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Wyszukujesz frazę "Authoritarianism" wg kryterium: Temat


Tytuł:
O społeczno-politycznych źródłach złego stresu i jego edukacyjnych skutkach
On Social and Political Sources of Bad Stress and its Educational Effects
Autorzy:
Olubiński, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/916249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
corporatism
authoritarianism
stress
education
Opis:
The main problem of considerations concerns the relationships and dependencies between selectedsocio-political factors as stressors and specific reactions to them of selected categories of people andgroups, analysed in terms of educational processes. The author is especially interested in the stressfuland educational role of human participation in the system of corporate trade as the source of artificiallycreated needs connected with continuous shopping and multiplying material goods. The second stress factor analysed below is the character of state power exercised by politicians, with the particular role of its distortion towards authoritarian relations. The final kind of synthetic summary of the above deliberations is an attempt of critical evaluation of the educational role of stress caused by the authoritarian school. And although the discussed stress factors the author attempts to refer to individual behaviours, taking into account, for example, the concepts of human nature, age and institution (e.g. school), the conclusions and findings resulting from these analyses are also more general. Their essence relates to the thesis that regardless of individual behaviours in a stressful situation, generally negative stressors, such as the impact of corporate economy, pathological character of exercising authority or authoritarian school usually shape negativebehaviour, including mainly authoritarian personalities.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2019, 55; 39-58
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„We will go through this TOGETHER!“ Bemerkungen zu Vulnerabilität und zum kompulsiven Resilienzvarieté in politischen COVID-19-Krankheitsnarrativen
„We will go through this TOGETHER!“ Notes on Vulnerability and Compulsive Resilience Vaudeville in Political COVID-19 Illness Narratives
Autorzy:
Bonacchi, Silvia
Warnke, Ingo H.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056808.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Vulnerabilität
Resilienz
Gender
Covid-19
Soft Authoritarianism
vulnerability
resilience
gender
soft authoritarianism
Opis:
Das Paper diskutiert in einer ersten, tentativen und explorativen Sichtung Fragen der Resilienzperformanz in sozial adressierten Krankheitsnarrativen im Rahmen politischer Kommunikation und Selbstdarstellung. Am Beispiel des US-Präsidenten Donald Trump und des Britischen Premierministers Boris Johnson und ihrer Covid-19-Erkrankungen wird auf Formen der medialen Selbstdarstellung als resiliente Politiker eingegangen. Die gendercodierten Displays von Vulnerabilität und maskuliner Resilienz werden in einer kritischen Lesart auf die Performanz des vermeintlich Normalen bezogen. Dabei werden ausgehend von Judith Butler die Krankheitsnarrative der Stärke interpretiert als Abwehr und Angst vor Schwäche und Bedrohung. Im Fazit werden die ersten Beobachtungen auf Fragen neuer Formen des Autoritarismus, des so genannten Soft Authoritarianism bezogen. Der Beitrag versteht sich als Skizze und als Vorüberlegung zu einer späteren systematischen Beschäftigung mit Vulnerabilität, Gender und politischer Kommunikation.
In a first, tentative and explorative review, the paper discusses issues of resilience performance in socially addressed illness narratives in the context of political communication and self-representation. Using the examples of U.S. President Donald Trump and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and their Covid-19 disorders, the paper explores forms of media self-representation as resilient politicians. In a critical reading, the gender-coded displays of vulnerability and masculine resilience are related to the performance of the supposedly normal. Taking Judith Butler as a reference point, the illness narratives of strength are interpreted as a defense against and fear of weakness and threat. In the conclusion, the initial observations are related to questions of new forms of authoritarianism, so-called soft authoritarianism. The article is intended as a sketch and as a preliminary consideration for a future systematic study of vulnerability, gender, and political communication. 
Źródło:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature; 2021, 45, 2; 53-64
0137-4699
Pojawia się w:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Poles’ Commitment to the Rights of Political Dissenters
Autorzy:
Gołębiowska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929381.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political tolerance
minority rights
authoritarianism
Opis:
Empirical research on support for democracy and democratic values in Eastern Europe has proliferated in the last decade and a half. Based on survey data from a recent, nationally representative survey of Polish public opinion, I contribute to this growing literature by exploring the dynamics of Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters. Using multivariate regression analysis, I model the relationships between a variety of socio-political assessments and support for political dissenters’ rights. I find that Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters is far from uniform and varies as a function of authoritarianism, approval of the government in power, anomie, education, and (marginally) gender. I conclude with a discussion of my findings’ implications for democratic consolidation in Poland.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 231-242
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Totalitarianism in sociological research
Autorzy:
Borowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1178646.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Tematy:
Holocaust
authoritarianism
dictatorship
junta
totalitarianism
Opis:
Totalitarianism is a form of social system (usually a state one), the essential feature of which is to strive for seizing strict subordination and constant control over all areas of social and individual life. There are no legal limitations for the totalitarian power, nor it limits itself. All totalitarian systems are preceded by violent social revolutions that overuse [misuse] the slogans of the Great French Revolution. Involvement of the citizens is usually in their mass participation in different forms of action and expression of their enthusiasm for the “successes” of the system.
Źródło:
World Scientific News; 2017, 67, 2; 80-101
2392-2192
Pojawia się w:
World Scientific News
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘Schools of Hatred’. The Essence of Totalitarianism in Jerzy W. Borejsza’s Approach
Autorzy:
Ceran, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131450.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-18
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
totalitarianism
authoritarianism
fascism
Nazism
communism
Opis:
Jerzy W. Borejsza regarded the term ‘totalitarianism’ as a helpful tool in describing the political systems in Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and the Bolshevik/communist Soviet Union, but opted for restricted use of the term. Apart from the classical determinants of a totalitarian system, he believed that the mobilisation of hatred against the predefined ethnic/national, racial, or class enemy was essential to any totalitarianism. Rather than adding a new distinguishing feature of the totalitarian system, the Polish historian carried out a series of multi-aspect comparative analyses of its earlier-defined traits and characteristics. He has drawn a precise distinction between a totalitarian and authoritarian system. Not satisfied with apparent similarities, he tried to explore the issue more deeply, identifying different intensities of the phenomena specific to totalitarian systems. He stressed a gradation of totalitarianism in the different totalitarian systems, at the different stages of their functioning. To his credit goes the introduction in the historiography of the concept of ‘anti-Slavism’ and, as part of it, anti-Polonism, as essential traits of the National Socialist ideology. He opposed the simplifications tending to appear in broadly used terms, the attempts to ‘ideologise’ and ‘politicise’ the history, particularly in describing the communist totalitarianism. According to Borejsza, fascism, Nazism, and communism had once frequented the same school of totalitarian hatred and took there the same classes – but they were differently evaluated when it came to the finals.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2021, 123; 57-72
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza despotyczna czy demokratyczna? Partie i wyborcy wobec demokracji i „rządów silnej ręki”
Despotic or democratic rule? Parties and voters regarding democracy and “strong-arm government”
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514497.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
democracy
authoritarianism
Polish political parties
Opis:
The article concerns the attitudes of parties and their voters towards democracy and support for a “strong-arm government”. The research included the five largest Polish civil parties Platforma Obywatelska RP (Civic Platform RP), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Twój Ruch (Your Movement) and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party). The results confirmed that, on the one hand, voters acknowledge democracy as the best political system for Poland; however, on the other hand, a substantial part of them longs for strong authorities. Supporting democracy, they advocate a “strong-arm government”. Among left-wing voters, there is three times more proponents of such governments than persons acknowledging another political system as better than democratic one. In the case of political scene centre voters, the number of “strong-arm government” proponents amounts to over four times the number of democracy critics. Nearly half of the right-wing voters supported the “strong-arm government”, and every fifth of them did not acknowledge democracy as the best political system. Proponents of democracy dominate in electorates of all parties. Groups in which their advantage over opponents is clearly the smallest include: PiS-voters, persons who declared the will to vote for another formation, and persons who did not want to participate in the elections. Among the PiS-voters, nearly three times more supported “strong-arm government” than opposed it. Among the voters of PO, SLD, and Your Movement, there were more opponents of a “strong-arm government” than its proponents. One may assume that a formation critical towards democracy and favorable towards reinforcement of authority of a strong, charismatic leader could gain among the right-wing voters. It may partially explain why did the Kongres Nowej Prawicy (Congress of the New Right) receive substantial support in the elections to the European Parliament. KNP criticizes the modern democracy and its leader favorably talked about activities of politicians who apply the methods of a “strong-arm government”. On the left side of the political scene there are no premises for the emergence of a political force based on similar views and having greater support.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 85-98
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakter władzy suwerennej w koncepcjach ładu konstytucyjnego Hansa Kelsena i Carla Schmitta
The nature of sovereign power in the constitutional concepts of Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt
Autorzy:
Kaleta, Krzysztof J.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
sovereignty
normativism
authoritarianism
constitution
liberalism
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to review the controversy between two, potentially most influential legal theorists in 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt. Their philosophical concepts: Schmittian decisionism and Kelsenian normativism, were based on different assumptions, leading their authors to variant practical conclusions. It is reasonable to infer that the differences in their visions of constitutional order were deeply rooted in different intellectual traditions – not only political (Kelsen’s involvement in defense of liberal democracy unlike Carl Schmitt, whose conservative attitude and critique of liberalism led to support totalitarian state and extreme right wing ideology), but also theological (pantheistic idea of God and fideism; conflict between rationality and faith). So from this perspective „Pure theory of law” can be seen as pantheistic political theology, because „pantheism overcomes the opposition of God and World; the Pure Theory of Law accordingly overcomes the opposition of State and Law”. On the other hand legal philosophy of Carl Schmitt is inspired by the Roman Catholic theological concept of the miracle, whereby God is free from the laws of nature – and in consequence – the sovereign is not bound by the law and may decide exceptions to it.
Źródło:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2013, 2, 2; 154-168
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Turkish Government Policy towards Independent Media after the Failed July 2016 Coup d’État
Autorzy:
Samborowska, Monika
Dawidczyk, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2055892.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-21
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
freedom of speech
free media
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article presents the state of the Turkish media, as well as the actions taken by them before and after the failed attempt of the coup d’état in 2016. Pointing to the issue of freedom of speech in Turkey, the article highlights the numerous violations of the right to freedom of expression, which have repeatedly become part of the actions of central government authorities.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2018, 1 (27); 48-66
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fundamentalism in the Light of Selected Psychological Concepts
Autorzy:
Zasuń, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
fundamentalism
authoritarianism
dogmatism
modernity
personality
religion
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 257-271
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Review of the Psychoanalytic Approaches to the Holocaust, on the Example of the Ninth Circle Interpretation
Pregled psihoanalitičkih pristupa holokaustu uz primjer tumačenja Devetog kruga
Autorzy:
Matijašević, Željka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
psychoanalysis
Holocaust
authoritarianism
logotherapy
Ninth Circle
Opis:
The essay is an overview of the most notable psychoanalytic approaches to the trauma of the Holocaust, in the works of the Frankfurt school authors, and in the works of Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub. The last part of the article represents an attempt to interpret the film Ninth Circle by France Štiglic, and in this respect the article reviews and applies the concepts of Viktor Frankl’s school of logotherapy, while it also relies on Frankl’s autobiographical account of the Holocaust trauma.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2017, 12; 211-224
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and Its Democratic, Non-Democratic, and Anti-Democratic Potential
Autorzy:
Riedel, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-14
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
populism
democracy
authoritarianism
illiberalism
anti-elitism
Opis:
The starting point of this paper is the acknowledgement that the DNA of populism is democratic. At the same time, it may bring undemocratic or even counter-democratic consequences when it questions and contests liberalism and pluralism. This paper maps the key arguments on the relations between populism and authoritarianism, and discusses the risk of democratic backsliding as a result of authoritarian populism gaining power. This topic is critically important and growing urgent with the rising wave of populism across the Western world. Due to its chameleonic nature, populism (as a “thin-centered” or “empty-hearted” ideology) manifests itself in various (re)incarnations and intertwines with nationalism, libertarianism, and also radical left-wing ideas or any other ideology from across the wide political spectrum. First, the author reconstructs the historicity of populism as well as the most important ways of defining it. Second, he reflects on the major arguments about the consequences for democracy of populist politics. Finally, in conclusion, he discusses the threat of authoritarianism that populism brings to liberal democracy and democracy as such.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2017, 199, 3; 287-298
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucjonalny, społeczny i polityczny wymiar pretorianizmu tureckiego
Institutional, social a nd political aspects of Turkish praetorianism
Autorzy:
Herbut, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953240.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
civil-military relations
praetorianism
Turkey
authoritarianism
military
Opis:
The term ‘praetorianism’ refers to countries in which the armed forces influence the political system. The army, as an institution, can develop its political power in two ways: in a “direct” and “indirect” fashion. While in the first case the armed forces take control over state institutions, the second is more sublime and is restricted to the building of more concealed methods of influence, such as blackmail. Additionally, the army itself, as the officers are not engaged into politics, shows a high level of political cohesion and military professionalism. Turkey is an example of a country in which a professional army, after decades of acquiring political experience and under favourable conditions, was and still is able to efficiently exert backstage politics. On one side, TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) has developed constitutional and legal means of influencing the government, and on the other, the high public trust in the armed forces allows it to, if necessary, effectively blackmail or even supplant disobedient cabinets.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 46; 20-34
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indicadores de comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos: el caso Bolsonaro (2019–2020)
Autorzy:
Othon, Adriano de Oliveira
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2096246.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Bolsonaro
democracy
authoritarianism
Brazil
democracia
autoritarismo
Brasil
Opis:
Based on indicators of the authoritarian behavior of political leaders developed by Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018), this paper examines the political discourse, stances, and attitudes of Jair Bolsonaro, president of Brazil, during his first two years in office. The research uses a qualitative case study approach centered on literature review, with emphasis on chapters of books and journal articles, as well as news reports for an empirical observation of the behavior of the president of Brazil concerning rules and institutions of democracy. The essentially authoritarian behavior of Bolsonaro signals a trend toward democratic regression in Brazil; however, it is not technically correct to affirm that Brazil is already being governed through an authoritarian regime.
Basándose en los indicadores del comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos desarrollados por Levitsky y Ziblatt (2018), el autor del artículo examina el discurso político, la postura y las actitudes del presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, en los dos primeros años de ejercicio de su mandato. La investigación utiliza un estudio de caso con un enfoque cualitativo basado en la revisión bibliográfica, con un énfasis en los capítulos de libros y artículos científicos, así como los materiales periodísticos, para permitir una observación empírica de la conducta del presidente brasileño frente a las instituciones y las normas democráticas. Se observa que Bolsonaro en realidad tiene un comportamiento autoritario, que señala una tendencia de regresión democrática en Brasil, aunque técnicamente no es correcto afirmar que el país ya esté bajo un régimen autoritario.
Źródło:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales; 2021, 11; 83-98
2449-8483
2392-0343
Pojawia się w:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Struggle for Contemporary Turkey’s Future: Tension between AK Party and the Hizmet Movement
Autorzy:
Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643014.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Democracy
Civil Society
Authoritarianism
AKP
Hizmet Movement
Opis:
Without doubt, tension between Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey’s future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey’s political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey’s future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey’s social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of “what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?” In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2016, 2
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kant’s foedus pacificum: Path to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states?
Kantowskie foedus pacificum: droga do pokoju czy prolegomena neoliberalizmu i autorytarnej korporacjonistycznej globalizacji we współczesnych liberalnych demokracjach?
Autorzy:
Garrett, Terence M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
perpetual peace
post-structuralism
spectacle
neoliberalism
authoritarianism
Opis:
Immanuel Kant’s language and concept of foedus pacificum (league of peace) combined with his call for a spirit of trade promised a prescription for world peace—“seeking to end all wars forever.” Nation-state level cooperation between liberal democracies has borne out Kant’s analysis to some effect. A consequence of the twin pursuits of foedus pacificum and spirit of trade has ironically resulted in the exploitation of society. Today’s international corporations adversely affect public policies ostensibly designed to protect citizens through an anti-democratic market-based ideology within the State—as seen through the lenses of Foucauldian post-structural theory and Debord’s society of the spectacle. The author proposes that globalist-corporatist control of governing apparatuses is now exposed for its authoritarian tendencies. This action could result in the ultimate destruction of the representative democratic state with the onset of neoliberalism and authoritarianism.
Źródło:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2020, 23, 2; 7-20
1899-2226
2353-4869
Pojawia się w:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego
Political transformation in Egypt under Muhammad Morsi
Autorzy:
Lipa, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505845.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Egypt
authoritarianism
Arab Spring
democratization
Muhammad Morsi
Opis:
This article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 3; 149-165
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)
Autorzy:
BÄCKER, Roman
RAK, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642203.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political regime
authoritarianism
totalitarianism
Putin’s Russia
Opis:
How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2018, 11; 143-155
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Gender and Right-Wing Authoritarianism in a working-class case-study
Autorzy:
Lundskow, George
Phillips, Brian
Curtiss, Phyllis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/904077.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej
Tematy:
labor
gender
right wing authoritarianism
labor studies
Opis:
Objective: In this article we attempt to shed light on the changing attitudes American workers may have, specifically authoritarian personality characteristics, by reviewing the results obtained from our survey of 74 retired auto workers. Research Design & Methods: Part of our survey utilizes the Zakrisson short version of the Right-Wing Authoritarian scale and our interests are to provide any differences found between men and women. Also, we seek to test for the presence of authoritarianism as one aspect to understand the appeal of right-wing politics among the white working class. Findings: Our findings indicate that men and women are each no more or less likely to develop authoritarian personality characteristics. The differences by gender that we found in our case-study mirror the literature over the last several decades since empirical research began in 1950 – ambivalence. Implications/Recommendations: As a discontented citizenry searches for answers, by leaning more politically right or left will gender differences widen or converge due to the issues. Contribution/Value Added: Given the current social and economic climate in the United States we find this research study to be both timely and important. A conservative or liberal orientation by American workers may have important contributions for the direction the US takes not only on pressing economic and social issues at home but abroad as well.
Źródło:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance; 2019, 2(48); 16-25
1898-3529
2658-1116
Pojawia się w:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hybrid Regimes and Political (Dis)Order
Autorzy:
Ficek, Ryszard
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411140.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
hybrid regime
democracy
authoritarianism
political transformation
civil society
Opis:
This paper studies the concept of “hybrid regimes”, not so much in defining and authenticating their functionality but, above all, to exhibit them as so-called “partial” constitutional concepts. Articulating the tensions, divergences, and antagonisms characteristic of these regimes, as well as highlighting the blurring boundaries between democratic systems and authoritarianism “with adjectives”, emphasizes the importance of the examined issues. The author introduces an alternative conceptualization and typology of hybrid regimes and a configurational approach. Instead of placing political regimes on a linear continuum – from authoritarianism to democracy – multidimensional solutions facilitating an alternative typology of the analyzed concepts have been exposed. The configuration approach, however, provides an analytically valuable way to evaluate and integrate hybrid regimes with other classification schemes. Such innovations, therefore, help alleviate conceptual confusion in the literature. Moreover, deepening the understanding of the concept of hybrid regimes, along with emphasizing its conceptual ambiguities and complexity – especially concerning the “politically correct” discourse on the current problems of fragile and politically unstable states – is necessary to better understand the complex and confusing nature of modern regimes of power frequently operating in the most politically unstable regions of the contemporary world.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 46 (53); 49-70
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Union Democracy Promotion and its impact on Civil Society in Central Asia
Autorzy:
Fiedler, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616470.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
authoritarianism
democratization
civil society
Opis:
After a period of relatively small activity in this region, in 2007, the European Union offered a strategy for Central Asia. This strategy addressed many issues, including democratic deficit and human rights violations. The main obstacles to the implementation of the strategy are autocratic tendencies and corruption, the influence of neighbors strongly leaning towards autocracy and the post-Soviet legacy. Additionally, the EU’s activity is overshadowed by the US and has minimal capacity for pursuing its own policy toward Central Asia. Another problem is the fact that after implementing this EU strategy toward Central Asia there are no new initiatives which contribute to more visible European activity in that region.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 1; 73-82
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Consolidation, Hybridization, Globalization - Taiwan and Hungary
Autorzy:
Szabó, Máté
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615886.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
democratization
hybridization
regional development
Central Europe
East Asia
Democracy
party system
political protest
social movements
mobilization
authoritarianism
competitive authoritarianism
Opis:
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since 1988-1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the ‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 153-172
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza w Rosji – logika samorekonstrukcji systemu
Power in Russia – the logic of self-reconstruction of the system
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901680.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Tematy:
Rosja
autorytaryzm
Władimir Putin
Russia
authoritarianism
Vladimir Putin
Opis:
Potencjał i społeczne przyzwolenie na zmiany w Rosji zostały wyczerpane już w 1993 r. Kolejne lata przynoszą coraz większą i coraz bardziej jawną kontynuację rozwiązań z przeszłości. Pewne specyficzne uwarunkowania przywództwa władzy są rzecz jasna typowe dla każdego systemu politycznego, w tym artykule chodziło jednak o podkreślenie czynników, które wpływały na polityczną pozycję przywódcy, a także tych, które przesądziły o klęsce „projektu demokratycznego” w Rosji. W tym kontekście szczególną uwagę zwrócono na uwarunkowania historyczno-kulturowe, cechy osobowościowe prezydenta oraz spuściznę czasów komunistycznych. Ta ostatnia kwestia była kluczowa z punktu widzenia budowy systemu quasi-autorytarnego i autorytarnego (po 2000 r.). Pewnym paradoksem rosyjskiej rewolucji lat 90. było to, że w walce „starego” i „nowego” zarówno władza, jak i elity, walczyły o przeniesienie do nowej Rosji jak największej liczby rozwiązań z ZSRS. Rosja miała być zreformowaną kontynuacją państwa komunistycznego pozbawioną jedynie kilku istotnych wad dawnego systemu. Polityczne zmiany w latach 1991–1993 nie skruszyły prawdziwych fundamentów życia politycznego ZSRS. W znacznym stopniu były więc tylko mniej lub bardziej udaną adaptacją istniejącego systemu do zmieniających się realiów. Tym samym wiele elementów składowych Rosji było jedynie prostą kontynuacją tradycji i rozwiązań sprzed 1991 roku.
In Russia potential for “change” and its social acceptance by the year 1993 have long since expired. The following years mark a stronger and more open “continuity” – that is, the revival of mechanisms of the past. Each political system has, of course, it’s own specific circumstances of leadership, however, this article intended to display those factors, which played a crucial role in building of a political position of the leader in rule as well as those, that determined the collapse of the democratic project in Russia. In this context a special attention was given to cultural and social circumstances, president’s features of character, and the legacy of the communist regime. The last question played a crucial role first in building of a semi-authoritarian and later, after the year 2000, an authoritarian system. The Russian revolution of the 90’s displayed a paradox. In the struggle of the old and the new, both the state power and the elites insisted on implementing as many Soviet mechanisms in new Russia as it was possible. Russia was supposed to be a reformed continuation of the communist state free of a few flaws of the past regime. Political changes that took place between 1991 and 1993 did not shatter real foundations of the political system of the Soviet Union, and turned out to be a more or less successful adaptation of the existing system to the changing circumstances. This meant that many elements that the Russian state consisted of were merely a simple continuation of the tradition and solutions from before year 1991.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka; 2020, 2(63); 5-25
1733-8050
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Education and Support for Democracy in Poland: Attitudinal, Structural, and Cognitive Mechanisms
Autorzy:
Gryniuk, Kateryna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790708.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-03
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
democratic values
education
authoritarianism
social class
cognitive abilities
Opis:
While it is well-known that education is positively connected to support democracy (competitive elections, a multi-party system, and the belief that political leaders must obey the law) in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, we have few empirical tests of how attitudinal, structural, and cognitive mechanisms mediate that connection. I use the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN) for 2008–2013, a crucial period that captures the Polish political experience after acceding to the European Union and before the massive political change of the 2015 elections, to empirically test how these different mechanisms impact the link between education and democratic values. I find empirical support for the hypotheses that (a) in terms of attitudes, higher levels of education are associated with lower authoritarian attitudes, which in turn correlate with stronger pro-democratic values; (b) in terms of structure, individuals with higher levels of education, who are more likely to belong to privileged social classes, are more pro-democratic; (c) in terms of cognitive mechanisms, higher educational attainment is associated with higher cognitive abilities, which in turn correlate with stronger support for democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2018, 201, 1; 3-25
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Questions of Internal Geopolitics of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Kondratenko, Oleg
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519936.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
geopolitics
internal geopolitics
foreign policy
social attitudes
authoritarianism
Opis:
The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan). Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among the intelligentsia and broad social strata.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2018, 26 (33); 43-61
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
To Staunchly “Remain a Reader” and build up a World Comradeship: Reflecting with Rabih Alameddine on World Literature
Autorzy:
Marchi, Lisa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27177649.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
world literature
intimacy
cosmopolitanism
decolonial praxis
anti-authoritarianism
Opis:
What is a classic? To what extent are books and book collections endangered goods? What is the role and meaning of literature and translation in times of hardship? In An Unnecessary Woman (2013), Rabih Alameddine addresses these questions, while also indirectly contesting traditional canonical practices based on rigid hierarchies and the logic of national and linguistic purity. Alameddine highlights the violence inscribed in the practices of book selection and canon formation. In doing so, he troubles received notions of the canon, the classics, and especially of world literature, offering an alternative conceptualization of this long-debated category as an intimate, cosmopolitan assemblage of worldly texts.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2022, 15, 2; 163-185
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
How to Develop Connective Digital Platform for Urban Activism in Unfree Country: Case of “Robim Good” Project
Autorzy:
Kalavur, Andrei
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31873265.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-30
Wydawca:
Akademia Górniczo-Hutnicza im. Stanisława Staszica w Krakowie
Tematy:
digital transformation
platform
digital ecosystem
online participation
authoritarianism
Opis:
This article aims to analyze the “Robim Good” project – a digital platform for sharing urban knowledge and info about upcoming local campaigns. A vacuum among urban initiatives was established in Belarus because of the repressive policy of the authoritarian regime. As a result, around 965 non-profit organizations have been shut down. Nonetheless, there was a demand from activists to create a safe managerial organization that focused on urbanism. The “Robim Good” project became a solution. The research question is as follows: what is the value orientation of the analyzed digital platform that attracts new participants? The paper applies the value-based approach in NGO engagement. The analysis shows that one of the main promoted values and key characteristics of the digital ecosystem is security, which is directed at overcoming the dangers of the unpredictable regime. Subsequently, “Robim Good” has been able to engage volunteers and survive after a year of activity.
Źródło:
Studia Humanistyczne AGH; 2022, 21, 4; 51-59
2084-3364
2300-7109
Pojawia się w:
Studia Humanistyczne AGH
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Increasing the Effectiveness of EU Education Assistance in Uzbekistan. Revising the EU Strategy in Light of the New Regime
Autorzy:
Peyrouse, Sebastien
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616645.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
Uzbekistan
Education
Western assistance
authoritarianism
Opis:
The European Union has identified education in Central Asia as a key area of cooperation. However, the EU’s engagement in this area, which has faced considerable difficulties since the fall of the Soviet Union, has so far not had the desired impact. Based on a case study of Uzbekistan, I argue in this article that the EU should revise its strategy by adopting a more targeted approach, consistent with the longer-term funding it is able to commit to Central Asia and better tailored to the local social context through strong engagement with local stakeholders. Instead of imposing broad concepts designed in Brussels – which have generally not been fully accepted or implemented by local political authorities – this new approach would involve setting up specific projects with local input, such as the opening of campuses of European universities, providing financial and logistical support for school infrastructure, and increasing the involvement of potential employers. With local ownership, EU education assistance will allow a new generation in Uzbekistan to breathe life into long-term reforms by drawing on the European concepts of their instruction, rather than viewing them as imposed from outside.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 3; 7-26
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Engagement of the Judiciary in the Political Activity of the Ruling Camp. A Case Study of the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice
Zaangażowanie wymiaru sprawiedliwości w działalność polityczną obozu władzy. Studium przypadku Najwyższego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Wenezueli
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Wawrzyniec
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27177721.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Latin America
authoritarianism
Venezuela
Nicolas Maduro
Supreme Tribunal of Justice
Opis:
The aim of this article is to define the role played by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice in the political system of contemporary Venezuela and determine the extent of the executive branch’s actual influence on the judiciary. The research problem formulated by the author concerns the determination of the actual importance of the Tribunal in keeping the Chavistas in power. The paper compares the substantive legal competences of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice with the political realities of the recent years and shows the main reasons why the Tribunal’s activities undertaken in recent years have raised so much controversy. It has been pointed out that the Chavistas’ control of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice is a meaningful factor enabling the supporters of Nicolas Maduro to exercise judicial and extrajudicial control over the institutions of the judiciary and influence the legislature
Celem artykułu jest określenie roli odgrywanej przez Najwyższy Trybunał Sprawiedliwości w systemie politycznym współczesnej Wenezueli oraz zakresu rzeczywistego wpływu władzy wykonawczej na sądownictwo. Sformułowany problem badawczy dotyczy ustalenia faktycznego znaczenia Trybunału w utrzymaniu chavistów u władzy. Artykuł porównuje kompetencje materialnoprawne Najwyższego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości z realiami politycznymi ostatnich lat oraz wskazuje główne powody, dla których działania Trybunału podejmowane w ostatnich latach budzą tak wiele kontrowersji. Wskazano, że kontrola chavistów nad Najwyższym Trybunałem Sprawiedliwości jest istotnym czynnikiem umożliwiającym zwolennikom Nicolasa Maduro sprawowanie sądowej i pozasądowej kontroli nad instytucjami sądownictwa oraz wpływanie na władzę ustawodawczą.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2023, 6(76); 375-388
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A New Popular Front, or, on the Role of Critical Jurisprudence under Neo-Authoritarianism in Central-Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Tacik, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685834.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
neo-authoritarianism
constitutional crisis
rule of law
critical jurisprudence
populism
Opis:
The current decade brought a neo-authoritarian wave to the countries in CEE. This process, which in certain respects runs parallel to the populist upsurge in Western countries, has its own specificity. Firstly, by focusing on the clash between “elites” and “the people”, it rekindles – in a displaced, right-wing form – the class conflict which before 1989 was an ideological staple in CEE countries. Secondly, insofar as neo-authoritarianism in CEE has often a distinctly neo-liberal agenda shadowed by declarative anti-globalism and national chauvinism, it warps the field of political struggle. Thirdly, in the neo-authoritarian turn law becomes the crucial field of ideological fight, principally in those countries where populists came to power. In this respect, new governments in CEE resort to a blend of old Fascist tools (such as dismantling of constitutional control and denying the primacy of international law) and new inventions (such as the effective state of exception in some areas of law in Poland introduced in 2015–18). The role of critical jurisprudence in CEE is therefore particularly significant and difficult. The paper argues that liberal jurisprudence, although actively engaged in analysing neo-authoritarianism, does not possess adequate conceptual tools for full success. Therefore critical jurisprudence should urgently take part in explaining neoauthoritarianism in the legal field.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2019, 89; 31-44
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radicals in Central Europe. Real Danger or a Passing Fad
Autorzy:
Marks, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
radicalism
populism
political parties
Central Europe
authoritarianism
democracy
system
transformation
Opis:
The object of this article is to discuss various forms of political radicalism in Central Europe after 1989. This issue is made important by this region’s impact on the Old Continent in its modern history and particular intensification of this phenomenon in countries undergoing dramatic social changes, system transformation in this case. Focusing his attention on Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, the author classifies radical groups as “classic autocrats” and “evolutionary populists.” Differences in ideology, programmes and organization between them as well as their immanent qualities indicate that the popularity of radicals is but a transient phenomenon and poses no threat to the bases of democracy. However, one can consider it a lasting feature of this system, which materializes in the form of changing, disintegrating and yet again reborn groups.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 209-230
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Legitimacy of the political power in post-Soviet Central Asian countries
Legitymacja władzy politycznej w postradzieckich krajach Azji Centralnej
Autorzy:
Konopelko, A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/398842.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Politechnika Białostocka. Oficyna Wydawnicza Politechniki Białostockiej
Tematy:
authoritarianism
Central Asia
legitimacy
legitimization
autorytaryzm
Azja Centralna
legitymacja
legitymizacja
Opis:
The research paper aims to identify the determinants of political legitimacy in post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, to analyse the specific model of leadership in the region and to study the main directions of political transition from totalitarianism to authoritarianism in the Central Asian systems including paradigms of political power. In post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, the remains of a former regime are reflected both in the traditional mentality and in the informal or formal oligarchic and clan political connections. The authorities represent the model of the „neopatrimonial” authoritarian regime with a super-presidential ruling. A specific phenomenon is the significance of a strong leader based on its own ruling party or the armed forces. Elections in the countries have lost their character of a free political competition. Although the elections are held regularly, they do not provide an opportunity to transfer power. Their only purpose is to legitimize it so they have become a plebi-scite for presidential popularity rather than a democratic form of people’s representation.
Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja uwarunkowań legitymacji (legitymizacji) politycznej w postradzieckich krajach Azji Centralnej, analiza specyficznego modelu przywództwa w regionie i głównych kierunków transformacji politycznej od totalitaryzmu do autorytaryzmu przy uwzględnieniu paradygmatów władzy politycznej. W postradzieckich krajach Azji Centralnej pozostałości poprzedniego reżimu są widoczne zarówno w tradycyjnej mentalności, jak i formalnych i nieformalnych powiązaniach klanowych i oligarchicznych. Władza reprezentuje model „neopatrymonialnego” autorytarnego reżimu z superprezydenckim systemem rządów. Specyficzna jest silna pozycja przywódcy oparta na partii rządzącej bądź na armii. Wybory utraciły swój charakter wolnej politycznej rywalizacji. Pomimo, że są regularnie organizowane, nie gwarantują alternacji władzy, a jedynie legitymizują dotychczasową. Stanowią one raczej plebiscyt prezydenckiej popularności niż demokratyczną formę reprezentacji narodu.
Źródło:
Ekonomia i Zarządzanie; 2014, 6, 4; 42-53
2080-9646
Pojawia się w:
Ekonomia i Zarządzanie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Autorytaryzm a postawy rodzicielskie żołnierzy
Authoritarian at work, non-authoritarian at home? Soldier as commander, subordinate and parent
Autorzy:
Piotrowski, A.
Kubacka, K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/347762.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Akademia Wojsk Lądowych imienia generała Tadeusza Kościuszki
Tematy:
autorytaryzm
dyrektywność
postawy
rodzice
żołnierze
authoritarianism
directiveness
parental attitudes
soldiers
Opis:
Artykuł w części teoretycznej charakteryzuje problematykę dyrektywności, autorytaryzmu, postaw rodzicielskich oraz stylów wychowania. Część empiryczna artykułu przedstawia wyniki badań nad dyrektywnością i postawami rodzicielskimi u żołnierzy WP. Powszechne stereotypy społeczne definiują żołnierzy jako osoby o wysokim poziomie autorytaryzmu i dyrektywności oraz przejawiające surowe postawy wychowawcze wobec swoich dzieci. Badania przeprowadzone na grupie żołnierzy i pracowników WP oraz osób zatrudnionych w zawodach cywilnych obalają znaczną cześć tych stereotypów. Wyłaniający się obraz żołnierza w istotny sposób odbiega od aktualnie panującego stereotypu, ale co jest bardzo interesujące, nie różni się znacznie od postaw przejawianych przez osoby cywilne w zakresie analizowanych zmiennych.
The article in its theoretical part is characterized by the problems of directiveness, authoritarianism, parental attitudes and education styles. The purpose of this article is to present the results of research on directiveness and parental attitudes of the Polish Army soldiers. Common social stereotypes define soldiers as people who have a high level of authoritarianism and directiveness and who manifest harsh parenting attitudes to their children. The study on a group of soldiers, Polish military personnel and people working in civilian professions refute the substantial part of these stereotypes. The emerging picture of a soldier is very different from the current stereotype, but what is very interesting is that this picture is not significantly different from the behavior exhibited by civilians in relation to the analyzed variables.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki; 2013, 4; 28-47
1731-8157
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elections in Hybrid Regimes
Wybory w reżimach hybrydowych
Autorzy:
Balicki, Ryszard
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1920624.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Elections
democracy
authoritarianism
hybrid regime
Wybory
demokracja
autorytaryzm
reżim hybrydowy
Opis:
Elections are nowadays treated as a symbol of a democratic order. However, this view is not true. The institution of elections also occurs in states that are far from being a democracy. However, their course and functions significantly differ from the elections carried out in democratic countries. As it has been shown in the article, the analysis of the title issue becomes particularly important due to the growing group of countries referred to as hybrid regimes.
Wybory traktowane są współcześnie jako symbol demokratycznego porządku. Jednak pogląd ten nie jest prawdziwy. Instytucja wyborów występuje również w państwach, które są dalekie od demokracji. Jednak ich przebieg i spełniane funkcje w istotny sposób różnią się od wyborów realizowanych w państwach demokratycznych. Jak ukazane to zostało w artykule analiza tytułowego zagadnienia staje się szczególnie istotna z związku ze zwiększająca się grupą państw określanych jako reżimy hybrydowe.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2020, 6 (58); 159-166
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bogurodzico, przegoń Putina. Pussy Riot – feministki kontra autorytaryzm w Rosji
Mother of God, Banish Putin. Feminists Against Authoritarianism in Russia
Autorzy:
Wasielewski, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2193954.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Rosja
Cerkiew
władza
autorytaryzm
Pussy Riot
Russia
church
power
authoritarianism
Opis:
The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.
Wydarzenia mające miejsce w końcówce 2011 r. w Rosji – sfałszowane wybory parlamentarne oraz nominacja Władimira Putina jako kandydata na prezydenta, oznaczająca de facto jego powrót na Kreml po 4 latach – spowodowały liczne protesty na nieznaną dotychczas w rosyjskich realiach skalę. Na ulicę Moskwy wyszło według różnych szacunków kilkadziesiąt tysięcy niezadowolonych obywateli, którym przewodzili m.in. Aleksiej Nawalny oraz zamordowany w 2015 r. Borys Niemcow. Publiczne poparcie władzy oraz potępienie protestujących przez Patriarchę Cyryla – zwierzchnika Rosyjskiej Cerkwi Prawosławnej spotkało się z reakcją ze strony oburzonego społeczeństwa. 21 lutego 2012 r. w soborze Chrystusa Zbawiciela w Moskwie doszło do punkowego performance’u feministycznej grupy Pussy Riot. Występ miał być formą protestu wobec nieformalnego sojuszu tronu i ołtarza panującego w Rosji od wielu lat, zobowiązującego obie strony do wzajemnego wsparcia, szczególnie w kryzysowych momentach. Proces trzech członkiń Pussy Riot – Nadieżdy Tołokonnikowej, Jekateriny Samucewicz oraz Marii Alochiny miał charakter polityczny, pomimo usilnych starań sędzów oraz prokuratorów, którzy próbowali zarzutom nadać charakter obrazy uczuć religijnych. Na kobietach dokonano politycznego linczu, którego rzeczywistym powodem było okazanie nieposłuszeństwa wobec głowy państwa rosyjskiego oraz sprzeciw wobec autorytarnej formie rządów. Pokazowy proces potraktowano jako przestrogę dla przeciwników systemu przed podjęciem jakichkolwiek działań wymierzonych we władzę państwową. Performance Pussy Riot oraz jego konsekwencje sprowokowały wiele pytań na temat kondycji praworządności w Rosji oraz trwałości reżimu Władimira Putina. W artykule opisana została wcześniejsza działalność aktywistek Pussy Riot, tło wydarzeń poprzedzających słynne wystąpienie w soborze Chrystusa Zbawiciela, pokazowy proces oraz reakcja świata na wyrok. Głównym problemem badawczym jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy działalność feministycznej, punkowej grupy Pussy Riot ma charakter polityczny? Główną hipotezą jest założenie, że ze względu na panujący w Rosji „sojusz ołtarza z tronem”, czyli zażyłą relację Rosyjskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego z aparatem władzy państwowej, każdy przejaw niesubordynacji względem państwa przy użyciu dominującej religii powoduje automatycznie jego upolitycznienie. Metoda badawcza wykorzystana w artykule to analiza źródeł pisanych.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2019, 18; 316-332
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populizm, autorytaryzm, Polska. Maciej Gdula o konsekwencjach polskiej transformacji liberalnej
Autorzy:
Haremska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/437331.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii
Tematy:
neo‑authoritarianism
“good change”
Miastko
neoliberalism
left‑wing
social classes
Źródło:
ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal; 2018, 8, `1; 129-140
2083-6635
2084-1043
Pojawia się w:
ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Президентська Росія перед викликами модернізації: соціально-політичний аспект
Prezydencka Rosja wobec wyzwań modernizacji: aspekt społeczno-polityczny
Autorzy:
Піляєв, Ігор
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489261.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
socio-political modernization,
post-Communist Russia,
political transit,
“guided democracy”,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article investigates the historical background of Russia’s socio-political transformation in the age of presidential republic, the Russian society’s present state and modernization prospects. Since the Horde Russia would be effected by the oriental despotism. The Russian modernization historically took place under the Western civilization’s influence but its instruments were mostly despotic and essentially anti-European. The Russian historical drama is that the social base of its modernization had been exterminated during the Bolshevik Revolution and Stalin’s dictatorship, and by now, in the train of the ongoing post-communist transformations, is still in germ. In contrast to the American Great Power doctrine where democracy serves as an important tool, Putin’s Russia has chosen the absolute priority of state and corporate interests over rights, freedoms and interests of its citizens. The author concludes that the fundamental problems and challenges, which had confronted the Russian modernization a quarter century ago, have remained unresolved. The most important of them are the key political actors’ unwillingness to act within the democratic rules, the values foundation friability, the lack of democratic consciousness and political culture. Since the annexation of Crimea and the start of the hybrid war in Donbas Russia’s socio-political transformation has found clear imperial meanings and would rely henceforth on the Eurasian space’ resource self-sufficiency with the strictly authoritarian state ideology and elements of the mobilization economy.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 14-23
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Znaczenie Arabskiej Wiosny
The Importance of the Arab Spring
Autorzy:
Zdanowski, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505190.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Arab Spring
Middle East
authoritarianism
Islamism
new subjectivity
new international order
Opis:
At the turn of 2011, turbulent events occurred in the Middle East that have become known all over the world as the ‘Arab Spring’. Initially, these protests were a form of civil disobedience. Later, the situation developed in several directions. In Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Mauritania, Sudan and Oman, the authorities managed to convince the public that they would meet their needs and introduce new reforms. The authorities in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain took the severest positions. In Tunisia and Egypt free elections were conducted, and these countries have started to build a democratic system. This experiment was interrupted in Egypt on July 3, 2013 by the intervention of the army. In the light of these events, can one assume that the Arab Spring is a closed chapter in the history of the Middle East, and that the hope for democracy in the countries of the region have been buried forever? This article refers to the sources of the ‘Arab Spring’ and demonstrates its importance for the history of the region.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 3; 13-33
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Destruction of Legal Reason: Lessons from the Past
Autorzy:
Cercel, Cosmin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685836.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
authoritarianism
interwar
legal history
legal theory
liberal legality
rule of law
Opis:
The legal predicament of today in Europe and beyond takes the form of a devaluation of the meaning of legality, constitutionality and, of the rule of law. What we are dealing with is yet another crisis of both the tradition of the Rechtsstaat in continental setting and, more broadly, of liberal legality. While this disruption within the sphere of the law seems to mirror the reshuffling in established politics that took place over the last twenty years, it traces back to central jurisprudential questions that have made the substance of crucial debates during the interwar and have fashioned both the field of constitutional theory of the continent and our jurisprudential apparatus for approaching the nexus between law and politics. In this article I argue that the apparent uchronia that the current status of the law opens in relation to past theoretical questions that were seeking to ground legality, is neither a simple by-product of a Zeigeist oversaturated by appeals to procedural democracy or for returns to sovereign power, nor a mere regression to past juridico-political settings. It is a historical development that has been dormant for the past decades, yet has slowly undermined legal thought and praxis. Revisiting, as a matter of historical and jurisprudential inquiry, the context and the content of this original opposition between liberal legality and its enemy, is a way of understanding what constructs our own contemporary situation.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2019, 89; 15-30
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ekonomia i gospodarka autorytarna. Ujęcie normatywne i praktyka
Economics and Authoritarian Economy: Normative Approach and Practice
Autorzy:
Rogaczewska, Krystyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411096.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
authoritarianism
totalitarianism
economy
theory
housekeeping
doctrines
autorytaryzm
totalitaryzm
ekonomia
teoria
doktryny
Opis:
Doktryny autorytaryzmu i totalitaryzmu stanowią konglomerat różnych wpływów ideologicznych i kulturowych, są zlepkiem wielu koncepcji. Elementem stanowiącym wspólny mianownik jest podejście do kwestii gospodarowania. Mimo różnic w odniesieniu do innych wartości – w obszarze ekonomii odnajdujemy wiele podobieństw. Przede wszystkim po stronie zbieżności występuje podporządkowanie ekonomii polityce. Ekonomia pełni funkcję służebną wobec klasy, narodu czy Volku. Teoretycy wspomnianych nurtów odrzucają działanie praw ekonomicznych, wolny rynek, negują zysk jako motyw podejmowania aktywności gospodarczej. Nacjonaliści, marksiści czy faszyści wyrażają niechęć do wolności gospodarowania, kładąc nacisk na omnipotencję państwa. We wszystkich tych systemach mamy do czynienia z kolektywizmem i odrzuceniem indywidualizmu. Najbardziej naukowo rozbudowany jest system marksistowski, natomiast najmniej – narodowo-socjalistyczny. Obydwa systemy wykazują jednak wiele podobieństw, gdyż poszukują wroga w obszarze gospodarowania. Wrogiem mogą być Żydzi, imperialiści, liberałowie czy inne siły, które zagrażają integralności wspólnoty. Zatem wartości ekonomiczne nie są kategorią analityczną, która pozwoliłaby na identyfikację danego nurtu. Jeśli uznamy, że dany nurt doktrynalny identyfikujemy poprzez politykę, ekonomię i szeroko pojętą kulturę, to ekonomia w przypadku faszyzmu, narodowego socjalizmu, nacjonalizmu i marksizmu nie jest narzędziem pozwalającym na wyodrębnienie doktryny.
The doctrines of authoritarianism and totalitarianism are a conglomerate of various ideological and cultural influences, they are a patchwork of many concepts. The common denominator is the approach to economy. Despite the differences in relation to other values, we find many similarities in this area. First of all, there is the subordination of economy to politics. Economics fulfils a service function towards the class, nation, or Volk. All theorists of these trends reject the operation of economic laws and the free market, they deny profit as a motive for undertaking economic activity. Nationalists, Marxists and fascists express reluctance to economic freedom, emphasizing the omnipotence of the state. In all of these systems we deal with collectivism and a rejection of individualism. The most scientifically developed is the Marxist system, while the least complex is the National Socialist one. Regardless, however, both systems have many similarities, as they are looking for an enemy in the area of economics. They may be Jews, imperialists, liberals, or some other forces that threaten the integrity of the community. Thus, economic values are not an analytical category that would allow the identification of a given trend. If we recognize that we identify a given doctrinal trend through politics, economy and broadly understood culture, then in the case of fascism, National Socialism, nationalism and Marxism, economy is not a tool that allows for identifying a given doctrine.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 43 (50); 55-74
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reforma konstytucyjna w Federacji Rosyjskiej w 2020 r.
Russia’s Constitutional Reform of 2020
Autorzy:
Czachor, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1927252.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
konstytucjonalizm
autorytaryzm
nowelizacja konstytucji
Federacja Rosyjska
constitutionalism
authoritarianism
constitutional amendments
Russian Federation
Opis:
W 2020 r. miała miejsce najpoważniejsza jak do tej pory nowelizacja ustawy zasadniczej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Doprowadziła ona do wzmocnienia pozycji prezydenta w systemie władzy publicznej, umożliwiła W. Putinowi rządzenie do 2034 r. oraz wprowadziła szereg innych istotnych zmian. Celem poniższego artykułu jest omówienie okoliczności nowelizacji, treści zmian oraz dokonanie ich wstępnej oceny. Charakterystyki nowelizacji dokonano w ujęciu tematycznym, skupiając się na: relacjach wzajemnych organów władzy publicznej, miejscu prawa międzynarodowego w systemie źródeł prawa Rosji oraz innych poprawkach o charakterze tożsamościowym i aksjologicznym. Skutkiem reformy jest wzmocnienie pozycji ustrojowej prezydenta, nawet przy formalnym utrzymaniu modelu semiprezydenckiego, ograniczenie roli parlamentu, samorządu lokalnego, a także pozbawienie autonomii władzy sądowniczej.
In 2020 took place the most serious constitutional reform in the Russian Federation. The amendments result in the strengthening of the President in the political system, enable V. Putin to maintain power until 2034 and introduce some other significant changes. The aim of the following paper is to present the circumstances of the reform, the contents of the amendments, and their overall summary. Particular attention was paid to the following issues: relations among main institutions of state power, the place of international law in the sources of Russia’s law and other amendments related to constitutional identity and axiology. The reform results in strengthening the position of the President, even though still within the semi-presidential model of the political system, the diminished role of the Parliament, local self-government and deprivation of the autonomy of the judiciary.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2021, 3 (61); 261-276
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Autorytaryzm rywalizacyjny na Ukrainie podczas prezydentury Wiktora Janukowycza w latach 2010–2013
Autorzy:
Banaś, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/569025.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Ukraine
competitive authoritarianism
presidency
Viktor Yanukovych
Украина
конкурентоспособная авторитаризм
президентство
Виктор Янукович
Opis:
Anticipated effect of democratization is not only the establishment of effective democratic institutions, but also to consolidate behavior patterns typical for this system. Unfortunately, this process does not always achieve the assumed effect. It is recognized that the democratic transformation can be completed in three ways: success, failure (back to authoritarian rule), or the establishment of hybrid regime, “hanged” between democracy and authoritarianism. An example of such a system is competitive authoritarianism, which model was firstly described by S. Levitsky and L. A. Way. In the article author intends to analyse the political situation in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in the years 2010–2013 using this model. Thanks to this an attempt to explain the systemic causes of the events taking place in this country at the turn of 2013 and 2014 will be also undertaken.
Ожидаемый эффект демократизации не только создание эффективных демократических институтов , но и укрепить модели поведения , характерные для этой системы. К сожалению, этот процесс не всегда достигают предполагаемого эффекта. Признается, что демократические преобразования может быть завершена в трех направлениях: Успех, ошибка (назад к авторитарному правлению), или установление гибридный режим “повешенных” между демократией и авторитаризмом. Примером такой системы является конкурентоспособной авторитаризм, какая модель была впервые описана С. Левицкого и Л. Пути. В статье намерен проанализировать политическую ситуацию в Украине во время президентства Виктора Януковича в годы 2010–2013, используя эту модель. Будет также проведен Благодаря этому попытка объяснить системные причины событий, происходящих в этой стране на рубеже 2013 и 2014 годов.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2014, 1(6); 81-98
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
opposition,
the parliamentary opposition, government,
power,
political conflict, democracy,
political competition,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Відсутність політичної волі до демократичних перетворень як чинник поглиблення деструктивних процесів
Lack of political will to democratic transformations as a factor in the deepening of destructive processes
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489440.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will,
democratic transformations,
destructive processes,
neopatrimonyalism,
political modernization,
incomplete modernization,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The analysis of controversial and ambiguous political processes that have taken place in recent decades in all regions of the world without exception requires further in-depth study. This is especially true of the determining influence of the lack or insufficient utilization of power-volitional aspects in the conditions of transition from authoritarianism to democracy. Fuse deployment destructive processes of social development and statehood must be working effectively state-administrative apparatus at the system level and the political will at the level of functioning of individual and collective actors political and decision-making. In fact, the political will of the national elite as a generator of reforms in the face of modernization challenges appears as a systemic characteristic and prerequisites for the effectiveness of the state-management system as a whole. The lack of consistency in the interaction management, and state authorities, in turn, leads to the expansion and deepening of destructive processes at national or regional level, which is convincing proof of lack of political will in political and business decision-making. The political development of the post-Soviet countries in the last quarter century, that is, after the collapse of the USSR, proves that one of the examples of deliberate election by the representatives of the national political elite of the destructive vector of state development is the countries of Central Asia, where autocratic regimes of the sultanist type were formed, accompanied by the simultaneous archaization of socio-cultural and economic The life of these countries. Choice destructive vector of development of Central Asia in the form sultanizmu demonstrates the lack of political will of the ruling class of these countries at the beginning of national state when making a decision to break as the colonial and Soviet traditions patrymonializmu, cronyism and nepotism and the transition to democratic practices. The choice of archaism socio-cultural and political life of the national elites in Central Asia was primarily driven by their fear of radical systemic change as a potential threat to personal specifically for these elites, quite correctly be interpreted as a manifestation of the lack of will for democratic change. Thus, due to the absence or lack of political will of the ruling class in countries neopatrymonialnymy political systems there involutional public-policy process - from upgrading often quietly move to kontrmodernizatsiyi, preserving or incomplete socio-political transformation and publicly reject any changes as Those that are not inherent in the national traditions and mentality of the people. The indicated processes are extremely destructive for the national-state development of countries with incomplete modernization, because they provoke unpredictable consequences in the future. And these consequences can be unpredictable delays at the time, but they do gosudarstvennichesky national development in the future unsecured and non-competitive compared with countries where the political will of the ruling class helped bring modernization transformation to its logical conclusion. Accordingly, further research of the proposed problem should focus on the study of the classification characteristics of manifestations of individual and collective political will and its absence in the modern world.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 238-244
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Unia Europejska na rzecz demokratyzacji państw Azji Centralnej – działania i efekty
The European Union for the democratization of states in Central Asia – activities and results
Autorzy:
Fiedler, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625145.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
authoritarianism
liberalization
Unia Europejska
Azja Centralna
autorytaryzm
liberalizacja
Opis:
European Union after years of relatively small activity, in 2007 offered a strategy to Central Asia. In that strategy were addressed many issues, including democratic deficit or human rights violations. EU in its activity is overshadowed by the US and has small capacity for pursuing its own policy to the Central Asia. Another problem is a fact that after accomplishing EU strategy to Central Asia there are no new initiatives which will contribute for more visible European activity in that region.
Unia Europejska dopiero w 2007 r. zaproponowała wobec regionu Azji Centralnej strategię, w której odniesiono się do różnych problemów, w tym deficytu demokracji i łamania praw człowieka. Istotnym ograniczeniem działań UE jest występowanie w cieniu USA oraz brak ambicji by także rozwijać współpracę w innych obszarach jak bezpieczeństwo czy zwiększenie europejskich inwestycji. Kolejnym problemem jest po zakończeniu jedynej strategii brak nakreślenia priorytetów, które umożliwiłoby UE na odgrywanie większej roli w Azji Centralnej.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2016, 10; 371-379
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czynniki determinujące frekwencję wyborczą w Gwatemali
The factors that determine the abstention rate in Guatemala
Autorzy:
Kowalczyk, Zuzanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/585325.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
Gwatemala
frekwencja wyborcza
kultura polityczna
autorytaryzm
Guatemala
voter turnout
political culture
authoritarianism
Opis:
Artykuł poświęcony jest przyczynom niskiej frekwencji wyborczej w Gwatemali. Wymieniono i scharakteryzowano uwarunkowania, które mają wpływ na to zjawisko, odnoszące się do sfery gospodarczej, społecznej i politycznej. Szczególny nacisk został położony na przyczyny związane z ukształtowaną pod wpływem kolonializmu i autorytaryzmu oraz kulturą polityczną.. Zaakcentowane zostały także powiązania między poziomem frekwencji wyborczej a składem etnicznym społeczeństwa gwatemalskiego, co prowadzi do wniosku, że większość czynników mogących zniechęcać obywateli do uczestnictwa w wyborach w największym stopniu dotyczy indiańskich grup ludności.
The author of the article aims at explaining the reasons behind the abstention rate in Guatemalan elections. The conditions related to economic, social and political fields, which have impact on voters turnout, are presented. The author emphasizes the reasons intertwined with political culture, which was shaped under the influence of colonialism and authoritarian rule. Furthermore the author emphasizes relations between the level of voters turnout and ethnic composition of Guatemalan society. It leads to a conclusion that the majority of factors that may disincline the citizens to participate in the elections in the greatest extent affects indigenous groups of population.
Źródło:
Studia Wyborcze; 2017, 23; 135-151
1898-0082
Pojawia się w:
Studia Wyborcze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Between Market Principles and State Security: The Economic Order in Interwar Poland under the Authoritarian System (1926–1939)
Między zasadami rynku a bezpieczeństwem państwa: Ład gospodarczy w międzywojennej Polsce w warunkach systemu autorytarnego (1926–1939)
Autorzy:
Paruch, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1373962.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
authoritarianism
political thought
economy
political system
autorytaryzm
myśl polityczna
gospodarka
system polityczny
Opis:
The article performs the analysis of the political views on economy that had an important impact on the concepts of economic policy in the Republic of Poland put forward by Piłsudski and Piłsudski’s camp – the authoritarian camp ruling in the Republic of Poland from 1926 to 1939. The author investigates the traces and the evidence of the political thought (i.e. the source material produced by the politicians of the political party and the description of decisions they made at that time).The scope of the interest included the property regulations that were grounded not only in the economical context, but, in particular – the political one. The political bases for economic decisions made by Józef Piłsudski and his camp and the successors were under research. In the period of the power transfer the followers of Józef Piłsudski did not legitimise the coup using the economic perspective even though the financial situation of the country was to deteriorate. Only after the coup had succeeded was the property order formulated, including the scope and the dimension of the economic order.
Artykuł jest analizą poglądów politycznych na gospodarkę decydujących o koncepcjach polityki gospodarczej, realizowanej w Polsce międzywojennej przez obóz piłsudczykowski – obóz autorytarny rządzący w tym państwie w latach 1926–1939. Dokonano analizy śladów i świadectw myśli politycznych, czyli źródeł wytworzonych przez polityków tej formacji politycznej oraz opisów podjętych wówczas decyzji. Przedmiotem zainteresowania były regulacje własnościowe, które miały nie tylko kontekst ekonomiczny, lecz przede wszystkim polityczny. Zbadano polityczne podstawy decyzji ekonomicznych podejmowanych przez dyktatora Józefa Piłsudskiego i jego współpracowników oraz następców, a także recepcję ówczesnych teorii ekonomicznych. W czasie przejęcia władzy zwolennicy nie uzasadniali zamachu stanu za pomocą argumentów ekonomicznych, mimo, iż sytuacja w gospodarce nosiła znamiona kryzysowej. Dopiero po zamachu opracowano postulowany ład własnościowy, w tym zakres i zasięg zmian w porządku gospodarczym.
Źródło:
Res Historica; 2020, 49; 403-423
2082-6060
Pojawia się w:
Res Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reżim polityczny na Ukrainie w okresie prezydentury Wiktora Janukowycza
The Political Regime in Ukraine During the Presidency of Viktor Yanukovych
Autorzy:
Hurska-Kowalczyk, Liana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832854.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-05-05
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Ukraina
hybrydowy reżim polityczny
autorytaryzm
demokracja
Ukraine
hybrid political regime
authoritarianism
democracy
Opis:
W niniejszym artykule autorka próbuje wyjaśnić, jaki rodzaj reżimu politycznego był na Ukrainie w okresie prezydentury W. Janukowycza. W wyniku analizy dochodzi do wniosku, że w tym okresie na Ukrainie istniał hybrydowy reżim polityczny. Janukowycz przede wszystkim podporządkował sobie system konstytucyjny. Dało to mu szerokie możliwości koncentracji władzy w swoich rękach. Janukowycz i jego ekipa stopniowo wprowadzali na Ukrainie reżim autorytarny. Nie byli jednak konsekwentni w tym zakresie.
In this article the author tries to explain what kind of political regime was in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych. The analysis concludes that during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in Ukraine behaved hybrid political regime. V. Yanukovych above all subdued constitutional system. This gave him various opportunities for the concentration of power in his hands. V. Yanukovych and his team progressively introduced in Ukraine authoritarian regime. But they were not consistent in this regard.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2016, 44, 1; 107-130
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Why did Putin go too far? The rationality of Vladimir Putin’s decision to begin a war with Ukraine
Autorzy:
Bäcker, Roman
Rak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2118943.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-23
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
: Russia
Ukraine
war
political decision-making
authoritarianism
clep-
tocracy
Western militant democracy
Opis:
The paper aims to determine the extent of the rationality of Vladimir Putin’s decision to begin a war with Ukraine. Its central argument is that this decision was irrational on three levels. Firstly, the Russian decision-making elites failed to foresee the ability of the Ukrainian army and people to resist efficiently. It might have resulted from the imperial superiority syndrome reinforced by the experiences of 2014. Secondly, the elites treated the reports on the Russian army’s combat readiness as reliable and did not make an effort to verify them. Probably no one can determine the scale of the kleptocracy, and therefore no one has reliable data on the quality of the Russian army’s combat preparation. Thirdly, the elites failed to envisage the scale of support for Ukraine from Western democracies. What is more, they did not take into account the democratic rationality of Western politicians. The same politicians who appeared to Putin to be weak and incapable of action, immediately after the mass social protests and condemnation of Russia’s aggression by public opinion, acted following the clearly expressed will of the political nation. The article reflects on the systemic reasons for such a poor definition of the decision-making situation and then tries to formulate the general relationship between the quality of the decision-making elite and the acceleration of the bifurcation processes of the Russian autocratic regime.
Źródło:
Society Register; 2022, 6, 3; 57-72
2544-5502
Pojawia się w:
Society Register
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary
Autorzy:
Rak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2014409.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
militant democracy
Karl Loewenstein
neo-militant democracy
political regime
hybrid regime
Hungary
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 2 (49); 61-70
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition
Opozycja w reżimach autorytarnych – stadium przypadku na przykładzie rosyjskiej opozycji niesystemowej
Autorzy:
Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk, Olga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
non-systemic opposition
authoritarianism
Kremlin
protest movement
niesystemowa opozycja
autorytaryzm
Kreml
ruch protestacyjny
Opis:
Według Juana Linza, autorytarni władcy dopuszczają ograniczony i bezsilny pluralizm polityczny i organizację wyborów, ale jasno pokazują, że zmiana władzy jest niemożliwa, a opozycja nie może przejąć władzy. Wybory w reżimach autorytarnych są częścią nominalnie demokratycznych instytucji i pomagają władzom legitymizować panujący reżim. Wybory nie są wolne ani uczciwe, a zatem nie stanowią szansy dla opozycji, aby wygrać i zmienić system polityczny w ich następstwie. Można zadać pytanie, jakiego rodzaju działania powinna podjąć opozycja w celu wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Jest to obecnie główny problem niesystemowej opozycji w Federacji Rosyjskiej. Z jednej strony ma ona problem z uzyskaniem dostępu do wyborów, ale z drugiej strony wie, że nawet gdyby mogła wziąć w nich udział, nie byłyby to wybory demokratyczne. Artykuł stara się rzucić światło na strategie niesystemowej opozycji rosyjskiej i możliwości jej wpływu na rosyjskie społeczeństwo, w warunkach gdy rząd próbuje marginalizować, osłabiać i ostatecznie niszczyć niesystemową opozycję. Artykuł przedstawia krytyczną analizę literatury i dokumentów na ten temat.
According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless political pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposition and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2017, 4; 175-190
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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