Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

Wyszukujesz frazę "Authoritarianism" wg kryterium: Temat


Tytuł:
O społeczno-politycznych źródłach złego stresu i jego edukacyjnych skutkach
On Social and Political Sources of Bad Stress and its Educational Effects
Autorzy:
Olubiński, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/916249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
corporatism
authoritarianism
stress
education
Opis:
The main problem of considerations concerns the relationships and dependencies between selectedsocio-political factors as stressors and specific reactions to them of selected categories of people andgroups, analysed in terms of educational processes. The author is especially interested in the stressfuland educational role of human participation in the system of corporate trade as the source of artificiallycreated needs connected with continuous shopping and multiplying material goods. The second stress factor analysed below is the character of state power exercised by politicians, with the particular role of its distortion towards authoritarian relations. The final kind of synthetic summary of the above deliberations is an attempt of critical evaluation of the educational role of stress caused by the authoritarian school. And although the discussed stress factors the author attempts to refer to individual behaviours, taking into account, for example, the concepts of human nature, age and institution (e.g. school), the conclusions and findings resulting from these analyses are also more general. Their essence relates to the thesis that regardless of individual behaviours in a stressful situation, generally negative stressors, such as the impact of corporate economy, pathological character of exercising authority or authoritarian school usually shape negativebehaviour, including mainly authoritarian personalities.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2019, 55; 39-58
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„We will go through this TOGETHER!“ Bemerkungen zu Vulnerabilität und zum kompulsiven Resilienzvarieté in politischen COVID-19-Krankheitsnarrativen
„We will go through this TOGETHER!“ Notes on Vulnerability and Compulsive Resilience Vaudeville in Political COVID-19 Illness Narratives
Autorzy:
Bonacchi, Silvia
Warnke, Ingo H.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056808.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Vulnerabilität
Resilienz
Gender
Covid-19
Soft Authoritarianism
vulnerability
resilience
gender
soft authoritarianism
Opis:
Das Paper diskutiert in einer ersten, tentativen und explorativen Sichtung Fragen der Resilienzperformanz in sozial adressierten Krankheitsnarrativen im Rahmen politischer Kommunikation und Selbstdarstellung. Am Beispiel des US-Präsidenten Donald Trump und des Britischen Premierministers Boris Johnson und ihrer Covid-19-Erkrankungen wird auf Formen der medialen Selbstdarstellung als resiliente Politiker eingegangen. Die gendercodierten Displays von Vulnerabilität und maskuliner Resilienz werden in einer kritischen Lesart auf die Performanz des vermeintlich Normalen bezogen. Dabei werden ausgehend von Judith Butler die Krankheitsnarrative der Stärke interpretiert als Abwehr und Angst vor Schwäche und Bedrohung. Im Fazit werden die ersten Beobachtungen auf Fragen neuer Formen des Autoritarismus, des so genannten Soft Authoritarianism bezogen. Der Beitrag versteht sich als Skizze und als Vorüberlegung zu einer späteren systematischen Beschäftigung mit Vulnerabilität, Gender und politischer Kommunikation.
In a first, tentative and explorative review, the paper discusses issues of resilience performance in socially addressed illness narratives in the context of political communication and self-representation. Using the examples of U.S. President Donald Trump and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and their Covid-19 disorders, the paper explores forms of media self-representation as resilient politicians. In a critical reading, the gender-coded displays of vulnerability and masculine resilience are related to the performance of the supposedly normal. Taking Judith Butler as a reference point, the illness narratives of strength are interpreted as a defense against and fear of weakness and threat. In the conclusion, the initial observations are related to questions of new forms of authoritarianism, so-called soft authoritarianism. The article is intended as a sketch and as a preliminary consideration for a future systematic study of vulnerability, gender, and political communication. 
