstruktywny poprzez wykorzystanie narracji sprawiedliwości, która równoważy interesy i rozważa w sposób wiarygodny opcje działań politycznych.
Źródło:
Res Rhetorica; 2017, 4, 2; 61-79
2392-3113
Pojawia się w:
Res Rhetorica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populist rhetoric of Polish political parties in 2014 EU elections. Analysis of television spots
Retoryka populistyczna polskich partii w eurowyborach w 2014 roku. Analiza spotów telewizyjnych
Autorzy:
Nieć, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832943.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-05-14
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
propaganda
populizm
analiza zawartości
kampania wyborcza
populism
content analysis
election
Opis:
Tematem artykułu jest analiza dyskursu politycznego polskich partii, biorących udział w kampanii do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 r. Przedmiotem badań uczyniłem populistyczny dyskurs, w moim przekonaniu charakterystyczny dla każdej kampanii wyborczej. Przedmiotem badania zostały objęte wszystkie polskie partie polityczne, a nie tylko populistyczne. W badaniach skorzystałem z metody badawczej analizy zawartości przekazów, na grunt polski przeniesionej i twórczo dopracowanej przez Irenę Tetelowską i Walerego Pisarka. Początkowo analiza zawartości odnosiła się do badania prasy drukowanej, w późniejszym czasie metodę stosowano także w badaniach przekazów telewizyjnych. Według badań, retoryka populistyczna wyraźnie jest wpisana w kontekst współczesnej taktyki politycznej, wyłapywania elektoratu. Sięganie po retorykę populistyczną uzależnione jest od taktyki politycznej. Badania nie potwierdziły obaw przed ugrupowaniami populistycznymi, najbardziej populistyczna formacja otrzymała najmniej głosów.
The topic of this article is the analysis of the political discourse of Polish parties taking part in European Parliament campaign in 2014. The subject of my research is populist discourse, which I believe is characteristic of every election campaign. All Polish political parties have been included in the research, not only the populist ones. In the research I used the method of content analysis, applied and developed in Poland by Irena Tetelowska and Walery Pisarek. At first, content analysis was applied to printed press research, later it was used in television broadcast studies. According to research, populist rhetoric is clearly a part of modern political tactics, winning voters. Using populist rhetoric is dependent on the political tactics. Research have not confirmed concern about populist parties, the most populist party received the smallest number of votes.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2015, 43, 3; 11-24
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Janus Face of Constitutionalism
Autorzy:
Stambulski, Michał
Czarnota, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1965977.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
populism
constitutionalism
democracy
constitutional crisis
Cen tral and Eastern Europe
Opis:
The article is based on an assumption that constitutionalism has a Janus face. A constitution is both a legal and a political act. So far, the public domain has been dominated by legal constitutionalism (constitutional dogmatics), which excludes the constitution from the public sphere, subjecting it to the authority of lawyers-experts. The contemporary political phenomena such as: new populism, illiberal democracy or new constitutionalism should shift the interest of researchers to the political aspect of constitutionalism. Constitutionalism is, therefore, a multidimensional social practice. A political game featuring many actors. And the constitutionalism of lawyers is only one of its possible interpretations. Citizens also have their own constitutionalisms, and different perspectives on constitutionalism, reflecting opposing interests, may lead to conflicts. The constitutional law dogmatics applied to resolve such conflicts would argue for the existence of a transcendental framework for their resolution. A more political approach denies the existence of such a framework. In other words, the dogmatics in question requires democracy to adapt to constitutionalism, while the political approach requires constitutionalism to adapt to democracy. The text is an introduction to a part of a volume featuring articles by authors affiliated with the Centre for Legal Education and Social Theory of the University of Wrocław.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2019, 11, 1; 43-55
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Między populizmem a barbarzyństwem: analiza figury Evity Perón
Between Populism and Barbarism: An Analysis of the Figure of Evita Perón
Autorzy:
