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Tytuł:
Ability to formulate challenges and priorities of the Polish presidency
Autorzy:
Piątek, Jarosław J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139008.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
polish foreign politics
Europeanization
priorities of polish presidency
Opis:
Organizational preparations to the Polish Presidency are in progress at full steam. We began accomplishment of some tasks in 2007 starting from the analysis of experiences of other countries. In 2008, the Government Plenipotentiary for the Polish Presidency in the EU was appointed and in January 2009 the Polish government passed a comprehensive program of preparations to this historical event. Moreover in 2009 the financial resources for organization were provided, logistic preparations as well as trainings for Polish officials and first promo and information activities were undertaken. On July 1, 2011 Poland will assume the Presidency of the EU Council. It is not only a great challenge requiring strategic planning, full political and organizational activity on domestic and European level but also, what the representatives of the current government emphasize, a big opportunity for Poland in shaping the EU. According to them, the Presidency gives a possibility of a bigger and real influence on decisions taken in the EU. To the public opinion, they send messages that we will have an opportunity to present in the EU arena the priorities of Polish policy, emphasize the most important area, submit our own ideas and initiatives. Only few emphasize the fact that the Presidency is mainly the continuation of previous activities of the EU, providing its coherent functioning and guaranteeing the vote in the worldwide important matters.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 69-90
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Aspects and determinants of good presidency – provisions and proposals for Poland
Autorzy:
Osiecka, Agnieszka
Stankiewicz, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
postulates for polish presidency
Eastern Partnership
EU-Ukraine relations
Opis:
The authors have taken in their article topic about the Presidency of the Council of the European Union because of the impending coverage for Poland the presidency in that organ. Briefly, the three countries have been characterized that are part of the so- called Second Presidency Trio (Federation of the French Republic, the Kingdom of Sweden and the Czech Republic). The article in authors opinion is aimed at selecting the most important and the most useful aspects and determinants of good Presidency. Each of the countries that are part of this Trio has been subjected to detailed analysis in terms of goals and their final implementation. According to the authors of the text, for the Polish Presidency of the European Union the most will be to stick to the pre- designated purposes such as European Union enlargement to Croatia, or take action for the Eastern Partnership and the Region of the Baltic Sea.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 46-68
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Europe at the end of the first decade of the 21st century – crisis, development, change? A few remarks/comments concerning the period previous to the assumption of the EU presidency by The Republic of Poland
Autorzy:
Ranke, Andrzej L.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139000.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
external relations of European Union
Eastern Partnership
priorities of polish presidency
Opis:
The European Union resembles only partly a community in the way it works. The internal differences between the member countries, disclosed in their full strength by the financial crisis, dilute the foundations of the European unity. Will the EU survive this bend, as it has in the past, or will it share the fate of other unsuccessful political and economical unions known from history? Considering the latter possibility remains, in any case, no longer just an exercise in political fiction. The fact that the Union is not uniform has been known since it ceased to be a safe, close union of six founding countries. Yet only the extension to the East in 2004, accepting simultaneously ten new countries, gave rise to a heated discussion, whether an Union of 27 countries can work jointly at all, taking into consideration the increasingly visible disproportions between its members. It also quickly turned out that the Lisbon Treaty is just partly an answer to this dilemma. An institutional reform did not protect the Union from new, huge shocks, which the financial crisis brought with it. These phenomena create a challenge for Poland, which will take up its half-year EU presidency in the middle of 2011. They will not always agree with the plans and means concerning the realization of the planned actions.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 108-124
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola mediów w Polskiej Prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej
Autorzy:
Kuśmider, Kamil M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131203.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
The Presidency
European Union
media
policy
success
Opis:
The article presents the role of the media in an important historical event. It shows the course of the Polish Presidency of the European Union, the interpretation of reality and linking intermedia agenda of politics. It presents Presidency as a media success.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2016, 2(21); 107-117
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Selected Aspects of France's Foreign Policy towards the United States during Emmanuel Macron's Presidency from 2017 to 2022
Autorzy:
Pruchnicka, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2106284.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-19
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
foreign policy
France
United States
Emmanuel Macron presidency
Opis:
The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2022, 30, 1; 49-59
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Legal President’s Position in the Structure of State Organs (after 1993)
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023466.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
presidency model
Russian law
structure of state organs
Opis:
The difficult and dramatic birth of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in December 1993 does not mean that it is a statute burdened by numerous faults and chaotic as the situation in which it originated. This is quite a consistent constitutional act looking for a strong presidency model, similar to the Fifth French Republic. It is doubtful, however, that, according to an eminent scholar of Russian law, William E. Butler, at that time “enacting of the truly democratic constitution for the first time in Russian history” took a place.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 144-186