Źródło:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature; 2021, 45, 2; 53-64
0137-4699
Pojawia się w:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Poles’ Commitment to the Rights of Political Dissenters
Autorzy:
Gołębiowska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929381.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political tolerance
minority rights
authoritarianism
Opis:
Empirical research on support for democracy and democratic values in Eastern Europe has proliferated in the last decade and a half. Based on survey data from a recent, nationally representative survey of Polish public opinion, I contribute to this growing literature by exploring the dynamics of Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters. Using multivariate regression analysis, I model the relationships between a variety of socio-political assessments and support for political dissenters’ rights. I find that Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters is far from uniform and varies as a function of authoritarianism, approval of the government in power, anomie, education, and (marginally) gender. I conclude with a discussion of my findings’ implications for democratic consolidation in Poland.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 231-242
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Totalitarianism in sociological research
Autorzy:
Borowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1178646.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Tematy:
Holocaust
authoritarianism
dictatorship
junta
totalitarianism
Opis:
Totalitarianism is a form of social system (usually a state one), the essential feature of which is to strive for seizing strict subordination and constant control over all areas of social and individual life. There are no legal limitations for the totalitarian power, nor it limits itself. All totalitarian systems are preceded by violent social revolutions that overuse [misuse] the slogans of the Great French Revolution. Involvement of the citizens is usually in their mass participation in different forms of action and expression of their enthusiasm for the “successes” of the system.
Źródło:
World Scientific News; 2017, 67, 2; 80-101
2392-2192
Pojawia się w:
World Scientific News
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘Schools of Hatred’. The Essence of Totalitarianism in Jerzy W. Borejsza’s Approach
Autorzy:
Ceran, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131450.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-18
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
totalitarianism
authoritarianism
fascism
Nazism
communism
Opis:
Jerzy W. Borejsza regarded the term ‘totalitarianism’ as a helpful tool in describing the political systems in Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and the Bolshevik/communist Soviet Union, but opted for restricted use of the term. Apart from the classical determinants of a totalitarian system, he believed that the mobilisation of hatred against the predefined ethnic/national, racial, or class enemy was essential to any totalitarianism. Rather than adding a new distinguishing feature of the totalitarian system, the Polish historian carried out a series of multi-aspect comparative analyses of its earlier-defined traits and characteristics. He has drawn a precise distinction between a totalitarian and authoritarian system. Not satisfied with apparent similarities, he tried to explore the issue more deeply, identifying different intensities of the phenomena specific to totalitarian systems. He stressed a gradation of totalitarianism in the different totalitarian systems, at the different stages of their functioning. To his credit goes the introduction in the historiography of the concept of ‘anti-Slavism’ and, as part of it, anti-Polonism, as essential traits of the National Socialist ideology. He opposed the simplifications tending to appear in broadly used terms, the attempts to ‘ideologise’ and ‘politicise’ the history, particularly in describing the communist totalitarianism. According to Borejsza, fascism, Nazism, and communism had once frequented the same school of totalitarian hatred and took there the same classes – but they were differently evaluated when it came to the finals.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2021, 123; 57-72
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza despotyczna czy demokratyczna? Partie i wyborcy wobec demokracji i „rządów silnej ręki”
Despotic or democratic rule? Parties and voters regarding democracy and “strong-arm government”
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514497.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
democracy
authoritarianism
Polish political parties
Opis:
The article concerns the attitudes of parties and their voters towards democracy and support for a “strong-arm government”. The research included the five largest Polish civil parties Platforma Obywatelska RP (Civic Platform RP), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Twój Ruch (Your Movement) and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party). The results confirmed that, on the one hand, voters acknowledge democracy as the best political system for Poland; however, on the other hand, a substantial part of them longs for strong authorities. Supporting democracy, they advocate a “strong-arm government”. Among left-wing voters, there is three times more proponents of such governments than persons acknowledging another political system as better than democratic one. In the case of political scene centre voters, the number of “strong-arm government” proponents amounts to over four times the number of democracy critics. Nearly half of the right-wing voters supported the “strong-arm government”, and every fifth of them did not acknowledge democracy as the best political system. Proponents of democracy dominate in electorates of all parties. Groups in which their advantage over opponents is clearly the smallest include: PiS-voters, persons who declared the will to vote for another formation, and persons who did not want to participate in the elections. Among the PiS-voters, nearly three times more supported “strong-arm government” than opposed it. Among the voters of PO, SLD, and Your Movement, there were more opponents of a “strong-arm government” than its proponents. One may assume that a formation critical towards democracy and favorable towards reinforcement of authority of a strong, charismatic leader could gain among the right-wing voters. It may partially explain why did the Kongres Nowej Prawicy (Congress of the New Right) receive substantial support in the elections to the European Parliament. KNP criticizes the modern democracy and its leader favorably talked about activities of politicians who apply the methods of a “strong-arm government”. On the left side of the political scene there are no premises for the emergence of a political force based on similar views and having greater support.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 85-98
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakter władzy suwerennej w koncepcjach ładu konstytucyjnego Hansa Kelsena i Carla Schmitta
The nature of sovereign power in the constitutional concepts of Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt
Autorzy:
Kaleta, Krzysztof J.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
sovereignty
normativism
authoritarianism
constitution
liberalism
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to review the controversy between two, potentially most influential legal theorists in 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt. Their philosophical concepts: Schmittian decisionism and Kelsenian normativism, were based on different assumptions, leading their authors to variant practical conclusions. It is reasonable to infer that the differences in their visions of constitutional order were deeply rooted in different intellectual traditions – not only political (Kelsen’s involvement in defense of liberal democracy unlike Carl Schmitt, whose conservative attitude and critique of liberalism led to support totalitarian state and extreme right wing ideology), but also theological (pantheistic idea of God and fideism; conflict between rationality and faith). So from this perspective „Pure theory of law” can be seen as pantheistic political theology, because „pantheism overcomes the opposition of God and World; the Pure Theory of Law accordingly overcomes the opposition of State and Law”. On the other hand legal philosophy of Carl Schmitt is inspired by the Roman Catholic theological concept of the miracle, whereby God is free from the laws of nature – and in consequence – the sovereign is not bound by the law and may decide exceptions to it.