Geremek, Zuzanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2148071.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-01-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Studiów Iberyjskich i Iberoamerykańskich
Tematy:
Argentyna
Evita Perón
Ernesto Laclau
peronizm
populizm
Argentina
Peronism
populism
Opis:
Eva Duarte de Perón, druga żona argentyńskiego prezydenta Juana Domingo Perona, odcisnęła piętno nie tylko na XX wiecznej historii polityki argentyńskiej, lecz także na kształtowaniu się tożsamości narodowej Argentyńczyków. Postać ta jest wciąż żywa w literaturze, sztuce, twórczości dramatycznej i w popkulturze. W artykule przeanalizujemy w jaki sposób figura Evy Duarte była wykorzystywana przez ruch peronistyczny w Argentynie. Spróbujemy też wykazać, jak ważną, również symbolicznie, rolę odegrała i wciąż odgrywa w kształtowaniu się tożsamości argentyńskiej. Istotą artykułu będzie zatem wykazanie, iż Evita operuje w argentyńskim imaginarium społecznym nie tylko na poziomie historycznym, lecz także jako artefakt kultury, co zwiększa zasięg jej społecznego oddziaływania. Metodologicznie artykuł czerpie z teorii populizmu Ernesto Laclaua, teorii abiektu Julii Kristevy, oraz prac Martina Kohana, Paoli Cortés Rocca oraz Elsy Drucaroff. Mit Evity, z jej różnymi wariantami, skonfrontujemy z wizją kobiecości wypracowaną przez teorie feministyczne, by odpowiedzieć na szereg pytań: Jaka była jej rola w formowaniu się myśli peronistycznej? Czy rzeczywiście możemy uznawać ją za model feministki-rewolucjonistki? Czy sława Evity nie sprawiła, iż zamiast być podmiotem tworzącym dyskurs, stała się jego ofiarą?
Eva Duarte de Perón, the second wife of Argentine President Juan Domingo Perón, left her mark not only on the 20th century history of Argentine politics, but also on the shaping of the Argentine national identity. She is still alive in literature, art, drama and popculture. In this article we will analyze how the figure of Evita Peron was used by the Peronist movement in Argentina. We will also try to show how important was the role she played in the Argentine identity formation process. The article focuses on the ways, in which the figure of Evita operates within the Argentinian social imaginary not only on a historical level, but also as a cultural artifact, which strengthens her posthumous influence on the Argentinian society.
Źródło:
Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny; 2021, 29, 3-4 (113-114); 39-58
1506-8900
2081-1152
Pojawia się w:
Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
On the Globalization of Political Power and the Added Relevance of Institutions in Contexts of Multifaceted Populism
Autorzy:
Alves Ribeiro Correia, Pedro Miguel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1037987.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
globalization of political power
institutions
multifaceted populism
justice system
Portal
Opis:
This paper is an essay on the problematic of the globalization of political power and on the increased relevance of institutions in contexts of multifaceted populism. A case study of the Portuguese justice system was used to illustrate the arguments presented. First, the Troika intervention in Portugal is offered as an instance of globalization of political power. Secondly, a model of argumentation analysis of political parties is used to contend that the media coverage of the discourse about austerity during the period of external intervention constituted what can be called multifaceted populism. Finally, the Directorate-General for Justice Policy is presented as an example of the decisive and increased role that institutions can play in times of crisis by presenting a factual and dispassionate vision of the results obtained at the level of public policies.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2019, 20; 182-198
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Retoryka populistyczna w parlamentarnej kampanii wyborczej w Republice Czeskiej z 2017 r.
Populist rhetoric in the parliamentary election campaign in the Czech Republic from 2017
Autorzy:
Kasprzak, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195059.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populizm
Republika Czeska
kampania wyborcza
populism
Czech Republic
election campaign
Opis:
The paper presents the history of the populist dimension. Populism is depicted in this article as a phenomenon with many planes of conceptualization. In order to combine the considerations of populism and the party system, Czech groups have been investigated, which can be included in the current commonly called modern populism in modern politics. The subject of the study was not marginal groups, including detached parties, and those which have been present on the Czech political scene since 1993: ČSSD, ODS, TOP09, KDU-ČSL, ANO 2011, KSČM.
