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Tytuł:
Історична ретроспектива феномену популізму та політичної демагогії
Historical Retrospective of the Phenomenon of Populism and Political Demagogy
Autorzy:
Цапко, O.M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22676559.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-18
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Institute of World History
Tematy:
популізм
політична демагогія
апризм
жетулізм і піронізм
політична система
політиканство
корупція
націоналізм
populism
political demagoguery
aprism
jetulism and pyronism
political system
politicking
corruption
nationalism
Opis:
У статті дається узагальнююча характеристика феномену популізму та політичної демагогії через призму їхнього історичного розвитку. Автор звертає особливу увагу на розкритті сутності понять «популізм» та «політична демагогія», визначаючи при цьому їхні як спільні риси так і відмінності. Зокрема зазначається, що незважаючи на свою зовнішню схожість, популізм та демагогія не є тотожними. Так популізм передбачає значно менш негативний спосіб отримання популярності серед мас, ніж демагогія, оскільки демагоги спекулюють реальними проблемами своєї аудиторії, представляють події, погляди опонента у фальшивому світлі, вдаються до фальсифікації фактів. У сучасній політичній практиці популізм виступає набагато складнішим та неоднозначним явищем, а демагогія є лише одним із багатьох його інструментів і стратегій. У цьому аспекті близьким за змістом є поняття «політиканство», яке, разом із демагогією, є одним з негативних проявів популізму. У статті також здійснюється одна з перших спроб визначити основні періоди історичного розвитку популізму та політичної демагогії, визначаючи при цьому основні напрямки їхньої еволюції. Поряд з цим, досліджуючи популізм та політичну демагогію в історичній ретроспективі, можна також зробити висновок, що об’єктивні умови виникнення цих суспільно-політичних явищ були пов’язані із соціальною тенденцією, у відповідності до якої маси є лише об’єктом політики. Суб’єктивні передумови для виникнення та поширення популізму викликані недосконалістю відносин «панування-підпорядкування», домінуванням масового суспільства. В досліджені робиться узагальнюючий висновок, що функціонування та поширеність популізму і політичної демагогії у сучасних політичних системах характеризується його детермінованістю культурними, історичними, політичними особливостями країн.
The article gives a general description of the phenomenon of populism and political demagoguery through the prism of their historical development. The author pays special attention to the disclosure of the essence of the concepts of “populism” and “political demagoguery”, while defining their common features and differences. In particular, it is noted that despite their outward resemblance, populism and demagoguery are not identical. Thus, populism provides a much less negative way of gaining popularity among the masses than demagoguery, because demagogues speculate on the real problems of their audience, present events, views of the opponent in a false light, resort to falsification of facts. In modern political practice, populism is a much more complex and ambiguous phenomenon, and demagoguery is only one of its many tools and strategies. In this aspect, the concept of “politicking” is close in meaning, which, along with demagoguery, is one of the negative manifestations of populism. The article also makes one of the first attempts to identify the main periods of historical development of populism and political demagoguery, while determining the main directions of their evolution. At the same time, examining populism and political demagoguery in historical retrospect, we can also conclude that the objective conditions for the emergence of these socio-political phenomena were related to the social trend, according to which the masses are only the object of politics. Subjective preconditions for the emergence and spread of populism are caused by the imperfection of the relationship “domination – subordination”, the dominance of mass society. In general, the study concludes that the functioning and prevalence of populism and political demagoguery in modern political systems is characterized by its determinism of cultural, historical, political characteristics of countries.
Źródło:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії; 2021, 13; 10-23
2707-6776
Pojawia się w:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Інституційні чинники пропорційності парламентського представництва українських політичних партій
Institutional Aspects of Proportionate Parliamentary Representation of Ukrainian Political Parties
Autorzy:
Чабанна, Маргарита
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489231.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political party
democracy
parliamentary representation
electoral system
voter
turnout
electorate
indices of disproportionality
Opis:
In political science the assessment of institutional development is an important criterion for determining the level of democratic governance. Therefore, the role of formal political institutions is significant for the functioning of the political system. It concerns the functioning of the executive, legislative, judiciary, and has expression in the mechanisms of mediation between public authorities and citizens. In the article the participation of political parties as such mediators is shown. Political parties, in this context, perform the numbers of functions in order to promote the principle of political representation through elections and parliamentarism. Therefore, political elections aimed at the expression of public opinion may apply as a tool for representative government. Thus, democratic elections and the formation of the parliament can be evaluated according to the criteria of transparency and proportionality of political representation. The implementation of these principles in a democratic political system depends on several factors related to the type of electoral system and those political institutions that affect the electoral process. For instance the representation of political parties in elected bodies depends on the threshold for parties or blocks (in the case of a proportional system), voter turnout and the method of determining electoral quota; as well the number of political parties participating in the elections; and the rights of voters to vote «against all». The article examines the impact of the electoral system on proportionate representation of political parties in parliament during the elections to the Ukrainian parliament (2002-2014). As for the constitutional amendments and electoral legislation in 2004-2014 years, we focus on the type of electoral system, the methods for calculating the electoral quota, threshold for political parties, the number of political parties-participants of the election process, as well as indicators of voter turnout. In order to analyse the proportionality of parliamentary representation of political parties we consider the indices of disproportionality. Overall, the disproportionate representation of political party as a phenomenon is caused by the existence of threshold (in the case of a proportional electoral system) and single-member constituencies (in the case of the majority electoral system). The level of proportional parliamentary representation of political parties in Ukraine is moderate. At the same time, the downward trend of proportional representation is obvious. This is due to the increase in unrepresented voters who vote for political parties that do not win seats. In this regard, we can state that a high threshold helps large parties in the election competition. However, as a result, the disproportionate representation of political parties may rise because of the high percentage of voters whose interests are not represented in parliament. In other words, the essential electoral support for non-influential parties, their overall percentage and dispersion of voters who support political parties that do not pass in parliament, is a factor of disproportionate representation. That is, the level of proportionate representation refers to the total number of political parties that compete in elections.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 238-249
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Європейська геостратегія України у вимірі вітчизняного консерватизму (за працями В’ячеслава Липинського та Степана Томашівського)
Europejska geostrategia Ukrainy w wymiarze krajowego konserwatyzmu (wg prac Wacława Lipińskiego i Stefana Tomaszewskiego)
Autorzy:
Шульга, Марина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489486.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukrainian conservatism,
Vyacheslav Lypynskiy,
“new configuration of the European East”,
Stepan Tomashivkiy,
the Black Sea as a basis for the political development of the European East
Opis:
The features of European geo-strategy of Ukraine as they were interpreted in the papers of representatives of national conservatism – Vyacheslav Lypynskiy and Stepan Tomashivkiyare thoroughly analysed in the article. The conclusion is drawn about that both scientists connected the joining of Ukraine to the European community of the peoples with the projects of international cooperation initiated by Ukraine, which would provide political and economic converting of the eastern part of the European space and would be interesting for European countries and motivate Russia to balance foreign policy concerning Ukraine and internal democratic reforms. V. Lypynskiy says that such a reformatting involves the implementation of Ukraine “active policy in the “Rus’ East”, which aims to create “a new configuration of the European East”. This configuration was created to exist as a “union of three Rus’ lands” (Ukraine, Russia and Belarus), in which Ukraine wasn’t a factor of “weakening of Rus”, but was a model of “classocratic” (to paraphrase in a modern manner – those that meet challenges of time) internal transformations. S. Tomashivkiy analyses that reformatting of East-European space is impossible without warning “long- term immobility of the Black Sea”, which is not only a crucial determinant of geographic Ukrainian history, but also is the basis for the political development of the European East. This requires the revival of mediated role of Ukraine in dialogue between civilizations in general and in the international transport communications in particular. Both scientists say that European direction of geostrategy of the Ukrainian state does not deny the appropriateness of the remaining vectors, but defines and specifies the tasks that must be addressed within them.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 86-92
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Эффективность и качество демократии в сравнительной политологии: дефинитивные и концептуальные параметры анализа
Efficiency and quality of democracy in comparative politics: definitive and conceptual options of analysis
Efektywność i jakość demokracji w politologii porównawczej: definicyjne i koncepcyjne parametry analizy
Autorzy:
Lytvyn, Vitaliy S.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195908.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
демократия
политический режим
эффективность демократии
качество демократии
концепт демократии
минимальная демократия
demokracja
ustrój polityczny
wydajność
jakość demokracji
democracy
political regime
efficiency of democracy
quality of democracy
Opis:
The article is dedicated to analyzing the historiography and conceptualization of the phenomenon of efficiency and quality of democracy. The author of the research outlined the definitive and conceptual parameters of comparative analysis of efficiency and quality of democracy, argued that different political regimes are more or less democratic. The article highlights various approaches, theoretical and empirical features of studying efficiency and quality of democracy, represents the most systemic/holistic indicators and methods of operationalization of democracy quality and efficiency. On this basis, the author actualized a unified approach to the analysis and conceptualization of quality and efficiency of democracy and argued that quality and efficiency of democracy is expedient to be mentioned not in a holistic continuum of political regimes, but when a certain state is actually democratic. As a result, the research confirmed that democracy is a multi-piece category and is able to expand its efficiency and quality.
W artykule podjęta została próba historiografii i konceptualizacji efektywności i jakości demokracji. Autor przytacza definicyjne i koncepcyjne parametry analizy porównawczej dotyczące efektywności i jakości demokracji, wskazując na zróżnicowany poziom demokratyczności systemów politycznych. Przedstawione zostały również nurty teoretyczne i analizy empiryczne badające skuteczność/jakość demokracji oraz systemowe/holistyczne wskaźniki i metodologie operacjonalizacji jakości i efektywności demokracji. W artykule demokracja jest rozpatrywana jako kategoria składająca się z wielu elementów i posiadająca potencjał do zwiększenia własnej efektywności i jakości.
В статье сделано попытку историографии и концептуализации феномена эффективности и качества демократии. Автор исследования очертил дефинитивные и концептуальные параметры сравнительного анализа эффективности и качества демократии. В статье выделены различные подходы, а также теоретические/ эмпирические особенности изучения эффективности/качества демократии, представлены наиболее системные/целостные индикаторы и методики ее операционализации. Демократия рассматривается как многосоставная категория, котроая способна расширять свою эффективность и качество.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2015, 14; 110-132
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Этнический фактор консервативных тенденций в политическом процессе
Etniczny czynnik tendencji konserwatywnych w procesie politycznym
Autorzy:
Емельянова, Юлия
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489458.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political aesthetics,
political aesthetization,
political symbolization,
political ritualization
Opis:
The phenomenon of the war through the frame of the political-aesthetical approach is conducted. The aim of the article is to research the moving factors, elements and function of the political aesthetization of the war as a political phenomenon and a complex political process. The methodology of this research is based on the political-aesthetical approach, which introduce the connection and interaction between the aesthetical and political spheres as a collection of the specific political-aesthetical phenomena and processes, emerging from the law of the people psychic working. The idea, that the people psychic works on the aesthetical laws, give us the possibility to view the political aesthetization as a natural process of political consequence. Thus, the main factors of political aesthetization of the war we could define as a irrational nature of political things, a strong emotional influence of the political thinking process by natural and managed sources, a correlation between political values and the aesthetical judgment. The elements of the political aesthetization process are determined as the political symbolization, political metaphorization and political ritualization. As to the war we conduct the symbols of the war, weapon, army and other war’s attributes; the rituals of the peace and war; the main metaphors, which descript the war and give some imagination about the war’s attributes and senses. We define the key functions of the political aesthetization of the war as the valuation, interpretation, mobilization, behavioral model’s forming and the other.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 273-280
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Эссе о провинции (заметки о дефиците власти в современной России)
Essay About The Province (Notes About the Lack of Power in Modern Russia)
Autorzy:
Skiperskikh, Aleksandr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2193953.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
власть
дискурс
легитимация
политическое пространство
провинция
Россия
русская культура
discourse
legitimation
power
political space
province
Russia
Russian culture
Opis:
In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture, tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in the Russian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. The power is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit in relation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not an exception. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significant cultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province, which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author sees this attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin, Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics. The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to the theoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben, Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler. The author believes that in the space of the Russian province there is an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilism that has become part of the political philosophy of the Russian provincial. In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly critical attitude toward the political power. A person is not more capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His being increasingly assumes an existential character. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affect the specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation of anarchic attitudes.
В данной статье автор пытается понять, как институты власти могут функционировать в условиях российской провинции и как они могут восприниматься обществом. Власть распределяется неравномерно, и это в полной мере сказывается на её дефиците применительно к провинциальному политическому дискурсу. Пример современной России не является исключением. Автор считает, что современные политические практики власти основываются на определённых культурных основаниях, объясняющихся особым отношением к провинции, которое традиционно присутствует в политическом дискурсе. Автор видит это отношение в различных сюжетах из текстов Александра Пушкина, Андрея Платонова, Антона Чехова, Ивана Бунина и других русских классиков. Авторская интерпретация проблемы потребовала обращения и к теоретическим работам политических философов, среди которых можно выделить Джорджо Агамбена, Альбера Камю, Никласа Лумана, Мишеля Фуко и Макса Шелера. Для автора важность подобного обращения была обусловлена тем фактом, что в центре отмеченных теоретических построений, так или иначе, присутствует проблема соотношения властии сопротивления. По мнению автора, в пространстве российской провинции существует объективный дефицит институтов власти, говорящий, с одной стороны, об определённом пренебрежении провинцией, а, с другой стороны, свидетельствующий о силе сопротивления инициативам власти на местах и правовом нигилизме, ставшем частью мировоззренческой философии российского провинциала. Представленность человека самому себе, влияет на достаточно критическое отношение к власти. Человек больше не способен доверять институтам власти и искать у них поддержки, что в полной мере раскрывается на примере современной российской провинции, наследующей традицию осторожного и нигилистического отношения к политическим институтам в собственной истории. Политика федеральной власти в современной России порождает серьёзные разрывы между центром и провинцией, что не может не сказываться на специфическом восприятии самой власти, а также влияет на формирование анархических установок.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2019, 18; 333-357
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Элементы вербальной магии в российском официозном дискурсе
The Elements of Verbal Magic in Russian Semi-Official Discourse
Autorzy:
Дмитриевич Васильев, Александр
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635696.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
verbal magic
Russian semi-official discourse
political language
police terror
indoctrination
Opis:
The  article  is  dedicated  to  phenomena  of  verbal  magic,  which  exploit  in  modern  Russian semi-official discourse for the purpose of social consciousness’ manipulation. 
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2013, 4
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Чинники та особливості політичної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб в Україні
Czynniki i osobliwości politycznej adaptacji wewnętrznych migrantów na Ukrainie
Autorzy:
Денисюк, Світлана
Корнієнко, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489490.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
adaptation
political adaptation
internally displaced person
political behavior
political consciousness
Opis:
The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values. The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development. Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc. The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues. There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict. One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization. The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 127-131
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Христианин на встрече с МакMиром
A Christian in Meeting with McWorld
Autorzy:
Węcławik, Józef
Венцлавик, Иосиф
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/480160.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Księży Werbistów Verbinum
Tematy:
«МакМир»
глобализация
макдональдизация
постмодернизм
политкорректность
“McWorld”
globalization
macdonalisation
postmodernism
political correctness
Opis:
Понятие МакМир связано со многими символами современного мира, а также с людьми, работающими в средствах массовой информации (масс-медиа). Бенджамин Барбер определяет МакМир, как виртуальную реальность, которая создается сетью высокоразвитых информационных технологий, выходящих за пределы национальных рынков, основанных на потреблении и прибыли. Это также корпорации, которые создают этот мир, управляют мировой экономикой. Каково положение Католической Церкви в этом мире? Иоанн Павел II в Pastores dabo Vobis указал на моральный хаос и идейную потерянность, хотя есть и немало случаев позитивного поведения людей перед лицом трагедий континентального или мирового масштаба. Однако настораживает тот факт, что цели многих научных исследований ведут к цивилизации смерти и улучшению методов убийства, потому что в основе МакМира лежит ошибочная концепция человека, исключающая из жизни Бога, а также трансцендентальное и моральное измерение человека, в то время как у ее основания лежат гедонизм и потребительство. Человек, которым завладела гордыня, поверил во власть своего разума и считает себя правилом и правом всей реальности. Он признает смерть Бога и живет так, как будто Бога нет.
The term McWorld is associated with many symbols of the modern world as well as with people involved in mass media. Benjamin Barber defines McWorld as a virtual reality constructed by all-powerful networks of highly developed information techniques, reaching beyond national markets based on consumption and profit. They are also corporations that design this world and govern the world economy. What is the situation of the church in this world? In Pastores dabo vobis, John Paul II pointed to moral chaos and ideological confusion, although there are many very positive human behaviours with regard to tragedies of continental or global dimension, such as earthquakes, famine, armed conflicts or epidemics. However, it is worrying that the goals of scientific research lead to the civilization of death and to the improvement of methods of killing, because the basis of McWorld is the erroneous conception of man eliminating God from one’s life as well as the transcendental and moral dimension of man, and its basis is hedonism and consumerism. Conquered by pride, man came to believe in the power of his mind alone and decided that he was the principle and reason of all reality. He professes the death of God and lives as if there were no God.
Źródło:
Nurt SVD; 2020, 1; 363-382
1233-9717
Pojawia się w:
Nurt SVD
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
ХАРАКТЕРЫ СОВЕТСКИХ ДИССИДЕНТОВ В ЭМИГРАНТСКИХ ЗАПИСКАХ АДВОКАТА ДИНЫ КАМИНСКОЙ
Characteristics of Soviet dissidents in the emigrant’s Attorney’s notes by Dyna Kaminskija
Autorzy:
Rusina, Julija Anatoljevna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/444778.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
Tematy:
Soviet dissidents
Soviet political trials
attorney Dina Kaminskaya
Opis:
Dina Kaminskaya was a defense lawyer of Soviet dissidents and participated in the most famous political trials of the 1960s. She acted as a defense lawyer for the members of the human rights movement in the Soviet Union, the creators and disseminators of samizdat, those who organized protests and demonstrations, including the one on the Red Square in Moscow in August 1968. Leaving the USSR under the threat of arrest in 1977, in exile, she wrote a memoir, Attorney’s notes, which was published in New York by the Chronicle-Press publishing house in 1984. Not only is the Soviet political judicial system with its ideological tricks vividly represented in this book, but also the portraits of those dissidents whom she knew personally and worked for as a lawyer.
Źródło:
Acta Neophilologica; 2018, XX/2; 29-39
1509-1619
Pojawia się w:
Acta Neophilologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Функційність іменників і дієслів у політичній рекламі
Autorzy:
Osewska, Monika
Romaniuk, Svitlana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1789858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
political advertising
slogan
elections in Ukraine
categories of the noun and verb
Opis:
The article deals with political slogans placed on billboards and advertising spots dedicated to political advertisement and the 2014 Parliamentary elections. Following the time after ‘Euromaidan’, the 2014 elections were the fi rst after the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 7th convocation. The author presents research categories of the noun and verb (i.e. degrees of comparison of adjectives and forms of numerals and adverbs) which she fi nds the most important. The author concludes that nouns and verbs appear more frequently and are more visible than other parts of speech. What is more, a choice of appropriate lexis aff ects the way we perceive advertisement.
Źródło:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia; 2018, 6; 237-247
2299-7237
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Формулювання комунікату в українському політичному дискурсі: невміння чи свідоме маніпулювання?
Formulation of Comments in Ukrainian Political Discourse: the Inability to Communicate or Deliberate Manipulation?
Autorzy:
Romaniuk, Switłana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1844422.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-07-26
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
comments
political discourse
manipulation
rhetoric
verbal aggression
Opis:
This article analyses the way Ukrainian politicians express themselves, which is different from the general principles of rhetoric: comments often contain verbal aggression towards the opponent. By analyzing Ukrainian political discourse I managed to track the imprudence fond in the formulation of comments for different reasons – an inability to report or inability to control emotions, as well as a direct and deliberate strategy of applying all possible means of modeling verbal aggression, especially the use of invectives. The postulates of the author are confirmed by illustrative material – examples of statements made by Ukrainian politicians from different parties and groups, selected from the transcripts of the Supreme Council of Ukraine (Verkhovna Rada) from the year 2013.
Źródło:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia; 2015, 3; 165-178
2299-7237
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Формування нової ідеології політичної участі українців
Kształtowanie się nowej ideologii partycypacji politycznej Ukraińców
Autorzy:
Новакова, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489355.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
democracy,
political participation,
protest activity,
ideology of political participation
Opis:
The article is devoted the analysis of ideological principles and essence descriptions of political participation of the Ukrainian citizens in the process of democratic transformation of society. The articles of analysis are the newest tendencies of forming of protest activity of citizens and directions of its bringing in to the processes of state building. The specific of the democratic mode of political power consists in that it cannot be created only efforts of political elite. Therefore a problem of forming of structural political participation, creation of the real mechanisms of bringing in of citizens, to acceptance and realization of political decisions is very important for Ukrainian society which tries to carry out scale democratic transformations. Progresses of the political participating trends in Ukraine are contradictory enough and demonstrate a wave dynamics. Under act of revolutionary events of 2013-2014 new ideology of political participation — ideology and culture of resistance which is based on the awareness of the involvement and responsibility for own life and life of people is formed. In order that ideology of resistance acquired unconflict forms gradually, it is necessary actively to use energy of people for the real changes in society. Therefore exactly balance of institucionalizacii and political participation certainly as an urgent condition of success of democratic reforms. In achievement of political order returning of trust needs to public, adjusting of collaboration of power and civil society authorities.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 194-200
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Форми політичного протесту та самоорганізації громадян на Волині в умовах Революції Гідності
The forms of political protest and self-organization of citizens in Volyn in the conditions of the Revolution of Dignity
Autorzy:
Бортніков, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Revolution of Dignity,
Euromaidan,
Volyn,
political protest,
meeting
Opis:
The analysis of the political protest forms, the ability of citizens to self-organization in the struggle to defend constitutional rights and freedoms in Volyn during the active phase of the Euromaidan viability (November, 2013 – March, 2014) has been carried out. The start of the protest rally in Kyiv is related to the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of Azarov to stop the process of preparing for the signing of an association with the European Union by Ukraine, which was to be held at the summit of the leaders of the Eastern Partnership countries on November 29 in Vilnius. The response to this was the creation of Euromaidan. In Lutsk, EuroMaidan started its activity on November 22, 2013, along with the celebration of the ninth anniversary of the Orange Revolution. Members of the youth public organization «National Alliance» announced a permanent action in support of Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. On Sunday, November 24, the demonstration of support of the European vector «Ukrainians for European Integration» was held. The first mass meeting, attended by about two thousand participants, mostly student youth, was held on November 26. On November 28, the activists of the Lutsk EuroMaydan, mainly the students, organized a picket of the Volyn Regional Council with the requirement to accept the appeal concerning the European integration aspirations of the Ukraine citizens and the resignation of the government. The massive protest movement in the region began actually after the students were beaten up by members of the «Berkut» units on the night of November 30, 2013 in Kyiv. On December 1, more than 10,000 volunteers gathered at the Lutsk Theater square, where they expressed indignation at the actions of the security forces and offered to launch a nationwide strike action aimed at eliminating of the power. An effective factor in the organization of people during the Revolution of Dignity was the effective use of modern digital technologies and communications, in particular the Internet. They had become a powerful tool for the development of horizontal social interactions, community mobilization and the self-organization of the territorial communities. The campaign aimed at boycotting of the trade marks belonging to the deputies of the Party of Regions had begun in social networks. On January 14, 2014, the Volyn Regional Branch of the All-Ukrainian Association «Maidan» was formed. Along with EuroMaidan Avtomaydan, which became a kind of mobile unit of EuroMaidan, was founded along with Euromaidan. On January 22, 2014, members of Automaidan did not allow the battalion of internal troops to leave Lutsk for Kyiv to help the security forces, with the following prolonged blockade of their barracks. A step delegitimize Yanukovych’s regime was the formation of the People’s Councils in the country’s highest legislative body and representative power bodies on the ground. A self-defense unit was founded In Lutsk on February 19, 2014 on the basis of the decision of the Volyn Regional People’s Council. The final mass meeting of EuroMaidan in Lutsk on February 23, 2011 was devoted to the public repentance of the Volyn Special Forces «Berkut» staff.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 154-162
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Укротяването на Звяра. Идеята на Просвещението за овладяването на политическите страсти и руският литературен бестиарий
Taming the Beast. The Enlightenment Idea of Taming the Political Passions and the Russian Literary Beastiary).
Autorzy:
Krysteva, Denka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635462.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Russian Baroque
Enlightenment
Machiavelli
Anti-Machiavelli
political passions
political metaphors
Opis:
In this article, the subject of research is the literary-political beastiarium in the transition from the Baroque to the Enlightenment in Russia. The conceptual basis are the parallel ideas of the beast in man, taming the beast, and dream of eternal peace as understood by the European enlighteners of the 18th century. The dynamic, contradictory, and convulsive epoch of Peter I is discussed along with the myth of the dragon slayer and the monstrous Baroque metaphors used to describe the ruler and his subjects: Beast on the throne, battle with beasts, the dragon with three heads, and the ontological metaphor of falling in the beastʼs throat (resulting from the exercise of power through fear and violence). The underlying transformation of these ideas coincides with the period of Empress Elisavetaʼs rule with the thematization of the notions of tamed passions, peace and mercy of the throne in the parallel images of the biblical Elizabeth and the compassionate Titus. „Taming the beast” is a segment of the enlightenment program and the educational discourse of the time of Catherine II.A moralizing literary context is presented in works of V. Petrov, G. Derzhavin, M. Muraviev, A. Kozelsky, N. Karamzin. In this context, the idea of the rulerʼs tamed passions is presented in a dialogue (direct or indirect) with Machiavelliʼs The Prince and Friedrich IIʼs Anti-Machiavelli. The metaphorical images of the ruler of passions are: the blissful lion, the tame beast, or the transformed thunder god – the man on the throne and the king of hearts. The tamed passions (malice, enmity and dissonance) transform the society of predatory tigers into a peaceful herd of tigers and lambs, pigeons and hawks. The culmination of these ideas are the projects for a Union of States (The Sacred Union of European Monarchies, 1815, Union of Empires, 1873) were considered. A hypothesis is put forward that V. Dalʼs version of the folk tale Teremoc (1870) is a metaphorical representation of the idea of peaceful life, subjected to the test of passions.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2018, 15
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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