Źródło:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2013, 2, 2; 154-168
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Turkish Government Policy towards Independent Media after the Failed July 2016 Coup d’État
Autorzy:
Samborowska, Monika
Dawidczyk, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2055892.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-21
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
freedom of speech
free media
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article presents the state of the Turkish media, as well as the actions taken by them before and after the failed attempt of the coup d’état in 2016. Pointing to the issue of freedom of speech in Turkey, the article highlights the numerous violations of the right to freedom of expression, which have repeatedly become part of the actions of central government authorities.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2018, 1 (27); 48-66
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fundamentalism in the Light of Selected Psychological Concepts
Autorzy:
Zasuń, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
fundamentalism
authoritarianism
dogmatism
modernity
personality
religion
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 257-271
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Review of the Psychoanalytic Approaches to the Holocaust, on the Example of the Ninth Circle Interpretation
Pregled psihoanalitičkih pristupa holokaustu uz primjer tumačenja Devetog kruga
Autorzy:
Matijašević, Željka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
psychoanalysis
Holocaust
authoritarianism
logotherapy
Ninth Circle
Opis:
The essay is an overview of the most notable psychoanalytic approaches to the trauma of the Holocaust, in the works of the Frankfurt school authors, and in the works of Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub. The last part of the article represents an attempt to interpret the film Ninth Circle by France Štiglic, and in this respect the article reviews and applies the concepts of Viktor Frankl’s school of logotherapy, while it also relies on Frankl’s autobiographical account of the Holocaust trauma.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2017, 12; 211-224
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and Its Democratic, Non-Democratic, and Anti-Democratic Potential
Autorzy:
Riedel, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-14
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
populism
democracy
authoritarianism
illiberalism
anti-elitism
Opis:
The starting point of this paper is the acknowledgement that the DNA of populism is democratic. At the same time, it may bring undemocratic or even counter-democratic consequences when it questions and contests liberalism and pluralism. This paper maps the key arguments on the relations between populism and authoritarianism, and discusses the risk of democratic backsliding as a result of authoritarian populism gaining power. This topic is critically important and growing urgent with the rising wave of populism across the Western world. Due to its chameleonic nature, populism (as a “thin-centered” or “empty-hearted” ideology) manifests itself in various (re)incarnations and intertwines with nationalism, libertarianism, and also radical left-wing ideas or any other ideology from across the wide political spectrum. First, the author reconstructs the historicity of populism as well as the most important ways of defining it. Second, he reflects on the major arguments about the consequences for democracy of populist politics. Finally, in conclusion, he discusses the threat of authoritarianism that populism brings to liberal democracy and democracy as such.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2017, 199, 3; 287-298
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucjonalny, społeczny i polityczny wymiar pretorianizmu tureckiego
Institutional, social a nd political aspects of Turkish praetorianism
Autorzy:
Herbut, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953240.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
civil-military relations
praetorianism
Turkey
authoritarianism
military
Opis:
The term ‘praetorianism’ refers to countries in which the armed forces influence the political system. The army, as an institution, can develop its political power in two ways: in a “direct” and “indirect” fashion. While in the first case the armed forces take control over state institutions, the second is more sublime and is restricted to the building of more concealed methods of influence, such as blackmail. Additionally, the army itself, as the officers are not engaged into politics, shows a high level of political cohesion and military professionalism. Turkey is an example of a country in which a professional army, after decades of acquiring political experience and under favourable conditions, was and still is able to efficiently exert backstage politics. On one side, TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) has developed constitutional and legal means of influencing the government, and on the other, the high public trust in the armed forces allows it to, if necessary, effectively blackmail or even supplant disobedient cabinets.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 46; 20-34
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indicadores de comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos: el caso Bolsonaro (2019–2020)
Autorzy:
Othon, Adriano de Oliveira
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2096246.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Bolsonaro
democracy
authoritarianism
Brazil
democracia
autoritarismo
Brasil
Opis:
Based on indicators of the authoritarian behavior of political leaders developed by Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018), this paper examines the political discourse, stances, and attitudes of Jair Bolsonaro, president of Brazil, during his first two years in office. The research uses a qualitative case study approach centered on literature review, with emphasis on chapters of books and journal articles, as well as news reports for an empirical observation of the behavior of the president of Brazil concerning rules and institutions of democracy. The essentially authoritarian behavior of Bolsonaro signals a trend toward democratic regression in Brazil; however, it is not technically correct to affirm that Brazil is already being governed through an authoritarian regime.