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Obama Doctrine - U.S. Strategic Retrenchment and its Consequences
Autorzy:
Woźniak, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526954.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
U.S. Foreign Policy
retrenchment strategy
presidency of Barack Obama
Opis:
In this article the author writes about the features of a strategy of retrenchment and how it can be applied to the analysis of the foreign policy of the United States during the presidency of Barack Obama. Many of the decisions made by the United States in the international arena resulted from a desire to limit involvement in world affairs, to reduce military spending, and to persuade allies to take a greater responsibility for their own security. Such a policy was motivated by strengthening the weakened position of the USA, but it also contributed to the growth of chaos in the world.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2015, 2 (22); 57-67
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The secret service – the vanguard for the safety of a state and the European Union
Autorzy:
Ronowski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2138999.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish Presidency in the European Council
international security
secret service
Opis:
The article is the attempt of introduction to the subject of the Polish Presidency the security perceived through the functioning of the national and the European Union’s (EU) secret services. The secret service understood as the service of the intelligence and counterintelligence (of security), legally authorized. The subject issues are presented in the aspect of the approaching Polish Presidency. During this time Poland can and should contribute to the improvement of security measures of the continent through its commitment and contribution to the construction of the secret service of the EU. Europe, if it wants to be a taken into the account player on the political, economical and cultural arena, needs to integrate. Otherwise it will still be a marginal continent. This determinant should effectively defeat the national prejudices and phobias. It needs to be remembered that the current crisis, consistently called economical, has deeper sources and wider roots. It generally concerns the whole, so called western lifestyle which is determined by the political and economical society structure. The countries of the EU of the Central- Eastern area can bring many new and positive values integrating Europe and thereby limit the barriers in the aspect of building the measures of partnership and trust.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 125-161
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Union’s security in the conclusions of the presidency – in the years 2005–2010
Autorzy:
Wojnicz, Luiza
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139029.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
European Union
International security
terrorism
Presidency in the European Council
Opis:
The Presidency of European Union (EU) plays an important role in the functioning of the whole organisation. First of all, it is the propelling force for new decisions and policies in every area. Interior and exterior security of the EU (especially terrorism and its prevention) has become major issues in recent years. Terrorist attacks in London and Madrid not only made us realise that interior security was threatened, but also that this problem is connected to the exterior environment. In eff ect, many documents referring to fi ghting terrorism have come into existence. It have shown a big demand for creating instruments that would deal with security issues. Moreover, many of the Union’s institutions have been granted rights to combat it. That is why it is legitimate to look closer at the output of previous Presidencies in the area of freedom, security, and justice. This paper aims at listing matters connected to the EU’s security through the analysis of priorities and conclusions of the Presidencies in years 2005–2010, and the effects coming from Work Programmes’ guidelines with simultaneous pointing to often different goals set by particular countries.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 202-214
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Between “information” and “entertainment”: framing the Polish EU presidency in Romanian media
Autorzy:
Marinescu, Valentina
Balasescu, Madalina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647486.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
framing
script structure
framing theory
Poland’s EU presidency
mass media
Opis:
This study examined whether Romanian media’s framing of Poland’s EU presidency (June 2011–June 2012) represents informative journalism or we can talk about a  sensationalist coverage of the issue. The difference is important especially within the context of the general approach of the Romanian press to the relevant “external” topics, knowing that the Romanian media are, mainly, focused on the internal issues.Drawing on “framing theory”, the study investigated the main actors involved, the issues covered in relation to Poland presidency and their salient attributes in the script structure of each article. The results indicated that informative elements were both in newspapers and in on‑line materials covering the Poland’sEU presidency. At the same time, the Polish European presidency was not covered in an episodic manner by Romanian media‑eitheron‑line or newspapers, the preference for contextual framing being obvious in Romanian media.
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2013, 20, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Determinants of the Polish Presidency in the EU – 2011
Uwarunkowania polskiej prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej w 2011 r.
Autorzy:
Master, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2168180.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
presidency
Treaty of Lisbon
Poland in the European Union
European integration
Opis:
Chairing the Council of the European Union underlines the importance of the state in integrated Europe. However, the recent amendments to the Treaty have given rise to significant changes in the functioning of this institution. Our understanding of this concept as well as of its functions and methods has changed. This is particularly important for Poland, which in July 2011 will take over the half year presidency. The new conditions of operation pose both opportunities and challenges. This article presents the model of the Presidency and its role both before the Treaty of Lisbon and immediately after it. It also discusses the ability of countries holding presidency, especially Poland, to handle these changes. The author examines the conditions, strengths and weaknesses of Poland with respect to exercising this function.
Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej podkreśla i wyróżnia znaczenie państwa w zintegrowanej Europie. Niemniej, ostatnie zmiany traktatowe pociągnęły za sobą dość istotne zmiany w funkcjonowaniu tej instytucji. Zmianie uległo samo rozumienie tego pojęcia, jej funkcje i metody działania, a to także wpłynęło bezpośrednio na kształt modeli. Jest to szczególnie ważne dla Polski, która w lipcu 2011 roku przejmie na pół roku przewodnictwo w Radzie. Nowe warunki działania stanowią zarówno szansę, jak i wyzwanie. Artykuł przybliża oblicze prezydencji i jej roli zarówno przed Traktatem z Lizbony, jak i bezpośrednio po nim oraz bada możliwości działania, jakie po tych zmianach stoją przed państwami sprawującymi prezydencję, w tym przede wszystkim Polską. Autorka analizuje uwarunkowania, mocne i słabe strony tego państwa oraz ocenia proces przygotowań do sprawowania tej funkcji.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2011, 29; 199-224
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Meandry polityki niemieckiej wobec Rosji w okresie rządów prezydenta Dmitrija Miedwiediewa (2008–2012)
Meanders of German policy towards Russia during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev (2008–2012)
Autorzy:
Koszel, Bogdan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506593.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Niemcy–Rosja
prezydentura D. Miedwiediewa
Germany–Russia
presidency of D. Medvedev
Opis:
W opinii autora artykułu, Niemcy wiązały poważne nadzieje na głębokie reformy gospodarcze, liberalizację i demokratyzację Rosji pod rządami D. Miedwiediewa (2008–2012). Instrumentem polityki niemieckiej, do którego włączono Unię Europejską, był program Partnerstwa dla Modernizacji. Nie spełnił on pokładanych w nim nadziei w sferze gospodarczej i politycznej. W Niemczech krytykowano sterowaną demokrację tandemu Miedwiediew/Putin. Jednakże w pierwszej kolejności obowiązywała formuła „strategicznego partnerstwa”, która sprowadzała się do dbania o niemieckie interesy gospodarcze w Rosji.
In the opinion of the author of the article, Germany tied serious hopes for deep economic reforms, liberalization and democratization of Russia under Medvedev (2008–2012). The Partnership for Modernization program was the instrument of German policy to which the European Union was incorporated. He did not fulfi ll his hopes in the economic and political sphere. In Germany, the controlled democracy of the tandem Medvedev / Putin has been criticized. However, the fi rst was the formula of a “strategic partnership” that was about taking care of German economic interests in Russia.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2017, 2; 93-114
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej po reformie lizbońskiej a zasada good governance
Presidency in the European Union Upon the Lisbon Reform and the Good Governance Principle
Autorzy:
Cymbranowicz, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/509352.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Tematy:
Prezydencja
Unia Europejska
zasada good governance
presidency
European Union
good governance principle
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie procesu kształtowania się i reformowania Prezydencji jako mechanizmu, który funkcjonuje w Unii Europejskiej (UE) w nowej odsłonie po przyjęciu w 2007 roku, a następnie ratyfikowaniu w 2009 roku, Traktatu z Lizbony. Mechanizm ten jest omawiany w kontekście zasady good governance, którą uznaje się i stosuje w UE od lat 90. XX wieku. Aby zrealizować tak określony cel, wykorzystano metodę opisową. Analiza i ocena badanego problemu jest oparta na podstawie materiałów źródłowych poruszających z jednej strony – problematykę Prezydencji w UE, z drugiej – kwestii związanych z zagadnieniami „dobrego rządzenia”. Zmiany, które wprowadził Traktat z Lizbony tworząc ramy instytucjonalne nowej formuły Prezydencji (tzw. formuły hybrydowej), były wynikiem silnej presji politycznej w sprawie przeprowadzenia reform w UE w pierwszej dekadzie XXI wieku. Bezsprzecznie, reforma lizbońska nadała formule Prezydencji w Radzie UE nowy kształt. Niestety, państwa członkowskie decydując się na przyjęcie nowych rozwiązań w takiej postaci nie przewidziały, że efekt końcowy będzie odwrotny do zakładanego, tzn. zamiast uprościć i przyczynić się do stworzenia bardziej przejrzystych relacji międzyinstytucjonalnych, raczej wpłynie na ich jeszcze większą złożoność i skomplikowanie.
