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Wyszukujesz frazę "political protest" wg kryterium: Temat


Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічні аспекти дослідження ненасильницького протесту в Україні
Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of the Study of Nonviolent Protest in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Белгасем, Мохамед
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489265.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
social conflict
non-violent protest
forms of political protest
methods of political protest
Opis:
Non-violent protest as a phenomenon of the second half of XX – beginning of XXI century. is political in nature and correlates with the «third wave» of democratization. It is a mass phenomenon due to the global processes of destruction of the colonial system, the disintegration of world system of socialism, the negation of authoritarianism and transition to democracy, a large group of countries in different parts of the globe. The analysis of theoretical models, approaches, factors, nature, forms and methods of nonviolent protest, as a specific type of social conflict, the modalities for its implementation at the stage of democratic transformation in Ukraine has been shown in the article. The explanation of protest behavior is considered through the concept of relative deprivation of G. Carr, functional and conflict approaches, and the like. At the same time, to limit the understanding of the origins of social and political protest by only the phenomena of deprivation or relative deprivation means to distort its nature in favor of the subjective factors. . Actually, the unsatisfactory conditions of human existence (or perceived in her mind) are being themselves neither sufficient nor even necessary factors of protest behavior. In modern societies the protest potential of social is stipulated by the institutional, organizational, political, and sociocultural factors. The concept of «non-violent political protest» is used by the author in a wide explanation that includes both overt and subtle forms of disagreement with the policy of the authorities, for example, voting «against all». Accordingly, the specified definition differs from the category of «political resistance», which provides clear and conspicuous defiance of the existing government. The methods of political resistance are being classified after three categories: a) protest and persuasion, (b) the non-cooperation and b) intervention. In general, John Sharp has allocated 198 such methods. So non-violent protest is a complex tactic of public action, in which many techniques, a number of mechanisms of transformation, as well as certain norms of behavior are involved. Non-violent protest and mass manifestations is a result of the accumulation of a critical mass of dissatisfaction with the existing social order. However, certain organized forms, ability to a long confrontation between the authorities and the successful decision of tasks in view, are possible only in the presence of social capital and solidarity between different social groups and strata. Social capital contains such elements of social organization as social networks, social norms and trust that create the conditions for the coordination and co-operation for the sake of the reciprocal benefit. That is, social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources associated with the existing well established network of informal or more or less institutional relations of reciprocity and recognition. The specifics of the protest activity in Ukraine is that it is a certain illogicality, when bursts of mass protests do not coincide with mass public sentiment associated with falling standards of living or dissatisfaction with the actions of the authorities. This was highlighted in 2004 when, on the eve of the political explosion that has gone down in history as the Orange revolution; none of the social services fixed the readiness of people to protest. In a stable society the behavior of community members governs the value-normative system both directly through the role of expectations about the behavior, and indirectly, creating awareness. But in an unstable society, where the value-normative system is disrupted and a state of anomie, the behavior is primarily determined by the characteristics of the individual consciousness of its members. Crucial is affective, cognitive and moral potential of the individual characteristics of consciousness and behavior of people.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 280-291
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Форми політичного протесту та самоорганізації громадян на Волині в умовах Революції Гідності
The forms of political protest and self-organization of citizens in Volyn in the conditions of the Revolution of Dignity
Autorzy:
Бортніков, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Revolution of Dignity,
Euromaidan,
Volyn,
political protest,
meeting
Opis:
The analysis of the political protest forms, the ability of citizens to self-organization in the struggle to defend constitutional rights and freedoms in Volyn during the active phase of the Euromaidan viability (November, 2013 – March, 2014) has been carried out. The start of the protest rally in Kyiv is related to the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of Azarov to stop the process of preparing for the signing of an association with the European Union by Ukraine, which was to be held at the summit of the leaders of the Eastern Partnership countries on November 29 in Vilnius. The response to this was the creation of Euromaidan. In Lutsk, EuroMaidan started its activity on November 22, 2013, along with the celebration of the ninth anniversary of the Orange Revolution. Members of the youth public organization «National Alliance» announced a permanent action in support of Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. On Sunday, November 24, the demonstration of support of the European vector «Ukrainians for European Integration» was held. The first mass meeting, attended by about two thousand participants, mostly student youth, was held on November 26. On November 28, the activists of the Lutsk EuroMaydan, mainly the students, organized a picket of the Volyn Regional Council with the requirement to accept the appeal concerning the European integration aspirations of the Ukraine citizens and the resignation of the government. The massive protest movement in the region began actually after the students were beaten up by members of the «Berkut» units on the night of November 30, 2013 in Kyiv. On December 1, more than 10,000 volunteers gathered at the Lutsk Theater square, where they expressed indignation at the actions of the security forces and offered to launch a nationwide strike action aimed at eliminating of the power. An effective factor in the organization of people during the Revolution of Dignity was the effective use of modern digital technologies and communications, in particular the Internet. They had become a powerful tool for the development of horizontal social interactions, community mobilization and the self-organization of the territorial communities. The campaign aimed at boycotting of the trade marks belonging to the deputies of the Party of Regions had begun in social networks. On January 14, 2014, the Volyn Regional Branch of the All-Ukrainian Association «Maidan» was formed. Along with EuroMaidan Avtomaydan, which became a kind of mobile unit of EuroMaidan, was founded along with Euromaidan. On January 22, 2014, members of Automaidan did not allow the battalion of internal troops to leave Lutsk for Kyiv to help the security forces, with the following prolonged blockade of their barracks. A step delegitimize Yanukovych’s regime was the formation of the People’s Councils in the country’s highest legislative body and representative power bodies on the ground. A self-defense unit was founded In Lutsk on February 19, 2014 on the basis of the decision of the Volyn Regional People’s Council. The final mass meeting of EuroMaidan in Lutsk on February 23, 2011 was devoted to the public repentance of the Volyn Special Forces «Berkut» staff.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 154-162
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Класифікація політичного протесту
Klasyfikacja protestu politycznego
Autorzy:
Берестова, Ганна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489287.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
types of political protest,
protests,
conventional and unconventional protests,
virtual political
protest, opposition
Opis:
In this article, the author makes an attempt to classify the phenomenon of political protest and defines the main features of its each type. The subject of political protest in the scientific field of Ukraine is less explored. Based on analysis of various cases of political actionism, the researcher summarizes its main features. The author also illustrates theoretical constructs by examples from political life in Ukraine and abroad. The purpose of this article is to mark out the forms of political protest based on criteria affecting its essential characteristics. To achieve this objective, the researcher has used the following methods: event analysis, lookback study, structural-functional method, comparative method, systematic approach and others. Political process is mainly classified due to bipolar feature. Due to activity-part, political protest falls into active and passive. Due to preliminary preparation, political protest falls into planned and spontaneous one. Due to tactics and leverages, political protests may be conventional (legal) and unconventional (illegal). It is important to understand that citizens use different types of political protest in case, when traditional possibilities for political participation have been exhausted or are ineffective. Depending on external conditions and resources, the protest is able to be transformed from one form to another one by changing protest tools and sometimes also by changing original objectives towards radicalization or towards softening the requirements.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 226-232
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O sile wspólnego śpiewania. Żądanie zmiany
About the Power of Singing Together: A Demand for Change
Autorzy:
Laskowska-Otowinowska, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31344024.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze
Tematy:
collective singing
political protest
social change
Estonia
Belarus
Białoruś
zbiorowy śpiew
protest
zmiana
Opis:
Na przykładzie dwóch wydarzeń historycznych: śpiewającej rewolucji z 1988 r. oraz protestów przeciw sfałszowanym wyborom w Białorusi z lat 2020–2021, artykuł prezentuje sposób wykorzystania zbiorowego śpiewu do celów społeczno-politycznych. Jednym z nich jest budowanie/wzmacnianie tożsamości narodowej, drugim wyrażenie żądania zmian. Mechanizmy wykorzystywane do osiągnięcia pożądanego efektu zawarte są w tradycyjnych funkcjach pieśni.
The article presents the use of collective singing for socio-political purposes on the example of two historical events: the 1988 Singing Revolution, and the 2020–2021 protests against the rigged elections in Belarus. One of these purposes is building/strengthening national identity, the other – expressing demands for change. The mechanisms used to achieve the desired effect are contained in the traditional song functions.
Źródło:
Literatura Ludowa; 2023, 67, 3-4; 75-83
2544-2872
0024-4708
Pojawia się w:
Literatura Ludowa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Social movements and political outcomes: why both ends fail to meet
Autorzy:
Zimmermann, Ekkart
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647699.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political protest
theories of social mobilization
social movement strategies
political opportunity structure
response hierarchy
cycles of protest
Opis:
The relationships between social movement challenges and political outcomes remain strongly underresearched in the field of social movements. Here, we use the labels “social” and “political” in a broad sense to comprise many types of challenges and many types of outcomes, such as economic and social outcomes for specific movements as well as general policy outcomes. Four theories are crucial for understanding successful mobilization of social movements: relative deprivation, resource mobilization, framing, and the theoretical figure of the opening political opportunity structure. Political outcomes, at least in democratic political systems, are usually the result of a parallelogram of different claims and means of influencing outcomes, in short, of compromises. Here, we list various forms of outcomes, from successful acceptance of movement demands to part-time successes or entire failures, and also the various strategies incumbents have in dealing with social movement challenges. Researchers usually have focused on the individual and structural conditions of the emergence of social movements but less so on the conditions of processing social movement demands and the outcomes for movements themselves, for the electorate and for policy changes. Consequently, there is little research available that would meet the requirements of an adequate research design in view of the numerous factors spelled out here as a theoretical control list. The idea of a response hierarchy of incumbents is suggested as a sort of a dispositional concept for further, more consolidated, research in this area. Also the notion of cycles of various sorts has to be kept in mind in order to avoid misjudging of both, the persistence of social movements over time, and their eventual successes and failures.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zachowanie i działania protestacyjne we współczesnej Rosji: możliwości i ograniczenia
Autorzy:
Savenkov, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687190.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
protest, political protest, collective action, political opportunity
protest, protest polityczny, akcja zbiorowa, możliwość polityczna
протест, политический протест, коллективное действие, политические возможности
Opis:
The article is devoted to determining the stages of protest action in Russia in 2008–2018, analyzing the dynamics of the number and form of protest actions; assessment of the all-Russian level of social tension and protest potential of citizens, as well as analysis of political and legal opportunities and limitations of protest action during this period. According to our observations, an increase in the protest activity of Russians has led to stricter rules for holding public events, and the application of sanctions against violators of these norms has reduced the willingness to participate in protests.
W artykule scharakteryzowano etapy akcji protestacyjnych w Rosji w latach 2008–2018 pod kątem dynamiki, liczby i form akcji protestacyjnych. Wzięto też pod uwagę ocenę ogólnorosyjskiego poziomu napięcia społecznego i potencjału protestacyjnego obywateli, a także analizę politycznych i prawnych możliwości oraz ograniczeń działań protestacyjnych w tym okresie. Zgodnie z naszymi spostrzeżeniami wzrost aktywności protestacyjnej Rosjan doprowadził do zaostrzenia zasad organizacji wydarzeń publicznych, a zastosowanie sankcji wobec osób naruszających te normy zmniejszyło chęć uczestnictwa w protestach.
Статья посвящена определению этапов протестного действия в России 2008–2018 годов, анализу динамики количества и формы протестных акций; оценке общероссийского уровня социальной напряженности и протестного потенциала граждан, а также анализу политико-правовых возможностей и ограничений протестного действия в этот период. По нашим наблюдениям рост протестной активности россиян привел к ужесточению правил проведения публичных мероприятий, а применение санкций к нарушителям этих норм – снизил готовность к участию в протестах.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2020, 6, 1
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Folklorotwórczy wymiar wydarzeń politycznych
The Folkloristic Dimension of Political Events
Autorzy:
Hajduk-Nijakowska, Janina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31344023.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze
Tematy:
folklor
kultura izolacji świadomościowej
performans uliczny
media
folklore
political protest
social resistance
street performence
social media
Opis:
Prezentację powiązań folkloru ze współczesnymi wydarzeniami o charakterze politycznym autorka poprzedza doprecyzowaniem pojęcia folkloru. Akceptując koncepcję Ludwika Stommy, uznaje folklor za kulturę izolacji świadomościowej, która jest częścią kultur społecznie i historycznie zróżnicowanych. Przekaz folklorystyczny, jako tradycyjna forma tworzenia, jest natomiast efektem twórczej aktywności uczestników oraz odbiorców danego wydarzenia, korzystających zarówno z bezpośrednich, jak i elektronicznych środków przekazu, przede wszystkim z mediów społecznościowych. Jako pierwszy przykład autorka prezentuje sposoby folklorystycznej aktywności służącej oswajaniu traumy wywołanej przez kataklizm (powódź) i atak terrorystyczny. Następnie zwraca uwagę na folklorystyczny kontekst współczesnych demonstracji i strajków przeprowadzanych w przestrzeni publicznej, które dzięki zróżnicowanemu performansowi nabierają charakteru „karnawału oporu” lub eksponują oddolny protest wobec decyzji podejmowanych przez rząd i parlament. Prowadzi to nie tylko do powstania wspólnoty emocji, ale również wspólnoty informacyjnej, która może mieć istotny wpływ na kształtowanie opinii społecznej.
The author precedes the presentation of connections between folklore and contemporary events of political character with a precise definition of the term “folklore”. Accepting the conception of Ludwik Stomma, she takes folklore to be a culture of isolation of consciousness that is a part of socially and historically varied cultures. The folkloric message as a traditional form of creation is, on the other hand, an effect of the creative activity of the participants and audience of the given event, making use of both direct and electronic means of transferring messages. As the first example, the author presents the ways of folkloric activity serving to tame the trauma resulting from a catastrophe (flooding) or a terrorist attack. Then, she draws attention to the folkloric context of contemporary demonstrations and strike actions conducted in the public space, which – due to their varied performance – take on the character of a “carnival of resistance” or showcase a bottom-up protest against decisions taken by the government and Parliament. This leads to the formation of not only a commonwealth of emotions, but also a community of information which can exert a significant influence on shaping society’s opinions.
Źródło:
Literatura Ludowa; 2023, 67, 3-4; 7-16
2544-2872
0024-4708
Pojawia się w:
Literatura Ludowa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ruch społeczny Aleksieja Nawalnego w Rosji: zasoby, taktyka i perspektywy
Autorzy:
Савенков, Роман
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686966.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
protest, political protest, collective action, Navalny, social movement
protest, protest polityczny, akcja zbiorowa, Aleksiej Nawalny, ruch społeczny
протест, политический протест, коллективное действие, Навальный, социальное движение
Opis:
The article is devoted to the analysis of resources, tactics and prospects of the social movement of Alexei Navalny in 2017–2018. The main actions of the movement and the reaction of the authorities to them are described and evaluated.
Artykuł jest poświęcony analizie zasobów, taktyk i perspektyw ruchu społecznego Aleksieja Nawalnego w latach 2017–2018. Główne działania ruchu i reakcja władz na nie są opisane i ocenione.
Статья посвящена анализу ресурсов, тактике и перспективам социального движения Алексея Навального в 2017-2018 гг. Описываются и оцениваются основные акции движения и реакция на них властей.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2018, 4, 2
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieznośna lekkość pocieszenia, nieznośna miałkość protestu. Internetowe zmartwychwstania Alana Kurdiego
Autorzy:
Jakubowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1187264.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
Aylan Kurdi
photography and death
migrant crisis
political protest
remix
internet’s art
culture of convergence
Opis:
The aim of this article is to critically analyze the internet’s remixes of Nilüfer Demir’s photography showing the dead body of Alan Kurdi – a 3-year old Syrian refugee – found on the beach near Turkish city Bordum. The main question here is: how the convergence culture ‘regards the pain of the other’ and deals with it? Semiotic analysis of chosen examples leads to a conclusion that while some artists undertake a specific visual tactics of protest and objection, more often, and even in clearly critical pictures, the ‘rhetoric of consolation’ is a predominating one and serves to both artists’ and viewers’ complacency and consoling. Terror of the pain and death is deleted from those images and replaced by cheap and idle tenderness or even kitsch.
Źródło:
Załącznik Kulturoznawczy; 2016, 3; 300-340
2392-2338
Pojawia się w:
Załącznik Kulturoznawczy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
PEGIDA – polityczny ruch protestu
Autorzy:
Macała, Jarosław Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647802.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
new social movements, protest movements, political protest movements, anti-Islam movements, PEGIDA
nowe ruchy społeczne, ruchy protestu, polityczne ruchy protestu, ruchy antyislamskie, PEGIDA
Opis:
Abstract: The protest movements associated with the far right have functioned in Germany for many years. However, none of them has gained such publicity and support as anti-Islam PEGIDA . This protest movement, by its unconventional, but usually peaceful and legal protests concerning migration policy, integrated and mobilized thousands of dissatisfied Germans. It forced the political elites to react but also mobilized the PEGIDA opponents among German society. It revealed the large frustration and dissatisfaction of some of the citizens. It seems that deliberately exaggerated threat of Islamization of Germany and Europe is the pretext for the followers of PEGIDA to show, in a way typical for many political pro test movement, their anti-establishment views, their dissatisfaction with traditional ways of the German policy, with alienation of political elites, with arrogance of the authorities. In the programme and activity of PEGIDA , there is strongly present the populist distinction between “us”, that is the normal people and “them”, i.e. the representatives of elites who are detached from reality. The goal is to change the model of German democracy towards direct democracy in order to make the citizens’ voice more important than that of the elites.
Ruchy protestu związane ze skrajną prawicą działają w Niemczech na przestrzeni wielu lat. Jednak żaden nie zyskał takiego rozgłosu i poparcia jak antyislamska PEGIDA. Ten ruch protestu przez swoje niekonwencjonalne, lecz z reguły pokojowe i legalne protesty dotyczące polityki migracyjnej zintegrował i zmobilizował wiele tysięcy niezadowolonych Niemców. Zmusił też do reakcji elity polityczne oraz zmobilizował przeciwników PEGIDY wśród społeczeństwa niemieckiego. Pokazał dużą frustrację i niezadowolenie części obywateli. Wydaje się, iż celowo przesadzona groźba islamizacji Niemiec i Europy to pretekst dla zwolenników PEGIDY, żeby w sposób typowy dla wielu politycznych ruchów protestu pokazać swoją antyestablishmentowość, niezadowolenie z tradycyjnego sposobu uprawiania niemieckiej polityki, z alienacji elit politycznych, z arogancji władzy. W programie i działalności PEGIDY silne jest populistyczne rozróżnienie między „nami”, czyli normalnymi ludźmi, a „nimi”, czyli oderwanymi od rzeczywistości przedstawicielami elit. Celem jest zmiana modelu niemieckiej demokracji w kierunku demokracji bezpośredniej, żeby głos obywateli liczył się bardziej niż elit.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2017, 24, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Consolidation, Hybridization, Globalization - Taiwan and Hungary
Autorzy:
Szabó, Máté
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615886.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
democratization
hybridization
regional development
Central Europe
East Asia
Democracy
party system
political protest
social movements
mobilization
authoritarianism
competitive authoritarianism
Opis:
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since 1988-1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the ‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 153-172
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties
Autorzy:
Michalak, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
protest parties
party politics
political parties
political theory
Opis:
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2011, 40; 110-121
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Формування нової ідеології політичної участі українців
Kształtowanie się nowej ideologii partycypacji politycznej Ukraińców
Autorzy:
Новакова, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489355.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
democracy,
political participation,
protest activity,
ideology of political participation
Opis:
The article is devoted the analysis of ideological principles and essence descriptions of political participation of the Ukrainian citizens in the process of democratic transformation of society. The articles of analysis are the newest tendencies of forming of protest activity of citizens and directions of its bringing in to the processes of state building. The specific of the democratic mode of political power consists in that it cannot be created only efforts of political elite. Therefore a problem of forming of structural political participation, creation of the real mechanisms of bringing in of citizens, to acceptance and realization of political decisions is very important for Ukrainian society which tries to carry out scale democratic transformations. Progresses of the political participating trends in Ukraine are contradictory enough and demonstrate a wave dynamics. Under act of revolutionary events of 2013-2014 new ideology of political participation — ideology and culture of resistance which is based on the awareness of the involvement and responsibility for own life and life of people is formed. In order that ideology of resistance acquired unconflict forms gradually, it is necessary actively to use energy of people for the real changes in society. Therefore exactly balance of institucionalizacii and political participation certainly as an urgent condition of success of democratic reforms. In achievement of political order returning of trust needs to public, adjusting of collaboration of power and civil society authorities.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 194-200
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020
Autorzy:
Savenkov, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628418.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Contestation
political opportunity
protest
political party
non-government organization
Opis:
The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis. In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. A meaningful factor of narrowing legal opportunities for public contestation is the potential financial, organizational and information support of public contestation practices by foreign entities.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 83-103
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The educational context of the Sejm protest by people with disabilities and their families
Autorzy:
BEŁZA-GAJDZICA, MAGDALENA
GAJDZICA, ZENON
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/938779.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
protest
resistance
disability
political debates
media messages
Opis:
This paper presents an analysis of the social reception of a protest by people with disabilities and their families (and guardians), with a special focus on its educational dimension. The protest took place in the main corridor of the Sejm complex in Warsaw in April and May 2017. The first part of the paper comprises the essential characteristics of social protests. The second provides a brief overview of media information about the discussed protest. The recapitulation of this part specifies the conditions that give the protest an educational dimension. From there, the analysis is narrowed to the reception of knowledge pertaining to the situation of the needs of people with disabilities and their families and the change in attitudes to this social group. The third part comprises a presentation of the research results on this issue. The research was conducted with the use of diagnostic polling—the questionnaire technique, applied to a group of 200 people. The research results show that the protest was a kind of information campaign and that it contributed to some changes in respondents’ knowledge concerning people with disabilities and their families and the transformation of attitudes to their needs.
Źródło:
Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej; 2019, 25; 83-103
2300-391X
Pojawia się w:
Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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