Basándose en los indicadores del comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos desarrollados por Levitsky y Ziblatt (2018), el autor del artículo examina el discurso político, la postura y las actitudes del presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, en los dos primeros años de ejercicio de su mandato. La investigación utiliza un estudio de caso con un enfoque cualitativo basado en la revisión bibliográfica, con un énfasis en los capítulos de libros y artículos científicos, así como los materiales periodísticos, para permitir una observación empírica de la conducta del presidente brasileño frente a las instituciones y las normas democráticas. Se observa que Bolsonaro en realidad tiene un comportamiento autoritario, que señala una tendencia de regresión democrática en Brasil, aunque técnicamente no es correcto afirmar que el país ya esté bajo un régimen autoritario.
Źródło:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales; 2021, 11; 83-98
2449-8483
2392-0343
Pojawia się w:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Struggle for Contemporary Turkey’s Future: Tension between AK Party and the Hizmet Movement
Autorzy:
Öztürk, Ahmet Erdi
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643014.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Democracy
Civil Society
Authoritarianism
AKP
Hizmet Movement
Opis:
Without doubt, tension between Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey’s future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey’s political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey’s future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey’s social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of “what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?” In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2016, 2
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kant’s foedus pacificum: Path to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states?
Kantowskie foedus pacificum: droga do pokoju czy prolegomena neoliberalizmu i autorytarnej korporacjonistycznej globalizacji we współczesnych liberalnych demokracjach?
Autorzy:
Garrett, Terence M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
perpetual peace
post-structuralism
spectacle
neoliberalism
authoritarianism
Opis:
Immanuel Kant’s language and concept of foedus pacificum (league of peace) combined with his call for a spirit of trade promised a prescription for world peace—“seeking to end all wars forever.” Nation-state level cooperation between liberal democracies has borne out Kant’s analysis to some effect. A consequence of the twin pursuits of foedus pacificum and spirit of trade has ironically resulted in the exploitation of society. Today’s international corporations adversely affect public policies ostensibly designed to protect citizens through an anti-democratic market-based ideology within the State—as seen through the lenses of Foucauldian post-structural theory and Debord’s society of the spectacle. The author proposes that globalist-corporatist control of governing apparatuses is now exposed for its authoritarian tendencies. This action could result in the ultimate destruction of the representative democratic state with the onset of neoliberalism and authoritarianism.