The aim of the article is to present the process of formation and reforming the presidency as the mechanism which functions in the European Union (EU) at a new stage after the adoption in 2007, then ratification in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon. This mechanism is discussed in the context of the good governance principle which has been acknowledged and applied in the EU since the 1990s. To achieve thus defined aim the author used the descriptive method. The analysis and assessment of the problem in question are based on the source materials touching, on the one hand, the issues of presidency in the EU and, on the other hand, the issues related to the good governance problems. The amendments introduced by the Lisbon Treaty setting up the institutional framework of the new formula of the presidency (the so-called hybrid formula) were a result of a strong political pressure on the issue of reforms to be conducted in the EU in the first decade of the 21st century. No doubt, the Lisbon reform has vested the formula of presidency in the EU Council with a new shape. Unfortunately, the member states, while deciding to adopt new solutions in such a form, have not envisaged that the ultimate effect will be opposite to what was intended, i.e. instead of simplifying and contributing to setting up more transparent interinstitutional relations it will rather have affected their greater complexity and complication.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula; 2017, 55(4) Ekonomia XIV; 17-27
2353-2688
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Autorytaryzm rywalizacyjny na Ukrainie podczas prezydentury Wiktora Janukowycza w latach 2010–2013
Autorzy:
Banaś, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/569025.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Ukraine
competitive authoritarianism
presidency
Viktor Yanukovych
Украина
конкурентоспособная авторитаризм
президентство
Виктор Янукович
Opis:
Anticipated effect of democratization is not only the establishment of effective democratic institutions, but also to consolidate behavior patterns typical for this system. Unfortunately, this process does not always achieve the assumed effect. It is recognized that the democratic transformation can be completed in three ways: success, failure (back to authoritarian rule), or the establishment of hybrid regime, “hanged” between democracy and authoritarianism. An example of such a system is competitive authoritarianism, which model was firstly described by S. Levitsky and L. A. Way. In the article author intends to analyse the political situation in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in the years 2010–2013 using this model. Thanks to this an attempt to explain the systemic causes of the events taking place in this country at the turn of 2013 and 2014 will be also undertaken.
Ожидаемый эффект демократизации не только создание эффективных демократических институтов , но и укрепить модели поведения , характерные для этой системы. К сожалению, этот процесс не всегда достигают предполагаемого эффекта. Признается, что демократические преобразования может быть завершена в трех направлениях: Успех, ошибка (назад к авторитарному правлению), или установление гибридный режим “повешенных” между демократией и авторитаризмом. Примером такой системы является конкурентоспособной авторитаризм, какая модель была впервые описана С. Левицкого и Л. Пути. В статье намерен проанализировать политическую ситуацию в Украине во время президентства Виктора Януковича в годы 2010–2013, используя эту модель. Будет также проведен Благодаря этому попытка объяснить системные причины событий, происходящих в этой стране на рубеже 2013 и 2014 годов.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2014, 1(6); 81-98
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Inauguracja prezydentury Andrzeja Dudy jako zespół roszczeń legitymizacyjnych
Inauguration of Andrzej Duda’s presidency as a set of legitimacy claims
Autorzy:
Kołodziejczak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620384.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political rituals
political legitimacy
presidency
Andrzej Duda
rytuały polityczne
legitymizacja polityczna
prezydentura
Opis:
The author of this paper analyzes a specific political fact, namely the inauguration of presidency in modern democratic systems. Focusing on the inauguration of Andrzej Duda’s presidency, the author answers the question of whether this extensive range of activities (encompassing the act of swearing in, symbolical acts, presidential address and other speeches) is an element of a consciously created legitimacy claim made by the president-elect. Answering this question in the affirmative, the author illustrates how the claims that refer to all three of Weber’s types of legitimacy are encompassed in the successive parts of the inauguration: the swearing in refers to the legal element of legitimacy, an extensive range of symbolical acts refers to tradition, whereas the presidential address introduces yet another element justifying legitimacy, this timeresulting from the heritage of Lech Kaczyński’s charisma.
W niniejszym artykule autorka analizuje specyficzny fakt polityczny, jakim jest inauguracja prezydentury we współczesnym systemie demokratycznym. Koncentrując się na przykładzie inauguracji prezydentury Andrzeja Dudy, autorka odpowiada na pytanie czy ten rozbudowany zespół działań (złożony z aktu zaprzysiężenia, działań symbolicznych, orędzia i innych przemówień) stanowi element świadomie konstruowanego roszczenia legitymizacyjnego, wysuwanego przez prezydenta- elekta. Odpowiadając pozytywnie na to pytanie, ukazuje ona w jaki sposób roszczenia nawiązujące do wszystkich trzech Weberowskich typów legitymizacji zostały wplecione w poszczególne części inauguracji: zaprzysiężenie zawiera więc legalny element uprawomocniający, bardzo rozbudowany kompleks działań symbolicznych – odwołania do tradycji (II i IV RP), natomiast orędzie – wprowadza kolejny typ uzasadnienia legitymizacyjnego – tym razem wynikającego z roszczenia sukcesji charyzmy po Lechu Kaczyńskim.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2016, 3; 323-341
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prezydent w systemie politycznym Turcji
President in the political system of Turkey
Autorzy:
Liszkowska, Dominika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1853445.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Turcja
system prezydencki
prezydencjalizm
głowa państwa
ustrój
Turkey
presidential system
presidency
political system
Opis:
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono główne cechy tureckiego modelu systemu prezydenckiego, a także historyczne uwarunkowania pozycji prezydenta w strukturze organów państwa w Turcji. Praca składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej z nich omówione zostały podstawy parlamentaryzmu, co jest kluczową kwestią dla ukazania kształtu tureckiego systemu przed reformą. Kolejnym zagadnieniem omawianym w tej części artykułu jest proces ewolucji prezydentury od pierwszych lat powstania Republiki do zmian wprowadzonych po wyborach prezydenckich i parlamentarnych w 2018 r. W drugiej części pracy wskazano uwarunkowania zmiany systemowej. Wreszcie w ostatniej dokonano analizy nowego systemu, określanego jako prezydencjalizm „w stylu tureckim”, i ukazano jego charakterystyczne cechy.
This article presents the main features of the Turkish presidential system and historical conditions which shaped the president’s position in the power structure in Turkey. The work consists of three parts. The first part discusses the basics of Turkish parliamentarism, which is a matter crucial for understanding the organization of the Turkish system before the reform. Another issue discussed in this part is the process of evolution in the Turkish presidency from the first years of the Republic’s founding to the changes introduced in 2018. The second part of this work focuses on the conditions necessary for changes in the system. Finally, the last part of the article is the analysis of the new system defined as Turkishstyle presidentialism and its distinctive features.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2021, 69; 234-250
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prezydentura gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego... w świetle teorii i praktyki zarządzania władczymi kompetencjami ustrojowymi
Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski’s presidency in the light of the theory and practice of governing the ruling competences of the regime
Autorzy:
Momro, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489759.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
Prezydent PRL
prezydentura
Wojciech Jaruzelski
Okrągły Stół
PPR president
presidency
the Round Table
Opis:
The institution-legal model of the chair of the President of PPR, designed within the Round Table understanding, was characterised by a strong regime position and many competences, among which an important part took a shape of prerogatives. An important role in shaping the political profile of the one-man head of state was played by political decisions, in light of which this organ was supposed to be given to a representative of a communist party and as a consequence serve to control the transformations in a country, as well as keep the alliances and international commitments. In the catalogue of fourteen ruling and independent competences a special role has been played by the right to present the parliament with commissioning and decommissioning the leader of the Councils of Ministers, a right that has been used by gen. Jaruzelski twice during his presidency. In the light of the factorial decisive analysis, the personal choices of the president, made in the conditions of the increasing political crisis, were dictated by trying to secure the interest of the government-coalition camp, but with regard to the newly accepted rules of political rivalry. The president saw a key role for his home party in the initiated process of political and economic changes, but did not try to preserve the political monopoly of the communist party, and in consequence to keep a part of the opposition from ruling. He was led by a need to achieve social support for the reforms and aimed at realising it with the workflow created for the decisive situations, the immanent part of which was splitting responsibility to other subjects and creating multipersonal decisive centres.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 14; 65-85
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
About communication in social media – an analysis of the Polish PresidencyFacebook Profile from a perspective of social communication theory
Autorzy:
TOMICZEK, MARTYNA
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628361.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
Polish Presidency, Facebook, Facebook Profi le, communication, public diplo-macy, new dimension of education
Opis:
The half year of the Polish Presidency on the one hand was a great challenge but from the other hand a tremendous chance to promote the country and society. Activities were taken up in many different areas – using new technologies was an important part of the project, including new media which by the creation of the Polish Presidency FacebookProfi leturned out to be an integral part of Presidency. Using the possibility of providing a two--way communication proved that the potential of Facebook was understood. Running the fan page also showed a new face of diplomacy putting it in the area of public diplomacy.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2012, 3, 1; 47-60
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej jako cel operacyjny polskiej prezydencji w Radzie Unii Europejskiej
The European Union enlargement process as an operational objective of the Polish Presidency in the Council of the European Union
Autorzy:
Węc, Janusz Józef
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506358.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
European integration
Polish Presidency of the EU Council
The European Union enlargement process
Opis:
On balance the performance of the first Polish EU Council Presidency in the matter of the enlargement process of the European Union seems to be positive. The Polish Presidency effectively implemented the five main functions of a Presidency: the agenda-setting, brokerage, management, coordination and internal representation in the contacts with the governments of member states and the institutions of the European Union. The most important aspect was that it managed to implement almost all the operational objectives typically required for the enlargement process. Despite the objections and doubts expressed by the governments of many member states, conditioned mainly by the debt crisis of the Eurozone and the need for internal and external consolidation of the European Union, the Polish Presidency managed to maintain the concept of enlargement as an important element on the EU’s agenda. On 5 December 2011, on the initiative of the Polish Presidency, the General Affairs Council agreed a new approach to the accession negotiations involving the earliest possible opening of the most contentious negotiation chapters, including fundamental rights and policies pertaining to the area of freedom, security and justice. Employing the agenda-setting function, the Polish Presidency was the co-author of the Group Presidency programme and the author of the country’s Presidency programme and both documents provided the foundation for Poland’s activity in the process of enlargement of the European Union. The most important achievements of the Polish Presidency resulting from the implementation of the brokerage, coordination and management functions concerned Croatia, Iceland, Serbia and Montenegro. The Polish government finalised the work on the text of the accession treaty with Croatia and brought about the signing of the treaty on 9 December 2011. It also accepted the agreements referring to the status of Croatia in the transition period; that is, until the treaty becomes fully effective. The Polish Presidency also gave a significant impetus to the accession negotiations with Iceland, by opening seven negotiation chapters and concluding six. The achievement of the Polish Presidency towards the endeavours of the countries of the Western Balkans to gain accession to the European Union was the opening of procedures leading to Serbia being granted candidate country status, although the formal decision was taken on 28 February 2012 by the General Affairs Council under the chairmanship of the Danish Presidency. In addition, the politically crucial enlargement conclusions of the General Affairs Council for Montenegro, on the basis of which the European Council announced that a decision would be taken on the commencement of accession negotiations in June 2012, were achieved during the Polish Presidency. Taking into account that some member states were critical of the steps taken to normalise relationships between Serbia and Kosovo, the balanced conclusions of the Council, in the part referring to Serbia, should also be taken as a success for the Polish Presidency. Although the Polish Presidency suffered a few failures it is worth emphasising that they resulted mainly from the attitude of other member states such as Greece or the negligence of the third party countries in the enlargement process – in the cases of Turkey, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. The Polish government, like the others since 2009, failed to overcome the opposition of Greece to the commencement of accession negotiations with Macedonia, although other member states fully supported the concept. The Polish Presidency, like the Belgian and Hungarian Presidencies, was unable to open any new chapter in the accession negotiations with Turkey. However, the reasons were the lack of progress in the implementation of the process of reforms by the Turkish government, the still unsolved controversial issues with Cyprus, the growing assertiveness of Turkey in the foreign policy arena and the unfavourable attitude towards the accession of Turkey to the Union by some member states. Nonetheless, the Polish Presidency achieved an agreement with other member states for a positive agenda in the relations between the Union and Turkey, which led to a relatively balanced text relating to Turkey in the conclusions of the General Affairs Council on 5 December 2011. The reason for the lack of achievement in the enlargement process with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo was the limited progress in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria made by these countries. Therefore, these countries still remain only as states which aspire to be members of the European Union. Balancing all the stated successes and failures it should be emphasised that the Polish Presidency gave new impetus to the enlargement process of the European Union. This was visible in the proposal by the Polish government and its acceptance by the General Affairs Council of a new methodology for conducting future accession negotiations, the significant advancement of the accession negotiations with Iceland, the opening of the procedure for granting candidate country status to Serbia and establishing the political requirements for the commencement of accession negotiations with Montenegro. In addition, the Polish government signed the accession treaty with Croatia and accepted the agreements regarding the country’s status in its relationships with the European Union in the transition period until the accession treaty is fully implemented.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 4; 73-87
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Václav Havel: niepolityczny polityk
Václav Havel: Non-political Politician
Autorzy:
Bankowicz, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635362.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
politics
non-political politics
dramatist
communism
dissident movement
democratic opposition
president
presidency
Czechoslovakia
Czech Republic
Opis:
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearlyadmired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearly admired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2014, 6
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prezydencja Republiki Czeskiej w pierwszym półroczu 2009 roku jako przykład skutecznego zarządzania Unią Europejską
The presidency of the Czech Republic in the first half of 2009 as an example of an effective management of the European Union
Autorzy:
Witkowska-Chrzczonowicz, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686243.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Republika Czeska
prezydencja w Radzie Unii Europejskiej
zarządzanie Unią Europejską
prezydencja Republiki Czeskiej
The Czech Republic
Presidency of the Council of the European Union
Management of the European Union
The Presidency of the Czech Republic
Opis:
The paper hereby presented discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the Czech Presidency of the Council of the European Union (January – June 2009). The Czech Presidency was one of the most interesting presidencies in the recent years. The Czech Republic was only the second (after Slovenia) to hold the presidency form among the group of countries which joined the European Union during the “great enlargement” in 2004. The Czech presidency began in a very difficult time for the Union (i.e. a profound economic crisis in most Member States of the EU, the gas conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the war in Georgia, the presidential elections in the U.S, the lack of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty). Moreover, there was a very complicated internal political situation in the Czech Republic including the dismissal of the Czech government in the Middle of the Czech EU Presidency and president Klaus’s eurosceptical pronouncements. However, the Czech Presidency deserves a positive assessment. From the administrative point of view, the Presidency was very well prepared, although at the moment of overturning the government during the presidency, the Czech political class did fail. The Czech Republic proved to be an European Union Member State which recognizes new challenges facing the EU and understands its philosophies and mechanisms. Czechs adopted a EU perspective and demonstrated a much greater understanding for the common ideals than the Member States of much longer membership and more significant political position.
W artykule przedstawiono zalety i wady czeskiej prezydencji w Radzie Unii Europejskiej (styczeń–czerwiec 2009 r.). Prezydencja czeska była jedną z najciekawszych prezydencji ostatnich lat. Republika Czeska była dopiero drugą (po Słowenii) prezydencją państwa z grupy krajów, które przystąpiły do Unii Europejskiej podczas „wielkiego rozszerzeniaˮ w 2004 roku. Prezydencja czeska rozpoczęła w bardzo trudnym dla Unii czasie (tj. głębokiego kryzysu gospodarczego w większości państw członkowskich UE, konfliktu gazowego między Rosją i Ukrainą, wojny w Gruzji, wyborów prezydenckich w USA, braku ratyfikacji traktatu lizbońskiego). Co więcej, w Republice Czeskiej panowała bardzo skomplikowana wewnętrzna sytuacja polityczna, w tym dymisja czeskiego rządu w połowie czeskiej prezydencji UE i eurosceptycyzm prezydenta Klausa. Jednak prezydencja czeska zasługuje na pozytywną ocenę. Z punktu widzenia administracji prezydencja była bardzo dobrze przygotowana, choć w momencie obalenia rządu w czasie prezydencji czeska klasa polityczna poniosła porażkę. Republika Czeska okazała się państwem członkowskim Unii Europejskiej, które dostrzega nowe wyzwania stojące przed UE i rozumie jej filozofię i mechanizmy. Czesi przyjęli perspektywę unijną i wykazali znacznie większe zrozumienie dla wspólnych ideałów niż państwa członkowskie o znacznie dłuższym członkostwie i znaczącej pozycji politycznej.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2018, 84; 125-134
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The role and meaning of the Western Balkans in the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish presidency in the EU
Autorzy:
Podgórzańska, Renata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139002.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish foreign politics
polish presidency in the European Council
Western Balkans
external policy of European Union
Opis:
The goal of the article it to present the role and meaning of the Western Balkans for the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish Presidency in the EU. It is worth wondering if the fact of running the Presidency causes the change of character of the Polish foreign policy toward the region. The final answer will be possible after its end but some divagations are possible today, after the analysis of initial aims of the Polish Presidency. A question, if there is a necessity of enhancing the Polish activity and Polish presence in this part of Europe, is also legitimate. Experiences of the last years show that the interest of the Polish diplomacy in the region of the Western Balkans was limited and even if we showed some activity, it was the support for realization of the strategic aims of the foreign policy. The turning point in the Polish policy towards the Western Balkans could be a membership in the EU. Then there appeared a possibility of widening the field of influence of the Polish policy on the Balkans with the use of not only the own resources and political instruments but also the instruments at the EU disposal. It is worth considering whether it is not worth to use the moment to dynamize the Polish actions towards the region, especially when the region is very important for the EU and when the EU functions also as a promoter of stabilization, transformation and permanent development of the Western Balkans.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 91-107
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
German presidencies in the European Union in the 1990s. The term and the specificity of the presidency in the European Council
Autorzy:
Żurek, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139026.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Germany in the European Union
European Council
Modern history of Germany
Presidency in the European Council
Opis:
A very important element of the structural and substantive functioning of the Council of the European Union is a cyclic Presidency (leadership) held for a period of six months by each Member State in turn in the system of the intergovernmental councils (the Council of the European Union and the European Council). The author of the present article would like to focus on the first two presidencies of the unifi ed Germany. Both took place in the 1990s – in the first decade of the country’s functioning after reunification. They also exemplify the ‘new’ Germany’s approach to the European integration, its deepening and widening. Germany wanted to dispel the doubts of the other EU Member States whether, as the united country, it would still support the process of integration. The 21st century proved the fears pointless.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 235-271
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zarządzanie kryzysowe podczas przewodnictwa w Radzie UE
Crisis management during the presidency of the EU Council
Autorzy:
Izydorczyk, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16442651.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Akademia im. Jakuba z Paradyża w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim
Tematy:
zarządzanie kryzysowe
Unia Europejska
Prezydencja
Rada Unii Europejskiej
crisis management
European Union
Presidency
Council of the European Union
Opis:
The text introduces the topic of crisis management during the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Crisis management, depending on the type of crisis and its definition, extends to all three pillars of the EU policy, with particular emphasis on the second and third pillars, covering internal and external security. The scope of responsibilities and activities of the Presidency largely depend on the area of EU policy the activity relates to. Development aid, trade issues, activities aimed at environmental protection relate to the first pillar, the area of Community policies where more competences have been assigned to the European Commission
Tekst stanowi wprowadzenie w tematykę zarządzania kryzysowego podczas przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej. Zarządzanie kryzysowe, w zależności od rodzaju kryzysu oraz jego definicji, rozciąga się na wszystkie trzy filary unijnej polityki, ze szczególnym naciskiem na filar drugi oraz trzeci, obejmujące bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne. Zakres odpowiedzialności oraz działania prezydencji w dużym stopniu zależą od tego, jakiego obszaru polityki UE dotyczy dane działanie. Pomoc rozwojowa, kwestie handlu, działania mające na celu ochronę środowiska odnoszą się do filaru pierwszego, obszaru polityk wspólnotowych, gdzie więcej kompetencji przyznanych zostało Komisji Europejskiej.
Źródło:
Studia – konteksty pogranicza; 2021, 5; 95-105
2543-6465
Pojawia się w:
Studia – konteksty pogranicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Znaczenie i rola Polski w przeciwdziałaniu kryzysowi strefy euro. Bilans polskiej strategii.
The significance and the role of Poland in dealing with the Eurozone crisis. The assessment of Polish strategy.
Autorzy:
Stankiewicz, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441370.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Europejska im. ks. Józefa Tischnera
Tematy:
Kryzys ekonomiczny
Strefa Euro
Unia Europejska
Polska Prezydencja
economic crisis
the EURO zone
the European Union
the Polish presidency
Opis:
Schyłek pierwszej dekady XXI wieku zdominowała problematyka intensyfikacji napięć w gronie państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej i strefy euro odnośnie scenariusza działań wobec kryzysu finansowego, a także politycznego w gronie Wspólnoty. Znaczenie UE w aspekcie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego zostało nadwyrężone, gdyż jej wizerunek jako niewydolnego i podatnego na kryzys systemu utrzymuje się od 2010 roku. W tym aspekcie inicjatywa Polski dotycząca prób wygenerowania kooperacji pomiędzy eurogrupą, a resztą członków UE zyskuje uznanie i walnie przyczynia się do zachowania jak największej monolityczności obecnej UE wielu prędkości i integracji jej członków. Autor pracy, w celu podtrzymania tezy, iż pomimo formalnego pozostawania Polski w czasowej derogacji odnośnie przyłączenia się do eurogrupy, przedstawia dowody świadczące o jej znaczeniu politycznym i gospodarczym, stanowiące argument umożliwiający jej współkształtowanie decyzji antykryzysowych. Udział Polski w tworzącym się węższym kręgu integracji w ramach strefy euro stanowi dla niej wyzwanie, lecz jest również jej naturalnym przeznaczeniem. W artykule autor stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące pytanie badawcze: W jaki sposób Polska realizuje strategię przeciwdziałania kryzysowi politycznemu UE i finansowemu strefy euro? Dodatkowo autor jest przeświadczony, że naturalnym celem Polski po akcesji do UE jest dalsza integracja obejmująca przyłączenie się do strefy euro, co ma istotny wpływ na zaangażowanie Polski w politykę antykryzysową eurogrupy. W artykule autor posłużył się opracowaniami polskich ośrodków naukowych, jak również dostępną bazą źródłową, w tym dokumentacją rządową, wystąpieniami polityków, wywiadami i publicystyką. Cezura czasowa pracy obejmuje lata 2011-2013, gdyż zdaniem autora w tym okresie tj. od sprawowania prezydencji przez Polskę w UE, aż do przyjęcia paktu fiskalnego miała miejsce najbardziej widoczna aktywizacja władz odnośnie przeciwdziałania skutkom kryzysu euro waluty.
One of the EU-related topics that came to be most widely discussed towards the end of the first decade of the 21st century was that of the growing tensions between representatives of member states and the Euro zone. The subject of disagreement was the scenario of actions to be undertaken in response to the economic and political crisis within the Union. Since 2010, the EU’s role in ensuring international security has been diminishing, many viewing it as highly inefficient and susceptible to crisis. In view of that, Poland’s initiative aimed at establishing cooperation between representatives of the EURO group and other EU members seems particularly significant as contributing to the monolithic structure of the Union and the integration of its members. Bearing in mind Poland’s decision to delay the act of entering the EURO group, the author proves that this country remains a political and economic power, strong enough to participate in anti-crisis actions. It is a challenge to Poland, but also, as put by many, its destiny. In this paper the author wished to answer the following research questions: In what way is Poland taking part in the implementation process of the EU’s anti-crisis strategy? He is convinced that Poland’s aim, following its accession to the EU, is, quite naturally, that of further integration including entering the EURO zone, which is of great significance from the point of view of the country’s involvement in the EURO group’s anti-crisis policy. In his work, the author used accounts provided by several Polish research centres, as well as various governmental documents, politicians’ speeches, interviews and press articles. The time period discussed in the paper are the years from 2011 to 2013, this is to say from the beginning of the Polish presidency in the EU to the signing of the fiscal pact because the author believes that this was the period of the country’s greatest commitment to the challenge of counteracting the effects of the currency crisis faced by the EU.
Źródło:
Kultura i Polityka; 2014, 15; 11-31
1899-4466
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-25 z 40

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