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Tytuł:
DWA TYPY STOWARZYSZEŃ SPOŁECZNYCH W PUBLIKACJACH TYGODNIKA „POLITYKA”
TWO TYPES OF SOCIAL ASSOCIATIONS IN THE PUBLICATIONS OF POLITYKA
Autorzy:
Furman, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513404.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
journalism, power, civil association, enterprise association
Opis:
The purpose of this article was to examine if both types of social associations, as proposed by Michael Oakeshott, had been present in the chosen publications of Polityka weekly magazine. First the main characteristics of journalist messages were described. An important part of these characteristics applies to relations between journalists and politicians and between journalists and the idea of common good. On this basis four different concepts of journalism were distinguished. The analysis revealed that both types of associations could be identified in the journalists’ messages, and that the differences between these associations were significant.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 1; 48-58 (11)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Kultura wstrzemięźliwości” czy aktywne współdziałanie? Dylematy polityki bezpieczeństwa Niemiec w XXI wieku
“Culture of abstinence” or active cooperation? Dilemmas of the German security policy in the 21st century
Autorzy:
Koszel, Bogdan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/556961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Niemcy
polityka bezpieczeństwa
mocarstwo cywilne
kultura wstrzemięźliwości
Germany
security policy
civil power
culture of abstinence
Opis:
Autor przedstawia tezę, wedle której ze względu na doświadczenia z czasów II wojny światowej, Republika Federalna Niemiec po 1949 r. preferowała zachowania pacyfistyczne i budowała państwo cywilne. Jednakże po zjednoczeniu wydarzenia na arenie międzynarodowej (konflikt w Bośni i Kosowie) zmusiły ją do aktywniejszego współdziałania na rzecz utrzymania europejskiego bezpieczeństwa. Do dnia dzisiejszego polityka niemiecka w zakresie bezpieczeństwa zdominowana jest przez tzw. kulturę wstrzemięźliwości. Ze względu na sytuację międzynarodową, od Niemiec wymaga się aktywnego udziału w misjach międzynarodowych i zarządzania kryzysami, co przychodzi im z dużą trudnością. Opinia publiczna w zdecydowanej większości sprzeciwia się takim działaniom.
The author presents the thesis that because of the experience of World War II, the Federal Republic of Germany after 1949 was determined to preserve a pacifistic attitude and build a “civil state.” However, after the unification, the events in the international arena (the conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo) forced it to cooperate more actively to maintain European security. To date, the German policy in the field of security is dominated by the so-called “culture of abstinence.” Because of the international situation, Germany is required to actively participate in international missions and crisis management, with which they comply with great difficulty. The majority of the public is opposed to such actions.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka; 2017, 1; 17-35
1899-6264
2451-0718
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Państwo i Kościół w myśli św. Tomasza z Akwinu i Marsyliusza z Padwy
Church and State in the Thought of St. Thomas Aquinas and Marsilius of Padua
Autorzy:
Pawlak, Mieszko
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452665.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Naukowe Towarzystwo Tomistyczne
Tematy:
Kościół
państwo
wladza duchowna
władza świecka
łaska
Gelazy I
Tomasz z Akwinu
Marsyliusz z Padwy
church
state
authority of the clergy
the civil power
grace
Gelasius I
Thomas Aquinas
Marsilius of Padua
Opis:
The article is devoted to the issue of the relationship between the secular power of the State and the spiritual power of the Church in the thought of two eminent scholars of the late medieval period – St. Thomas Aquinas and Marsilius of Padua. The author analyzes these generally opposite theories, paying special attention to the concept of grace and its relation to nature as the basis of the political thought of these thinkers, as well as the significant influence of Aristotle's ideas on both Aquinas and Marsilius.
Źródło:
Rocznik Tomistyczny; 2015, 4; 163-189
2300-1976
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Tomistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Public diplomacy and cooperation with non-governmental organizations in the liberal perspective of international relations
Autorzy:
Broś, Natalia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628718.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
Liberalism
public diplomacy
NGO
soft power
Civil Society
Opis:
This article discusses the issue of state cooperation with non-governmental organizations in public diplomacy. This has been explored in relation to the liberal perspective in international relations, which very clearly highlights the importance of NGOs as an influential participant in world politics. The article contains an analysis of the international system, categorizes the roles and functions of NGOs in international relations. It shows concepts on contemporary understanding of power and a clear focus on reinforcing and using components of soft power, including public diplomacy, in moden international relations. Methodological aspects are deepened by an analytical layer exploring Civil Society 2.0 Program, what is an example of an effective combination of diplomatic efforts between the state and NGOs to achieve common goals.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2017, 8, 1; 11-22
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obywatel w państwie. Kilka uwag o typach ładu zbiorowego i społeczeństwie polskim
The Citizen in the State. Some Remarks on the Types of Social Order and on Polish Society
Autorzy:
Sowa, Kazimierz Z.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/527120.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
social order
civil society
political power
Polish history
Opis:
In the paper the author singles out three types of social order, that is the way of a social organization from the political power point of view: 1) religious order, 2) masterful order, and 3) civil order. The basic form of the social order is the state. According to the author the main difference between, from one had, the first two types, and the third from the other, lies in different political relation between the government and the rank and file members of the state. In the case of the first two types – religious and masterful – all members, “citizens”, are subject to the state, whereas in the case of civil order – the state is subject to its citizens. Poland after demise of communism has developed apparently a civil state, but Polish civil society has been still rather weak. The author of the essay is searching for the roots of this weakness in the Polish history.
Źródło:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo; 2012, 1; 13-25
1643-8299
2451-0858
Pojawia się w:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘Empowerment in Practice and Its Impact on Political Participation’: A Study Among Working Women of South Kolkata
Autorzy:
Chatterjee, Anasua
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194835.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
women
empowerment
decisionmaking power
civil society
political participation
partisan preference
Opis:
The main purpose of the present study is to understand ‘empowerment’ as observed in theory and in actual practice in the society where women are still regarded as second-class citizens inspite of achieving success in their chosen fields. Her freedom in choice of decision-making within the family and civil society plays an important part in influencing her participation in politics and her voting behaviour. By political activism of the respondent we primarily mean her cognitive orientation (i.e. her knowledge about political parties, symbols, their stay in power and their judgements about political system), evaluative orientation on how political system works including her voting behaviour and partisan preference. Survey was carried by the researcher on 1000 women working in both the organised and unorganised sectors of the economy mainly among street vendors and domestic workers and bank employees and teachers in Kolkata. Results: Women working in both the sectors play dual role looking after their children, elders in the family, husbands and also contribute to the  expenditure but lack effective power in decision-making. They consult their husbands, elder members of the family or the community before casting their vote and are notguided by individual preference or choice.
Źródło:
Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja; 2020, 18, 2; 187-206
2300-0422
Pojawia się w:
Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Civil Society in Sweden as a Factor of Sweden’s Image Attractiveness
Społeczeństwo obywatelskie jako czynnik atrakcyjności wizerunkowej Szwecji
Autorzy:
Kobierecka, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1940721.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
soft power
branding
state attractiveness
civil society
soft power resources
zasoby soft power
społeczeństwo obywatelskie
atrakcyjność wizerunkowa państwa
Opis:
In recent years, nation branding attracts interest of scholars and academic environment. In the era of globalisation, the need to care for propoer image and perception of a state in international environment becomes even more apparent. Soft power resources are a vital element in creating a strong nation brand. The aim of the article is to verify hipothesis stating that civil society can be perceived as a soft power resource used in building the brand. Therefore, the proposed research is conducted by analysing most significant branding rankings with respect to the positions reached by Sweden, used as a model state with strong civil society.
W ostatnich latach branding narodowy cieszy się coraz większym zainteresowaniem wśród środowisk akademickich. W dobie globalizacji dostrzega się coraz wyraźniej konieczność dbania o odpowiedni wizerunek i postrzeganie państw na arenie międzynarodowej. Istotnym elementem w budowaniu wizerunków państw są zasoby miękkiej siły, jakimi dysponują państwa. Celem artykułu jest weryfikacja hipotezy, zgodnie z którą społeczeństwo obywatelskie może zostać uznane za jeden z cennych zasobów wpływających pozytywnie na budowanie silnej marki państwa. W tym celu analizie poddane zostały najistotniejsze rankingi brandingowe z uwzględnieniem pozycji uzyskiwanej przez Szwecję, służącą jako państwo modelowe o silnym i rozbudowanym społeczeństwie obywatelskim.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2018, 59; 82-95
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Civil resistance against military dictatorships: People power in Bolivia
Resistencia civil contra las dictaduras militares: El poder popular en Bolivia
Autorzy:
Tapia, Reynaldo
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2076104.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
resistencia civil
acción noviolenta
dictaduras militares
redemocratización
poder popular
civil resistance
nonviolent action
military dictatorships
re-democratization
people power
Opis:
Civil resistance has had a crucial role in promoting social, political, and economic change throughout the world.  During the period of dictatorships in South America, civil resistance through the use of nonviolent methods was implemented by Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo) to address human rights violations, which eventually led to campaigns to demand democracy in Argentina. The military dictatorship of Pinochet in Chile also fell to the nonviolent campaigns and people power movements. Bolivia presents another case on the effectiveness of civil resistance against not only military dictatorships but also to demand the comeback of democracy. This article examines how civil resistance was implemented in Bolivia during the period of military dictatorships from 1964 to 1982. Once in power, the military dictatorships began to target workers and their union leaders, student organizations and leftist politicians driving them underground and into exile. State violence was used to repress opposition groups from all sectors and even the press. Security forces to include paramilitary groups were behind a series of kidnappings, tortures and killing of activists.  To curb the state violence, union workers, miners, indigenous/campesino group, political leaders, and university students began a series of coordinated nonviolent methods, such as hunger strikes, road blockades, mass protests and marches. This article describes the benefits and outcomes of civil resistance showing how these nonviolent techniques and strategies were used to fight against military dictatorships and led the country back onto the path of re-democratization.
La resistencia civil ha tenido un papel crucial en la promoción del cambio social, político y económico en todo el mundo. Durante el período de las dictaduras en Sudamérica, Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo implementaron la resistencia civil a través del uso de métodos noviolentos para abordar las violaciones de los derechos humanos, lo que eventualmente llevó a campañas para exigir la democracia en Argentina. La dictadura militar de Pinochet en Chile también cayó ante las campañas noviolentas y los movimientos de poder popular. Bolivia presenta otro caso sobre la efectividad de la resistencia civil no solo contra las dictaduras militares sino también para exigir la restitución de la democracia. Este artículo examina cómo se implementó la resistencia civil en Bolivia durante el período de las dictaduras militares de 1964 a 1982. Una vez en el poder, las dictaduras militares comenzaron a atacar a los trabajadores y sus líderes sindicales, organizaciones estudiantiles y políticos de izquierda, empujándolos a la clandestinidad y al exilio. Se utilizó la violencia estatal para reprimir a los grupos opositores de todos los sectores e incluso a la prensa. Las fuerzas de seguridad, incluyendo grupos paramilitares, estuvieron detrás de una serie de secuestros, torturas y asesinatos de activistas. Para contrarrestar la violencia estatal, los trabajadores sindicales, mineros, grupos indígenas/campesinos, líderes políticos y estudiantes universitarios comenzaron una serie de métodos coordinados y noviolentos, como huelgas de hambre, bloqueos de carreteras, protestas masivas y marchas. Este artículo describe los beneficios y resultados de la resistencia civil y detallará cómo estas técnicas y estrategias noviolentas se utilizaron para luchar contra las dictaduras militares y llevaron al país de regreso al camino de la redemocratización.
Źródło:
Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review; 2021, 28; 95-110
1641-4713
Pojawia się w:
Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Morphological and Functional Contexts of Higher Education Management Democratization
Autorzy:
Mykhailichenko, Mykola
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/469840.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-03-01
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:
power
management
model
civil society
business
organizational interaction
public-private partnership
morphology
functionality
Opis:
The necessity of deep democratization of state influence on the system of social education has been analyzed. The reasons for contradictions between the development needs of the new educational system and the existing administrative practice have been revealed. The paper indicates the need for state structural and functional compliance, the education system and its partners on the part of civil society and the market. Purpose: Our task is to identify the role of agents of the external and internal educational environment, which are participants in the decentralization of state influence on the education system. The author focuses on the peculiarities of students as the main client, payer and consumer of education services. Organizational interaction is fully executed only if there is a constant feedback in the management of the education system, which can be provided by civil society and its government bodies involved in the management of the education system. Methods: To characterize the main provisions we take into account the interdisciplinary approach and the general scientific principles of objectivity and systematicity as well as logical-semantic, systemic and prognostic approaches in studying and generalizing the problem. Results. The study reveals contradictions between the needs for developing a new education system and existing administrative practices. Democratization is seen as a mechanism to weaken the state's influence on the development of university autonomy.
Źródło:
Intercultural Communication; 2018, 4, 1; 147-156
2451-0998
Pojawia się w:
Intercultural Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:
We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 26

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