Źródło:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2020, 23, 2; 7-20
1899-2226
2353-4869
Pojawia się w:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego
Political transformation in Egypt under Muhammad Morsi
Autorzy:
Lipa, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505845.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Egypt
authoritarianism
Arab Spring
democratization
Muhammad Morsi
Opis:
This article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 3; 149-165
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)
Autorzy:
BÄCKER, Roman
RAK, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642203.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political regime
authoritarianism
totalitarianism
Putin’s Russia
Opis:
How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2018, 11; 143-155
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Gender and Right-Wing Authoritarianism in a working-class case-study
Autorzy:
Lundskow, George
Phillips, Brian
Curtiss, Phyllis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/904077.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej
Tematy:
labor
gender
right wing authoritarianism
labor studies
Opis:
Objective: In this article we attempt to shed light on the changing attitudes American workers may have, specifically authoritarian personality characteristics, by reviewing the results obtained from our survey of 74 retired auto workers. Research Design & Methods: Part of our survey utilizes the Zakrisson short version of the Right-Wing Authoritarian scale and our interests are to provide any differences found between men and women. Also, we seek to test for the presence of authoritarianism as one aspect to understand the appeal of right-wing politics among the white working class. Findings: Our findings indicate that men and women are each no more or less likely to develop authoritarian personality characteristics. The differences by gender that we found in our case-study mirror the literature over the last several decades since empirical research began in 1950 – ambivalence. Implications/Recommendations: As a discontented citizenry searches for answers, by leaning more politically right or left will gender differences widen or converge due to the issues. Contribution/Value Added: Given the current social and economic climate in the United States we find this research study to be both timely and important. A conservative or liberal orientation by American workers may have important contributions for the direction the US takes not only on pressing economic and social issues at home but abroad as well.
Źródło:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance; 2019, 2(48); 16-25
1898-3529
2658-1116
Pojawia się w:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hybrid Regimes and Political (Dis)Order
Autorzy:
Ficek, Ryszard
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411140.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
hybrid regime
democracy
authoritarianism
political transformation
civil society
Opis:
This paper studies the concept of “hybrid regimes”, not so much in defining and authenticating their functionality but, above all, to exhibit them as so-called “partial” constitutional concepts. Articulating the tensions, divergences, and antagonisms characteristic of these regimes, as well as highlighting the blurring boundaries between democratic systems and authoritarianism “with adjectives”, emphasizes the importance of the examined issues. The author introduces an alternative conceptualization and typology of hybrid regimes and a configurational approach. Instead of placing political regimes on a linear continuum – from authoritarianism to democracy – multidimensional solutions facilitating an alternative typology of the analyzed concepts have been exposed. The configuration approach, however, provides an analytically valuable way to evaluate and integrate hybrid regimes with other classification schemes. Such innovations, therefore, help alleviate conceptual confusion in the literature. Moreover, deepening the understanding of the concept of hybrid regimes, along with emphasizing its conceptual ambiguities and complexity – especially concerning the “politically correct” discourse on the current problems of fragile and politically unstable states – is necessary to better understand the complex and confusing nature of modern regimes of power frequently operating in the most politically unstable regions of the contemporary world.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 46 (53); 49-70
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Union Democracy Promotion and its impact on Civil Society in Central Asia
Autorzy:
Fiedler, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616470.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
authoritarianism
democratization
civil society
Opis:
After a period of relatively small activity in this region, in 2007, the European Union offered a strategy for Central Asia. This strategy addressed many issues, including democratic deficit and human rights violations. The main obstacles to the implementation of the strategy are autocratic tendencies and corruption, the influence of neighbors strongly leaning towards autocracy and the post-Soviet legacy. Additionally, the EU’s activity is overshadowed by the US and has minimal capacity for pursuing its own policy toward Central Asia. Another problem is the fact that after implementing this EU strategy toward Central Asia there are no new initiatives which contribute to more visible European activity in that region.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 1; 73-82
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Consolidation, Hybridization, Globalization - Taiwan and Hungary
Autorzy:
Szabó, Máté
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615886.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
democratization
hybridization
regional development
Central Europe
East Asia
Democracy
party system
political protest
social movements
mobilization
authoritarianism
competitive authoritarianism
Opis:
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since 1988-1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the ‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 153-172
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza w Rosji – logika samorekonstrukcji systemu
Power in Russia – the logic of self-reconstruction of the system
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901680.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Tematy:
Rosja
autorytaryzm
Władimir Putin
Russia
authoritarianism
Vladimir Putin
Opis:
Potencjał i społeczne przyzwolenie na zmiany w Rosji zostały wyczerpane już w 1993 r. Kolejne lata przynoszą coraz większą i coraz bardziej jawną kontynuację rozwiązań z przeszłości. Pewne specyficzne uwarunkowania przywództwa władzy są rzecz jasna typowe dla każdego systemu politycznego, w tym artykule chodziło jednak o podkreślenie czynników, które wpływały na polityczną pozycję przywódcy, a także tych, które przesądziły o klęsce „projektu demokratycznego” w Rosji. W tym kontekście szczególną uwagę zwrócono na uwarunkowania historyczno-kulturowe, cechy osobowościowe prezydenta oraz spuściznę czasów komunistycznych. Ta ostatnia kwestia była kluczowa z punktu widzenia budowy systemu quasi-autorytarnego i autorytarnego (po 2000 r.). Pewnym paradoksem rosyjskiej rewolucji lat 90. było to, że w walce „starego” i „nowego” zarówno władza, jak i elity, walczyły o przeniesienie do nowej Rosji jak największej liczby rozwiązań z ZSRS. Rosja miała być zreformowaną kontynuacją państwa komunistycznego pozbawioną jedynie kilku istotnych wad dawnego systemu. Polityczne zmiany w latach 1991–1993 nie skruszyły prawdziwych fundamentów życia politycznego ZSRS. W znacznym stopniu były więc tylko mniej lub bardziej udaną adaptacją istniejącego systemu do zmieniających się realiów. Tym samym wiele elementów składowych Rosji było jedynie prostą kontynuacją tradycji i rozwiązań sprzed 1991 roku.