W artykule pokazane zostały historyczne uwarunkowania partii o populistycznym wymiarze. Populizm ukazany został jako zjawisko o wielu płaszczyznach konceptualizacji. W celu połączenia rozważań na temat populizmu i systemu partyjnego badane były czeskie ugrupowania, które można wpisać w nurt zwany zazwyczaj we współczesnej politologii nowym populizmem. Przedmiotem badań nie były ugrupowania marginalne czy też partie oderwane, a te, które od 1993 r. obecne są na czeskiej scenie politycznej: ČSSD, ODS, TOP09, KDU-ČSL, ANO 2011, KSČM.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2017, 16; 90-105
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populistic Rhetoric: Structures Over Senses
Retoryka populizmu: struktura ponad sensem
Autorzy:
Pichnicka-Trivedi, Patrycja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/15595150.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
populism
structure
discourse
empty signifier
populizm
struktura
dyskurs
puste znaczące
Opis:
This article makes a comparative study of American and Polish rightist populisms and their ways of operating using structural analysis of their discourses as a main tool of examination. It aims to prove that those are indeed structural similarities that are responsible for the success of populisms in diverse environments. While examining examples of populist rhetorics and noticing the surprising efficacy of similar discourse in different political and social conditions, I expose internal structure of populism(s). I state that populism(s) is constructed mostly by and on empty signifiers. Those signifiers can then be matched in broader structures, of which the most fundamental one is the opposition: “We”—“Them”. Such mythological structures are flexible enough so that any subject or object can be inscribed into them. They are also flexible enough to transgress the borders of one domain and to transgress state borders: to “wander” around the global world.
Artykuł stanowi porównawcze studium polskiego i amerykańskiego prawicowego populizmu oraz sposobów ich funkcjonowania. Studium wykorzystuje analizę strukturalną jako główne narzędzie badawcze. Jego celem jest wykazanie, że w istocie to właśnie strukturalne podobieństwo odpowiada za sukces populizmów w różnych środowiskach. Badając przykłady populistycznej retoryki i zauważając zaskakującą skuteczność podobnych dyskursów w różnych politycznych i społecznych warunkach, eksponuję wewnętrzną strukturę populizmu(ów). Zauważam, że populizm(y) zbudowany(e) jest(są) przede wszystkim z pustych znaczących. Te znaczące mogą by następnie łączone w większe struktury. Wśród nich fundamentalna dla populizmu jest przede wszystkim struktura opozycji: “my”-“oni”. Takie mityczne struktury są wystarczająco elastyczne, by móc w nie wpisać dowolny podmiot lub przedmiot. Są też wystarczająco elastyczne, by przekraczać granice dziedzin i granice geopolityczne, by „wędrować” po globalnym świecie.
Źródło:
Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2021, 42, 4; 65-92
2081-8130
Pojawia się w:
Praktyka Teoretyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Besieged fortress syndrome as an element in building the emotions of populism
Autorzy:
Ziółkowski, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28408748.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
syndrome of a besieged fortress
populism
social engineering of emotions
propaganda
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to show the relationship between the besieged fortress syndrome, understood as a specific social engineering tool, and populism understood as a type of propaganda narrative. Particular attention has been paid here to the emotional aspect related to arousing the atmosphere of the siege. These are negative emotions, which in the siege syndrome are directed beyond the boundaries of the social system, and in the case of populism, negative emotions are directed towards the indicated intra-system entities. An important assumption is a thesis that negative emotions in both phenomena constitute only a starting point for arousing positive emotions towards the community subjected to socio-technical pressure, and above all, positive emotions that are supposed to create a strong bond between the political leader, the propaganda promoter of the threat, and their supporters or followers.
Źródło:
Society Register; 2022, 6, 4; 117-130
2544-5502
Pojawia się w:
Society Register
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Egoistic Relative Deprivation and Support for Populism in Days of Democracy Crisis: the Case of Poland
Autorzy:
Korzeniowski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2130004.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
relative deprivation
dysphoric affect
political alienation
political paranoia
support for populism
Opis:
According to the social psychological literature, egoistic relative deprivation impairs well-being but has at most little impact on political protest and engagement. We considered this view incomplete and over-simplifying. It was predicted that egoistic relative deprivation itself may impair democracy by increasing support for populism, and that the postulated relationship will be mediated by dysphoric affect, political alienation, and political paranoia. The empirical basis of the article were three studies carried out on nationwide random-quota samples of adult Poles: in 2002 (N = 1500), in 2010 (N = 800), and in 2017 (N = 2000). It was found that support for populism systematically depends directly on dysphoric affect and political paranoia, which are strengthened by egoistic relative deprivation. In 2017, with populist political groupings in power in Poland, the role of political alienation turned out to be ambiguous. Political alienation slightly strengthened political paranoia but directly lowered support for populism. In conclusion it was noted that in Poland's history and in the contemporary Polish mentality there is a great potential for negative affect, pessimism and bitterness. Relative deprivation experienced today successfully maintains this potential.
Źródło:
Polish Psychological Bulletin; 2021, 52, 2; 129-138
0079-2993
Pojawia się w:
Polish Psychological Bulletin
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A conceptual framework for assessing power and governance in contemporary democracy
Autorzy:
Bharti, Mukesh Shankar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2231697.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-29
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
Modern democracy
power and governance
international organisation
populism
government and politics
Opis:
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is to define the conceptual framework of the contemporary governmental system and its style of functionality to strengthen democratic values, norms, and the rule of law. The purpose of the article is to elaborate governance that shares state power to facilitate the democratic rights of the people in the contemporary world. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: This article aims to analyse the power and governance in the current structure of democracy. The article evaluates the dynamics of contemporary democracy and how the government shapes the power for better governance. Future research highlights the conceptual framework of the qualitative approach and relies on discourse analysis to find out the outcomes of this study. The study uses a theoretical approach to examine contemporary governance, different approaches and how to build socio-political cooperation. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: It discusses various aspects of modern democracy in the context of the governability of those who hold power. Furthermore, the article argues how the states are shaping modern democracy. How a new political order pioneers the norms of the state through its governance. What is the legitimate principle of the work for the new political order? RESEARCH RESULTS: As a result, the article tries to find out that modern democracy is running under a populist government in various countries in the world. The emergence of ultra-right-wing power groups diminished the norms of liberal democracy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article highlights the points as a conclusion of democracy facing many challenges in the new populist governance worldwide. The contemporary global communities are trying to make governance for peace, prosperity, and respect for the humanities but and on the other hand, international communities are failed in some places i. e. Afghanistan. This discussion recommends about international communities to create an environment for cooperation among different nationstates to make an international partnership for the establishment of peace, cooperation for the well‑being of the people, and stop conflicts and recurring wars.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2022, 13, 44; 31-46
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Popular and Populist Shakespearean Transcreations in Central and Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Cinpoeş, Nicoleta
Deres, Kornélia
Fabiszak, Jacek
Földváry, Kinga
Schandl, Veronika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/39775750.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
populism
popular(ity)
mainstream
Shakespeare
postwar theatre
cabaret
burlesque
experimental theatre
Opis:
The article discusses the variety of ways in which the terms “popular” or “populist” could be associated with postwar Shakespearean transcreations in the Central and Eastern European region, pointing out how performers and adaptors challenged the canonical, highbrow status of Shakespeare and used his oeuvre as raw material in experimental forms and genres. Following a discussion on the variety of socio-historical contexts which inspired noteworthy popular and/or populist reworkings in several Central and Eastern European countries, the article takes a more in-depth look at a few specific comic genres, particularly the burlesque and the cabaret in a theoretical framework, and concludes by examining post-1989 experimental theatre practices.  
Źródło:
Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance; 2023, 28, 43; 69-88
2083-8530
2300-7605
Pojawia się w:
Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Challenges and Prospects of Polish Studies Regarding Populism – a Political-linguistic Approach
Wyzwania i perspektywy polskich badań nad populizmem – ujęcie politolingwistyczne
Autorzy:
Kołodziejczak, Małgorzata
Wrześniewska-Pietrzak, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1943089.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populism
populist discourse
linguistic image of the world
political linguistics
methodology of populism studies
dyskurs populistyczny
językowy obraz świata
politolingwistyka
metodologia badań nad populizmem
Opis:
Populism is a multi-disciplinary research issue, especially as politics is concerned, present both in the social sciences and linguistics. Examined from different angles, it exhibits its semantic ambiguity and lack of a single definition. It is essential for cross-disciplinary studies to determine the definition of populism, which will also make it possible to determine the scope of the phenomenon under research. Such a possibility is ensured by the syndromized understanding of populism and by taking into account its manifestations on different levels of political discourse, including linguistic exponents, sender-recipient relations and a specific image of the world created within the framework of this discourse. The application of cognitive methodology in studies offers one of many research perspectives allowing populist discourse to be characterized from an interdisciplinary perspective, including a political-linguistic approach.
Populizm, zwłaszcza w sferze polityki stanowi polidyscyplinarny problem badawczy, występuje bowiem nie tylko w naukach społecznych, lecz również językoznawstwie. Jego wieloaspektowy ogląd wpływa na niejednoznaczność semantyczną, brak jednej definicji. Jej ustalenie staje się kluczowe dla badań interdyscyplinarnych, gdyż pozwoli określić zakres badanego zjawiska. Taką możliwość daje syndromatyczne rozumienie populizmu oraz zwrócenie uwagi na jego przejawianie się na różnych poziomach dyskursu politycznego, obejmującym zarówno wykładniki językowe, jak i relacje nadawczo-odbiorcze czy kreowaną w obrębie tego dyskursu specyficzną wizją świata. Przyjęcie zatem w badaniach metodologii kognitywnej stanowi jedną z perspektyw badawczych pozwalających na charakterystykę dyskursu populistycznego, dającą możliwość spojrzenia interdyscyplinarnego, w tym politolingwistycznego.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2017, 56; 257-267
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Famous women yearn for Putin, and other unlikely tales: Glamorizing right-wing populist actors in the Bulgarian editions of Cosmopolitan and Elle
Autorzy:
Sternadori, Miglena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471300.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
women's magazines
post-cominist media
right-wing populist actors
celebritization
populism
Opis:
This analysis identifies the dominant media frames in the coverage of four right-wing populist actors - Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, and Roman Abramovich - by the Bulgarian editions of Elle and Cosmopolitan. Although the political platforms of these men are not, in fact, anti-establishment, which is the core characteristic of populism, they are referred to as populist actors because of their use of populist tools and discourses to practice so-called “neo-populism from above.” The four men were framed as: a carriers of a “golden touch”; b sources of profound/problematic wisdom; and c admirable collectors of “trophy” women. The findings are discussed as illustrative of the tabloidization of U.S. women’s magazine brands in the post-communist context of Bulgaria.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2019, 12, 2/23; 224-241
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Children as an Object of the Right-Wing Populist Politics and Discourse in Poland
Autorzy:
Rakusa-Suszczewski, Mikołaj
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1633766.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Populism
Children
Biopolitics
Central Europe
Eastern Europe
Law and Justice
Polska
Opis:
In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as are sult of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely “childhood” and “children”. While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specific role in the right-wing populist superstructure - they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2021, 25, 2; 67-91
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Of Slaveholders and Renegades: Semantic Uncertainties in Volodymyr Antonovych’s Conversion to Ukrainianness
Autorzy:
Herlth, Jens
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/678427.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
19th century Ukraine
populism
nation-building
linguistic nationalism
Volodymyr Antonovych
Opis:
Of Slaveholders and Renegades: Semantic Uncertainties in Volodymyr Antonovych’s Conversion to UkrainiannessIn an article published in the St. Petersburg-based Ukrainian language journal Osnova (Foundation) in 1862, Włodzimierz Antonowicz, formally the descendant of a Polish family from the landed gentry in Ukraine, declared that from then on he would consider himself a Ukrainian. In the present essay, I analyze the polemics around what can be called Antonovych’s conversion from Polishness to Ukrainianness. Antonovych as well as his adversaries brought into play various concepts of nationality and national identity, switching quite freely between various frames of references (political thought of the Enlightenment and the Romantic era, contemporary historical fiction, and historiography). Panowie i renegaci: semantyczne niuanse konwersji Włodzimierza Antonowicza na ukraińskośćW artykule opublikowanym w 1862 roku w petersburskim ukraińskojęzycznym dzienniku „Osnova” Włodzimierz Antonowicz, formalnie potomek polskiej rodziny ziemiańskiej z Ukrainy, oświadczył, że od tego momentu będzie siebie uznawał za Ukraińca. Autor eseju analizuje polemikę wokół tego, co można nazwać konwersją Antonowicza od polskości do ukraińskości. Antonowicz, podobnie jak jego adwersarze, posługiwał się różnymi koncepcjami narodowości i tożsamości narodowej, dość swobodnie przechodząc do odmiennych odniesień w myśli politycznej (Oświecenia i epoki romantyzmu, współczesnej prozie historycznej i historiografii).
Źródło:
Sprawy Narodowościowe; 2017, 49
2392-2427
Pojawia się w:
Sprawy Narodowościowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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