In Russia potential for “change” and its social acceptance by the year 1993 have long since expired. The following years mark a stronger and more open “continuity” – that is, the revival of mechanisms of the past. Each political system has, of course, it’s own specific circumstances of leadership, however, this article intended to display those factors, which played a crucial role in building of a political position of the leader in rule as well as those, that determined the collapse of the democratic project in Russia. In this context a special attention was given to cultural and social circumstances, president’s features of character, and the legacy of the communist regime. The last question played a crucial role first in building of a semi-authoritarian and later, after the year 2000, an authoritarian system. The Russian revolution of the 90’s displayed a paradox. In the struggle of the old and the new, both the state power and the elites insisted on implementing as many Soviet mechanisms in new Russia as it was possible. Russia was supposed to be a reformed continuation of the communist state free of a few flaws of the past regime. Political changes that took place between 1991 and 1993 did not shatter real foundations of the political system of the Soviet Union, and turned out to be a more or less successful adaptation of the existing system to the changing circumstances. This meant that many elements that the Russian state consisted of were merely a simple continuation of the tradition and solutions from before year 1991.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka; 2020, 2(63); 5-25
1733-8050
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Education and Support for Democracy in Poland: Attitudinal, Structural, and Cognitive Mechanisms
Autorzy:
Gryniuk, Kateryna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790708.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-03
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
democratic values
education
authoritarianism
social class
cognitive abilities
Opis:
While it is well-known that education is positively connected to support democracy (competitive elections, a multi-party system, and the belief that political leaders must obey the law) in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, we have few empirical tests of how attitudinal, structural, and cognitive mechanisms mediate that connection. I use the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN) for 2008–2013, a crucial period that captures the Polish political experience after acceding to the European Union and before the massive political change of the 2015 elections, to empirically test how these different mechanisms impact the link between education and democratic values. I find empirical support for the hypotheses that (a) in terms of attitudes, higher levels of education are associated with lower authoritarian attitudes, which in turn correlate with stronger pro-democratic values; (b) in terms of structure, individuals with higher levels of education, who are more likely to belong to privileged social classes, are more pro-democratic; (c) in terms of cognitive mechanisms, higher educational attainment is associated with higher cognitive abilities, which in turn correlate with stronger support for democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2018, 201, 1; 3-25
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Questions of Internal Geopolitics of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Kondratenko, Oleg
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519936.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
geopolitics
internal geopolitics
foreign policy
social attitudes
authoritarianism
Opis:
The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan). Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among the intelligentsia and broad social strata.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2018, 26 (33); 43-61
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
To Staunchly “Remain a Reader” and build up a World Comradeship: Reflecting with Rabih Alameddine on World Literature
Autorzy:
Marchi, Lisa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27177649.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
world literature
intimacy
cosmopolitanism
decolonial praxis
anti-authoritarianism
Opis:
What is a classic? To what extent are books and book collections endangered goods? What is the role and meaning of literature and translation in times of hardship? In An Unnecessary Woman (2013), Rabih Alameddine addresses these questions, while also indirectly contesting traditional canonical practices based on rigid hierarchies and the logic of national and linguistic purity. Alameddine highlights the violence inscribed in the practices of book selection and canon formation. In doing so, he troubles received notions of the canon, the classics, and especially of world literature, offering an alternative conceptualization of this long-debated category as an intimate, cosmopolitan assemblage of worldly texts.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2022, 15, 2; 163-185
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies