Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:

Liberals Among Us: Socio-Demographic Determinants of Liberal Attitudes in Poland

Autorzy:

Marzęcki, Radosław
Chmielowski, Marcin
Kaleta, Kris

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/42942976.pdf

Data publikacji:

2024-06-30

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

liberalism
libertarianism
ideology
freedom
social liberalism
economic liberalism
political attitude
correlates of liberalism

Opis:

The authors of this article attempt to describe in detail the determinants and structure of the beliefs and views of Polish society on a liberal to anti-liberal values continuum. The first research objective was to determine the extent of social and economic freedom that respondents expect in their relations with others and in their relations with state institutions. In addition, the authors wanted to identify the socio-demographic characteristics that significantly differentiate these liberal orientations, as well as the factors that independently determine the adoption of liberal views. The detailed hypotheses were verified based on an analysis of data collected in a nationwide telephone survey (CATI) conducted on a representative sample of 1,000 adult Polish citizens. The survey used an original questionnaire consisting of 31 quantitative scales, which were used to construct the Liberalism/Libertarianism Index (LLI) and to categorize respondents into “Polish Liberals” and “Polish Libertarians.” Higher index values indicate stronger and more consistent liberal attitudes in economic as well as axiological (social) terms. More liberal orientations were found to be held by respondents declaring higher incomes, younger, better educated, and less religious, although only age, some party preferences, and religious practices act as independent predictors of LLI.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2024, 2(53); 111-135
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:

Ocena demokratycznego ładu w myśli liberalizmu
Assessment of democratic order in the thought of liberalism

Autorzy:

Beniuszys, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902082.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Gdańska Wyższa Szkoła Humanistyczna

Tematy:

liberalism
democracy
history of liberalism
democratic liberalism

Opis:

In the contemporary outlook the convergence between liberal values and democratic order of state power election appears widely acknowledged. Democratic liberalism is the dominating tendency in the reflection about political systems of countries today. This is the result of a long debate among liberals, during which this standpoint was not unanimously accepted. The tension between individual liberty and the power of government is not invalidated simply by means of introduction of democratic procedure. The „people” can also be the tyrant. While some great liberals (Bentham, Guizot) believed that democracy leads to violation of individual liberties and chaos, others (Tocqueville, Mill) pointed out a possible „liberal democracy” if constitutional guarantees of a liberal rule of law are in place and government remains limited. This debate re-emerges in times of political and economic crisis.

Źródło:

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość; 2012, 9; 201-215
1731-8440

Pojawia się w:

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:

Wolność w liberalizmie a prawda o wolności
Freedom in Liberalism and the Truth about Freedom

Autorzy:

Ślipko, Tadeusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/964253.pdf

Data publikacji:

2008-05-15

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

freedom
liberalism

Opis:

The freedom, in Latin libertas, is the object of philosophical reflection since Plato. Yet as the determined philosophical direction it took the form of the „liberalism” on the turning point of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, represented by two philosophers: Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778). Among contemporary scholars Isaiah Berlin is standing out. From his point of view the philosophical problem of the freedom should be examined in two aspects: the negative freedom i.e. the attribute of not hindered freedom in making choices and the positive freedom as opportunity of being the master of one’s own fate. The author of the article, after critical demonstrating the conception of liberalism, sketches the theory of freedom from the position of Christian ethics. As a starting point he takes the conception of man as a person whose rational activities take on the form of twofold freedom of choice. In the psychological aspect, this freedom assumes the ambivalent form of doing good or evil, however in the moral aspect it turns out to be freedom put in order by the hierarchy of objective moral values. In this meaning the freedom also organizes the whole free man's activity and becomes creative strength of his moral personal perfection. It also defines the crucial sense of Christian philosophical science of truth about freedom.

Źródło:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2008, 11, 1
1899-2226
2353-4869

Pojawia się w:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:

Kto się boi księcia Metternicha?

Autorzy:

Tarnawski, Eduard

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630372.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie

Tematy:

conservatism, reaction, liberalism

Opis:

Th e author proposes a test for the propensity of being a reactionary that he calls ”Metternich test”, although Robert Stewart Castlereagh (1769–1822) could also be called as an examiner. Undoubtedly only Russian tsars can be considered reactionary monarchs, starting from Nicholas I (1796–1855). To judge whether president Putin is a reactionary we need authority of Alexandr Solzhenitsyn (1918–2008). Although Henry Kissinger is called Metternich of 20th century, he is not suit for the function of examiner. Author elaborates on the faith Metternich had in love as a force that makes politics possible. A person that can’t understand the life of other people, cannot understand history. Aft er Nicholas I became tsar all Russian doctinaires, such as Sergey Uvarov (1786–1855), Konstantin Leontiev (1831–1891) and Konstantin Pobedonostsev 1827–1907), formulated principles of reaction. The paper ends with Wacław Nałkowski’s (1851–1911) critique of Henryk Sienkiewicz as a reactionary.

Źródło:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2013, 4; 113-136
2082-0976

Pojawia się w:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:

Political liberalism and women’s rights
Liberalizm polityczny a sprawa kobiet

Autorzy:

Lisowska, Urszula

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2096260.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN

Tematy:

political liberalism
liberal feminism
feminist liberalism
comprehensive liberalism
liberalizm polityczny
liberalny feminizm
feministyczny liberalizm
liberalizm rozległy

Opis:

The aim of the paper is to assess the feminist potential of political liberalism, as the latter was defined by Charles Larmore and John Rawls. The analysis focuses on liberal feminism to determine whether it would be more convincing if it became politico-liberal feminism. This problem is addressed with reference to two authors – Martha C. Nussbaum and Susan Moller Okin – the former being an advocate and the latter a critic of the liberal feminism and political liberalism merger. It is argued that Okin’s worries about this combination are justified. However, the conclusion is that Okin’s criticism emphasises the necessity and possibility of the revision of political liberalism – as a possible background of liberal feminism and a general orientation in political philosophy.

Źródło:

Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria; 2019, 2; 125-141
1230-1493

Pojawia się w:

Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:

Liberalizm w edukacji
Liberalism in Education

Autorzy:

Karoń, Aleksandra Irena

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194683.pdf

Data publikacji:

2022-12-30

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

education
liberalism
philosophy of education
ideologies
history of liberalism

Opis:

The contemporary message of some media associates broadly understood liberalism with the pejoratively interpreted slogan “do whatever you want”. Common understanding of liberalism as, very generally speaking, libertarian views, also tends to be juxtaposed with an almost anarchist view of the world. The purpose of this text is to reflect on how liberalism can be understood (and whether there is one way to define it) and how a liberal thought influences education. Can it shape education? If so, how? The liberal tradition is not only rich and diverse (it is impossible to talk about one liberalism with a capital “L”, or rather liberalisms of specific countries), but also has a significant impact on the way of thinking about the world in its various dimensions. The text provides an overview of the main tenets of liberalism along with their historical outline. The discussion about the main ideas of liberalism serves to organize a series of, sometimes contradictory, information about it. The background outlined in this way allows us to focus on the issue of liberalism in education, while posing a number of problematic, remaining open, questions about the essence of education or the role of school in the neoliberal perspective. The entanglement of science in ideologies is also shown, an example of which is mathematics, the subject defined in accordance with the adopted philosophical or even political perspective. The overview character of the text is intertwined with questions on the border of the philosophy of education and the history of political thought, which is a good introduction to further deepening the knowledge in both these areas.

Źródło:

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja; 2022, 22, 2; 249-258
2300-0422

Pojawia się w:

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:

Liberalizm gospodarczy w myśli Carla Mengera

Autorzy:

Mak, Mariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371467.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-06-30

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

Carl Menger
classical liberalism
economic liberalism
freedom
subjectivism
individualism

Opis:

Over the years, the Austrian School of Economics has created the image of a thinker associated with ideas of liberalism. The views of members of this school are often considered controversial. However, the concept of freedom clearly displayed by the Austrians is very popular among economists. Carl Menger is said to be the founder and a leading member of the Austrian School of Economics, and his works are mostly devoted to methodology and economic theory. Nevertheless, you can also find his views on the sphere of economic liberalism and freedom. Almost 150 years after the publication of Menger’s main works, it emerged that he had created not only the timeless foundations of the theory and methodology of economics, but his theory of subjective value had become the bedrock which is used to this day in deliberations on economic liberalism. The economy pursued by Menger (based primarily on the ideas of subjectivism and individualism) continues to be an important and timeless foundation for the development of the doctrine of economic liberalism. This article is a review based on an analysis of the literature on the subject.

Źródło:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2020, 23, 2; 21-38
1899-2226
2353-4869

Pojawia się w:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:

Użytecznosć w systemie etyki Johna Stuarta Milla
The Utility in the Ethics System of John Stuart Mill

Autorzy:

Kundera, Elżbieta

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/589697.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Katowicach

Tematy:

Ekonomia
Liberalizm
Economics
Liberalism

Opis:

John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) liberal and utilitarianist, recognized utility (happiness) for the basic criterion of ethical behavior. Responsibility of the unit was increased prosperity, which required additional conditions: the liberal democratic state, guaranteeing the freedom and equality of opportunity and for the submission by the intellectual needs of material desires. J.S. Mill' thesis timeliness preserved till today.

Źródło:

Studia Ekonomiczne; 2014, 180 cz 1; 127-135
2083-8611

Pojawia się w:

Studia Ekonomiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:

Polskie formacje liberalne (1905–1989)

Autorzy:

Matuszek, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519672.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK

Tematy:

liberalism
political parties
Polska

Opis:

The aim of this article is to draw attention to the issue of the tradition of liberalism in Poland. However, because the history of Polish liberal thought is an extremely broad and capacious issue, the article focused only on liberalism in a political understanding, which takes the form of a social force or a political formation. Strictly speaking, the article reviews the ideological assumptions of Polish liberal groups which, better or worse organized, functioned (or formed) in the period between 1905 and 1989. Despite its descriptive and general character, the elaboration should compel to reflect on the issue of the liberal tradition in Poland.

Źródło:

Historia i Polityka; 2019, 27 (34); 9-21
1899-5160
2391-7652

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:

Is Left-Wing Liberalism Possible in Poland?
Czy możliwy jest w Polsce liberalizm lewicowy?

Autorzy:

Plecka, Danuta

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1940722.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018-09-30

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

liberalism
left-right wing
left-wing liberalism
liberalizm
lewica–prawica
liberalizm lewicowy

Opis:

The liberal trend which emerged in Poland was not a doctrine deeply rooted in social awareness. Quite the opposite, its essence and meaning were alien to Polish tradition or hardly recognizable. The interpretation of the concept of freedom only in the negative sense was imposed on the public opinion by the elites. Thus, as new ideas were adopted without any reflection, the state’s function was reduced to the role of a “night watchman”, and citizens were to adapt to it. Both sides did not enter into discussion on the possible creation of the role of the state as an institution involved in the social sphere. This seems to have been the main cause of the failure of the liberals and of the values they advocated in the public space. The Polish model of liberalism was not on the path towards modernity, but – by treating values selectively – it represented the anachronistic approach to liberal ideas. Polish liberals forgot that in the second half of the 20th century, the welfare state came into being owing to the recognition of Berlin’s notion of positive freedom and his unquestioning attitude to the plurality of values. Unfortunately, these two elements did not appear (or appeared too rarely) in the liberals’ concepts, so left-wing liberalism could not develop in Poland, and its foundations in the economic sphere were taken over by political options other than liberal ones.
Liberalizm, który pojawił się w Polsce, nie był doktryną zakorzenioną w świadomości społecznej. Wręcz przeciwnie, jego istota i znaczenie były dla polskiej tradycji obce bądź mało rozpoznawalne. Interpretacja idei wolności tylko w sensie negatywnym została narzucona opinii społecznej przez elity. Tym samym bezrefleksyjność przyjmowanych idei usytuowała relację pomiędzy państwem a obywatelem – państwo miało pełnić jedynie rolę „nocnego stróża”, a obywatel miał się do niej dostosować. W przeciwnym wypadku mógłby się narazić na śmieszność bądź podejrzenie o roszczeniowość. Obie strony nie podjęły dyskusji nad możliwym kreowaniem roli państwa jako instytucji zaangażowanej w sferę socjalną. I wydaje się, że to w zasadzie była główna przyczyna przegranej liberałów i wartości przez nich głoszonych w przestrzeni publicznej. Bowiem reprezentowany w Polsce liberalizm nie zmierzał ku nowoczesności, a jedynie wybiórczo traktując wartości, sprzyjał jego anchronicznemu rozumieniu, zapominając, że w 2. połowie XX wieku państwo dobrobytu powstało dzięki uznaniu dla berlinowskiej idei wolności pozytywnej i jego bezdyskusyjnemu stanowisku względem pluralizmu wartości. Te dwa elementy niestety nie pojawiły się (albo pojawiały się zbyt rzadko) w koncepcjach liberałów, przez co nie wykształcił się w Polsce liberalizm lewicowy, a jego podstawy w sferze ekonomicznej przejęte zostały przez opcje polityczne obce liberalnym.

Źródło:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2018, 59; 18-30
1505-2192

Pojawia się w:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:

The Myth of Autonomy: Subjectivity, Heteronomy and the Violence of Liberalism Individualism

Autorzy:

Stevenson Murer, Jeffrey

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026792.pdf

Data publikacji:

2010-12-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

history of politics
liberalism

Opis:

Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. The Liberal frame that champions autonomy requires strict conformity: conformity to laws assured by state force, conformity to market transaction assured by privileging private property, conformity to limited collective action assured by the social atomization which comes from the construction of negative rights. This paper explores the many impediments to autonomous self-actualization within the rubric of liberalism, including the superegoistic internalizations of mores and taboos elucidated by Western-oriented psychoanalysis. It further explores the possibility that self-actualization may be more readily achieved through what Gramsci referred to as “heteronomy:” selfconsciously engaged collective social action. By examining the mechanisms of self-limitation through the dynamics of superego development, the paper posits that self-actualization may best be realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. In this, the paper takes up the Deleuzian and Guattarian propositions of simultaneous, multiplicitious identities, deterritorialized and evaluated only within the multitude of a given moment in time and space. The dynamic and contextual quality of this discursive engagement is not one of relativity, but characterized by the intersubjectivity of the participants. ! is specificity – specificity of interlocutors, specificity of locality, and specificity of time – provides for unique self-actualization, which neither reifies nor objectifies selves, but suggests that individuals are not essences, but subjective beings which are as dynamic as the social situations they create. Thus self-actualization cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context. This context must be characterized as a social forum of praxis, for instrumentality or technical motivations disrupt the contributions not only of the actor guided by techne, but the contributions of the whole for disingenuousness makes intersubjectivity impossible. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum which is tainted by motives of self-gain. Instrumentality of one impedes the ability of all others to self-actualize. Thus, self-actualization only comes within the context of heteronymous action. ! is paper will thus interrogate the consequences of inverting the age-old problem of public action – autonomous self-actualization is threatened by free-loading – and suggests that collective self-actualization is impeded by self-oriented, atomistic, instrumentality.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2010, 39; 126-148
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:

Axiological fundaments of relations between ethics and politics

Autorzy:

Podrez, Ewa

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1070328.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-12-31

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie

Tematy:

democracy
liberalism
common good

Opis:

The subject of this article is the axiological basis of relations between morality and politics. The author shows anthropological and metaphysical origins of the idea of common good in social life. What role does morality play in political activity and where are moral foundations of a democratic state to be found? How to ensure the presence of moral values in public life (education, participation, common good, open society). The most important questions include: Who is responsible for ideas of democracy? Can democracy survive without a footing in pre–democratic values?

Źródło:

Studia Philosophiae Christianae; 2020, 56, S2; 215-235
0585-5470

Pojawia się w:

Studia Philosophiae Christianae

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:

Anglikanizm po Newmanie. Diagnoza współczesnych teologów anglikańskich
Anglicanism after Newman. Diagnosis of the Contemporary Anglican Theologians

Autorzy:

Kopiec, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/964062.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

Anglicanism
Church
liberalism
theology
crisis

Opis:

The artide presents symptoms of the crisis in Anglicanism using statistical data and theological approaches. Referring to the discussion within the Anglican church itself, author argues that liberal theology is one of the major factors which determine the condition of contemporary Anglican theology.

Źródło:

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia; 2016, 14; 215-228
2082-5951

Pojawia się w:

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:

The gender of cyborgs: Discussion on the margin of changes in genetics

Autorzy:

Klichowski, Michał

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/438007.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

cyborgs
gender
genetic engineering
liberalism

Opis:

The aim of this paper is to show that gender, both as a biological and social category, ceases to exist in the vision of man constructed by contemporary genetics. In the paper, I present the elementary concepts of genetic engineering and liberal genetics, and show how these two currents in genetics change gender into a feature deprived of any designata. I advance a thesis that the man of the future, a cyborg, is a man without gender.

Źródło:

Journal of Gender and Power; 2014, 1; 147-155
2391-8187

Pojawia się w:

Journal of Gender and Power

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:

KATOLICYZM A LIBERALIZM. RECEPCJA LIBERALIZMU NA ŁAMACH WSPÓŁCZESNEJ, POLSKIEJ PRASY KATOLICKIEJ (WYBRANE ZAGADNIENIA)
CATHOLICISM AND LIBERALISM. THE RECEPTION OF LIBERALISM IN CONTEMPORARY POLISH CATHOLIC PRESS (SELECTED ISSUES)

Autorzy:

Tasak, Agata

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513755.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Catholicism
liberalism
Catholic press
freedom

Opis:

The subject of the analysis was the reception of liberalism in selected Polish Catho-lic newspapers – chosen in the context of frequently discussed differences between Polish Catholic communities. After 1989, liberalism was treated as a threat in certain Catholic communities. However, it may be assumed that the criticism concerned the liberalism understood in its stereotypical form. Liberalism was frequently and deeply criticised in “Niedziela” and “Gość Niedzielny.” It was associated with all the imperfec-tion and evil of the contemporary world. The Catholic community related to, among others, “Tygodnik Powszechny” attempted to conduct a dialogue with representative liberal thinkers, frequently emphasising the positive aspects of the most significant liber-al principles. The analysis of contemporary Polish Catholic press confirms the fact that the disputes depicted in the previous decade are still valid. Moreover, it might even be concluded that the rhetoric has sharpened and the boundaries demarcating the Catholic communities in their attitudes to liberalism have become more pronounced.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 4; 70-85 (16)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 16.

Tytuł:

ODBIÓR IDEI SZKOŁY AUSTRIACKIEJ W NIEMCZECH I W AUSTRII
RECEPTION OF THE IDEA OF AN AUSTRIAN SCHOOL IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

Autorzy:

Szabaciuk, Wojciech

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513763.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Austrian School
liberalism
political thought

Opis:

This article is an attempt to analyze the reception of the Austrian School in Austria and Germany in general. The article aims to present the attitude of German and Austrian scientists and political leaders to the liberal ideas presented by the Austrian School. The author has discussed the birth of the Austrian School, methodenstreit, and the causes of the gradual removal of the heritage of Carl Menger and his successors from Austria.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2020, 18, 1; 106-118 (13)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 17.

Tytuł:

Liberalna wizja bezpieczeństwa – próba systematyzacji koncepcji
A liberal vision of security – an attempt to systematize conceptions

Autorzy:

Urbanek, Andrzej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/890800.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019-01-17

Wydawca:

Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie

Tematy:

security
international security
liberalism
classical liberalism
neoliberalism
bezpieczeństwo
bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe
liberalizm
liberalizm klasyczny
neoliberalizm

Opis:

In the article, its author attempted to systematize various concepts and approaches to the issue of security by representatives of political liberalism. Political liberalism now sets the main directions of thinking about security in Europe and the United States. Expanding the subjective scope of security, it undoubtedly contributed to the development of various security concepts in which not only the state but other entities become important actors in the international security environment. The article presents the main assumptions of a liberal vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of traditional liberalism and current trends.
W artykule autor podjął się próby systematyzacji różnych koncepcji i sposobów podejścia do kwestii bezpieczeństwa przez przedstawicieli liberalizmu politycznego. Liberalizm polityczny wytycza obecnie główne kierunki myślenia o bezpieczeństwie w Europie i Stanach Zjednoczonych. Poszerzając podmiotowy zakres bezpieczeństwa, przyczynił się niewątpliwie do rozwoju różnych koncepcji bezpieczeństwa, w których nie tylko państwo, ale i inne podmioty stają się ważnymi aktorami w międzynarodowym środowisku bezpieczeństwa. W artykule przedstawiono główne założenia liberalnej wizji bezpieczeństwa, sposób podejścia do bezpieczeństwa przez przedstawicieli liberalizmu tradycyjnego i nurtów współczesnych.

Źródło:

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2018, 31; 225-249
2299-4033

Pojawia się w:

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 18.

Tytuł:

Demokracja a liberalizm – uwagi z perspektywy XXI w.

Autorzy:

Zmierczak, Maria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/609285.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej

Tematy:

rotten liberalism
economic liberalism
political liberalism
liberal democracy
sovereign democracy
zgniły liberalizm
liberalizm ekonomiczny
liberalizm polityczny
demokracja liberalna
demokracja suwerenna

Opis:

Nowadays the term “liberalism” is more and more used in political debates together with pejorative adjectives like “rotten”, “passed” and others. Instead of “liberal democracy” we hear about “sovereign democracy”, “independent democracy” and of course “national democracy”. Looking for the roots of such development, the author sees one of them in the identification of liberal ideas with the liberal economy. Although the deepened studies show, that even the most prominent liberals never were so orthodox like the libertarians, among them especially Hans-Hermann Hoppe, for whom no liberty is possible without absolute freedom of property, commerce and production. The idea is false, taking into account the liberals like John Maynard Keynes, even John Stuart Mill or Leonard Trelawney Hobhouse. The second misunderstanding is in the notion of democracy. Nowadays the most popular idea is that democracy means simply the political majority. That is the point in which the liberals were always very cautious, beginning with Benjamin Constant, Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill. The liberals accepted democracy, but – according to the famous words of Mill – defined as the rule of majority, but with respect of minorities. It is clear, that this role of liberalism is nowadays in retreat. Democracy is often meant and understood as the sovereignty of the people, according to the words of Jean-Jacques Rousseau “unlimited, unalienable and indivisible”, and means freedom of nation and not freedom of individual. The historical experience shows that such “unlimited will of the people” was used as a veil for the most horrific political systems. But on the other hand, it is clear that under authoritarian regimes, liberalism, especially political liberalism, becomes the point of gathering of the opposition, as the examples of II French Empire, of fascist Italy, German III Reich, and communist regime confirm.
Punktem wyjścia w niniejszym opracowaniu jest stwierdzenie faktu, że termin „liberalizm” nabiera pejoratywnego charakteru; w wypowiedziach polityków i publicystów pojawiają się określenia typu „zgniły” „upadły” czy „skompromitowany” liberalizm. Przyczyną tego zjawiska jest utożsamienie terminu „liberalizm” z nieograniczoną gospodarką wolnorynkową albo z absolutną, niemal anarchistyczną wolnością jednostki. To zjawisko nasiliło się szczególnie za sprawą szkoły chicagowskiej i libertarianizmu, czego najbardziej wymownym przykładem jest książka Demokracja – bóg, który zawiódł. Druga przyczyna to niewątpliwie stosunek klasycznych liberałów do demokracji. Liberałowie walczyli wprawdzie o powszechne prawa wyborcze (także dla kobiet), ale ich naczelnym zadaniem i ideałem było postawienie granic temu, co Jan Jakub Rousseau określił jako „nieograniczoną, suwerenną i niepozbywalną władzą ludu (narodu)”. Stąd określenie „demokracja liberalna” zawierało konkretną treść, taką jak prawa jednostki, rządy prawa, podział władzy. Jesteśmy aktualnie świadkami wzrostu popularności ideału Rousseau, mówi się przecież o „suwerennej demokracji”, woli narodu. To każe jednak pamiętać, że właśnie rządy autorytarne i totalitarne posługiwały się taką retoryką, mówiąc o demokracji jako o wyrazie woli narodu i nie przewidując żadnych dla tej woli ograniczeń. Czy to oznacza kres idei liberalnych? Historia poucza nas, że liberalizm stawał się ważną ideologią zawsze w momentach kryzysowych, jak np. w II Cesarstwie Francuskim, jak również po upadku III Rzeszy, dyktatury Francisco Franco i komunizmu. Można sądzić, że nie tyle liberalizm jako teoria ekonomiczna, ile liberalizm jako ograniczenie władzy absolutnej – nawet jeśli władza ta pochodzi z demokratycznych wyborów – będzie nadal spełniać tę funkcję.

Źródło:

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius); 2019, 66, 1
0458-4317

Pojawia się w:

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 19.

Tytuł:

KRYTYKA POLITYKI GOSPODARCZEJ KOALICJI PO-PSL W „GAZECIE WYBORCZEJ” 2007–2015
“GAZETA WYBORCZA” AND ITS VIEWS ON THE ECONOMIC POLICY OF THE PO-PSL COALITION 2007–2015

Autorzy:

Litwin, Tomasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513154.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Civic Platform
liberalism
economic policy

Opis:

“Gazeta Wyborcza”, founded in 1989, still remains the most important opinion making daily paper in Poland. In its articles it represents liberal opinions concerning social and economic policy. Although “Gazeta Wyborcza” was the main medial oppo-nent of PiS (the largest oppositional party in Poland in the period discussed in this arti-cle), it also criticised the then governing PO-PSL coalition, especially with respect to its economic policy. This critical approach was in general inspired by liberal doctrine. The main subjects of the criticism concerning the economic policy of the PO-PSL coalition in the years 2007–2015 included a lack of support of Poland’s accession to the Euro Zone, slow privatisation, maintaining the position of privileged groups in the society (farmers, miners), lack of restructurisation of the coal mining industry as well as the reduction and transfer of superannuation funds from the so-called second pillar of the pension system to ZUS.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 111-122 (12)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 20.

Tytuł:

Charakter władzy suwerennej w koncepcjach ładu konstytucyjnego Hansa Kelsena i Carla Schmitta
The nature of sovereign power in the constitutional concepts of Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Autorzy:

Kaleta, Krzysztof J.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950245.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013-12-15

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

sovereignty
normativism
authoritarianism
constitution
liberalism

Opis:

The purpose of this article is to review the controversy between two, potentially most influential legal theorists in 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt. Their philosophical concepts: Schmittian decisionism and Kelsenian normativism, were based on different assumptions, leading their authors to variant practical conclusions. It is reasonable to infer that the differences in their visions of constitutional order were deeply rooted in different intellectual traditions – not only political (Kelsen’s involvement in defense of liberal democracy unlike Carl Schmitt, whose conservative attitude and critique of liberalism led to support totalitarian state and extreme right wing ideology), but also theological (pantheistic idea of God and fideism; conflict between rationality and faith). So from this perspective „Pure theory of law” can be seen as pantheistic political theology, because „pantheism overcomes the opposition of God and World; the Pure Theory of Law accordingly overcomes the opposition of State and Law”. On the other hand legal philosophy of Carl Schmitt is inspired by the Roman Catholic theological concept of the miracle, whereby God is free from the laws of nature – and in consequence – the sovereign is not bound by the law and may decide exceptions to it.

Źródło:

Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2013, 2, 2; 154-168
2299-1875

Pojawia się w:

Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 21.

Tytuł:

Zakres wpływu idei liberalizmu na procesy polityczne w zmieniającej się rzeczywistości kulturowej i cywilizacyjnej współczesnego świata
The influence of liberalism on political processes in the transforming cultural and civilizational reality nowadays

Autorzy:

Beniuszys, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902094.pdf

Data publikacji:

2011

Wydawca:

Gdańska Wyższa Szkoła Humanistyczna

Tematy:

liberalism
cultural transforming
liberal ideas

Opis:

The article defines the concept of liberalism, outlines the development of liberal concepts emphasising the most crucial ideas of this philosophical movement and political worldview. It is the 19th century which was declared as a liberal age. Later, in the interwar era, liberal tendencies were dominated by totalitarian doctrines and liberalism went through a crisis which eventually led to a liberal renewal. Western Europe was to experience the so-called democratic consensus, political concepts diffuse, and liberalism continues to play a crucial role.

Źródło:

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość; 2011, 8; 30-44
1731-8440

Pojawia się w:

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 22.

Tytuł:

No Capitalism Without Nationalism

Autorzy:

Hadžidedić, Zlatko

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968827.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-07-01

Wydawca:

Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house

Tematy:

nationalism
capitalism
liberalism
neoliberalism
globalisation

Opis:

Most theories of nationalism labelled as ‘modernist’ tend to overlook the fact that the phenomenon to which they vaguely refer as ‘Modernity’ is defined by a single, very precise and consistent socio-economic system, that of capitalism. However, this fact makes nationalism and capitalism, rather than nationalism and ‘Modernity’, practically congruent. From this perspective, the essential question that arises is whether the emergence of these two was a spontaneous but compatible and useful coincidence, or nationalism was capitalism’s deliberate invention? In the capitalist era, society has become merely a resource whose existence enables functioning of the market. Such a society must destroy all traditional communal ties on which the maintenance of traditional society was based, so that the principles of reciprocity and solidarity be replaced by the procedures of asymmetric economic exchange. Once the procedures of asymmetric economic exchange become the central principle of human relations, society stops functioning as a whole and becomes sharply divided into two parts – a well-organised and tightly-structured network of self-interested individuals permanently striving for perpetual economic gain and a shapeless mob of socially dislodged labour permanently striving for mere survival. The incessant widening of the gap between the two strata makes capitalism’s essential principle of endless accumulation of capital socially unsustainable. For, rapidly urbanised masses, forced into selling their labour below the minimal price, contain a permanently present insurrectionary potential that might threaten stability of the entire system. So, bridging that gap without actually changing the structure of society becomes the paramount task for the system trying to preserve its mechanism of incessant exploitation of labour and limitless accumulation of capital. Therefore, the system has to introduce a social glue that is tailored to conceal, but also to cement, the actual polarisation of society. At the same time, this glue is designed to compensate the uprooted masses for the loss of their authentic identities by replacing these with a single artificial one. This multi-purpose invention is an abstract concept of absolute social unity, named “the nation”, based on the assumption that those who are located on both sides of the gap, no matter whether they are on the exploiting or exploited side, automatically share the same equal rights, same common interests, and same identity.

Źródło:

Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2021, 12, 24; 60-76
2079-3715
2309-1088

Pojawia się w:

Academicus International Scientific Journal

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 23.

Tytuł:

Multiculturalism and Liberal Democracy

Autorzy:

Szahaj, Andrzej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2010309.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016-06-30

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

multiculturalism
democracy
citizenship
liberalism
culture
community

Opis:

The main goal of the article is to show the possible ways of thinking about the relation between multiculturalism and liberal democracy. Author of the article tries to present some troubles with reconciliation of such political culture and elements of multicultural ideology which supports rights of member of foreign (nonwestern) communities to manifest their cultural convictions freely. In his opinion that would be a little bit naïve to think that all elements of political culture connected with liberal democracy can be accepted by members of the communities in questions. That is why he articulates the thesis that some conflicts between them and people faithful to the ideas of liberal democracy are inevitable and that it cannot be found possible solution of these conflicts which can be gladly accepted by all sides. Someone will have to give up some parts of cultural heritage of a given community if we are supposed to live in peace together. Although the author of the article believes that this resignation should not be limited to only one side of the potential conflict he argues that a political culture of liberal democracy is so precious that its defenders should not abandon it for the sake of ideas of multicultural society even if this brings about some pain on the side of their interlocutors.

Źródło:

Kultura i Edukacja; 2016, 2(112); 209-220
1230-266X

Pojawia się w:

Kultura i Edukacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 24.

Tytuł:

Liberalizm, neoliberalizm i ordoliberalizm
Liberalism, Neoliberalism and Ordoliberalism
Либерализм, неолиберализм и ордолиберализм

Autorzy:

Mączyńska, Elżbieta
Pysz, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1032780.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN

Tematy:

liberalism
neoliberalism
ordoliberalism
либерализм
неолиберализм
ордолиберализм

Opis:

The key to distinguishing between classical liberalism, neoliberalism, and ordoliberalism is their attitude to the freedom of the individual. In 1938, Walter Lippmann put forth the thesis that the main cause underlying all failures of liberal thought was its focus on expanding the scope of the individual freedom in the market. This was accompanied by a lack of understanding of the need to develop an economic system under which the freedom of the individual would serve not only a select few, but would also promote the interests of the majority of society. Eighty years later this criticism goes to the crux of the contemporary dilemmas of liberal thought, as the neoliberal doctrine is driven by “freedom without order.” To overcome the ongoing global economic crisis, characterized by disorder, chaos, and anarchy, it is imperative to guide economic policy towards thinking “in terms of order” (Max Weber). And such an approach is offered by ordoliberal thought, which is concerned with the issue of economic order. Its leading idea, which is critical for today’s world, is “freedom within order”.
Критерием различия между классическим либерализмом, неолиберализмом и ордолиберализмом является отношение к свободе человеческой личности. В 1938 г. Уолтер Липпман сформулировал тезис, согласно которому главной причиной всяческих неудач либеральной мысли было сосредоточение её усилий вокруг расширения диапазона свободы человеческой личности на рынке. Это сопровождалось игнорированием проблематики формирования экономического порядка, в рамках которого свобода личности служила бы не только некоторым отдельным лицам, но также реализации интересов большинства членов общества. Почти восемьдесят лет спустя эта критика остается актуальной при анализе дилемм современной либеральной мысли, так как неолиберальная доктрина характеризуется «свободой без порядка». С целью преодоления нынешнего кризиса мировой экономики, для которой характерен беспорядок, хаос и анархия, необходимо направить экономическую политику к мышлению в «категориях порядка» (Макс Вебер). Такой подход предлагает ордолиберальная мысль, занимающаяся проблематикой экономического порядка. Её главной идеей, необходимой в современном мире, является «свобода в рамках порядка».

Źródło:

Ekonomista; 2014, 2; 221-247
0013-3205
2299-6184

Pojawia się w:

Ekonomista

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 25.

Tytuł:

Relational Plurality as a Corrective to Liberal Atomistic Pluralism

Autorzy:

Antonini, David

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/451281.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-11-05

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii

Tematy:

identity
liberalism
plurality
Hannah Arendt
political

Opis:

This essay argues for a concept of political identity that is fundamentally relational in nature contra more liberal accounts of identity that are atomistic. I consider John Rawls’ account of political identity in his Political Liberalism and provide a response stemming from Hannah Arendt’s account of political identity grounded in the existential condition of politics: human plurality. Using her concept of human plurality, I argue that political identity ought to be conceived as relationally individuated as opposed to atomistically so, meaning that our identities only emerge in and through appearing before other political actors and not prior to it. The larger upshot is that conceiving of political identity as relational provides a more fruitful concept of the citizen and might allow progress to be made regarding some of the more entrenched political problems in American political culture, especially polarization and partisanship.

Źródło:

Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2020, 4, 3; 65-75
2544-302X

Pojawia się w:

Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 26.

Tytuł:

Od krytyki demokracji parlamentarnej do pochwały dyktatury. Niemiecka myśl nacjonalistyczna 1918–1933
From criticism of parliamentary democracy to the praise of dictatorship. German nationalist thought from 1918 to 1933

Autorzy:

Maciejewski, Marek

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/697554.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Opolski

Tematy:

liberalism
democracty
parliamentarianism
dictatorship
leader
Germany

Opis:

The article deals with the question of the formation – since the end of World War One until the emergence of the Nazi regime – of various conceptions of the political system in influential and widespread intellectual circles of the so-called revolutionary conservatives who represented nationalist, anti-liberal and anti-parliamentarian views. This political ideology adopted a clearly critical position regarding political, constitutional and legal solutions adopted in the Reich after the fall of the Hohenzollern empire in 1918. Criticizing parliamentary democracy, though not necessarily democracy as such, revolutionary conservatives announced the need to establish a system of dictatorial leadership in Germany, modeled after the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, oftentimes seeing the then President of the Reich, Paul von Hindenburg, as a suitable person for this role (they rather sporadically perceived Adolf Hitler in this way). Some of them not only approved of an authoritarian model of government understood as an opposition towards the so-called Weimar system, but also accepted the principles of totalitarianism (e.g., C. Schmitt, E. Jünger, E. Niekisch). Since 1933, the Nazis partly adopted the anti-liberal, anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian conceptions of revolutionary conservatives, reaching for – among others – Carl Schmitt’s theory of decisionism or Ernst Jünger’s idea of the total mobilization of the nation.

Źródło:

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne; 2016, 14, 3; 71-92
2658-1922

Pojawia się w:

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 27.

Tytuł:

Ewolucja tożsamości Europejczyków w XXI wieku
Evolution of the Identity of Europeans in the XXI Century

Autorzy:

Łukaszewicz, Adriana

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/557936.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie

Tematy:

Liberalism
Globalization
Migrations
Identity
National Identity

Opis:

The aim of this article is to describe the evolution of identity within European societies in the 21st century driven by two factors that overlap – migration crisis of 2015 and globalization as well as the impact of these two factors on the European liberal economic and political model. The aforementioned processes have generated several negative effects and as a result they have put to test the elaborate and long-time project of United Europe. Particular nations started to loudly express their concerns and objections regarding the rules governing economic relations and the ways of dealing with migration issues. The multidimensional sense of insecurity has inspired a pan-European dispute with questions regarding areas and scope of unity, sovereignty etc. Some turbulence in identity of European nations has been observed leading to different changes in perception of identity including recurrence of seemingly long forgotten definitions of national identity. One can even say that the future success of the EU project has become dependent on the problem of European identity. This article is an attempt to analyze the impact of aforementioned factors on the identity of European societies.

Źródło:

Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2018, 3; 9-24
1428-149X
2719-3780

Pojawia się w:

Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 28.

Tytuł:

(Neo)liberalne uwikłania emancypacyjnego paradygmatu pedagogiki specjalnej
(Neo)liberal involvement of the emancipatory paradigm of special education

Autorzy:

Wlazło, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/920353.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015-09-15

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

(neo)liberalism
the emancipation
special education

Opis:

Education and rehabilitation of people with disabilities are included in the mainstream of social life as a realization of a particular model accounting for both human beings and human relationships. The emplacement of disability and the tasks of special edu-cation in the emancipatory paradigm implies acceptance of the principles derived from the assumptions of liberalism as a concept explaining the essence of human freedom. At the same time the emancipatory trend in the sciences of education has clearly socio-political nature, which essence is the opposition to ideological and economic domina-tion and exclusion of certain social groups. To a large extent it is the opposition to the rules of the neoliberal economy, treated as a source of social and economic crisis. This article presents the relationship between the idea of freedom and the free market in the context of the social model of disability and special education emancipatory paradigm.

Źródło:

Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej; 2015, 10; 33-49
2300-391X

Pojawia się w:

Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 29.

Tytuł:

Neorealistyczne interpretacje procesu integracji europejskiej
Neorealistic Interpretations of European Integration Process

Autorzy:

Orłowska, Marzena

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519708.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK

Tematy:

Europe
integration process
realism
liberalism
neorealism

Opis:

Taking place within the European Union integration processes are the subject of research of many theorists of the European integration. On the basis of the social sciences, there are many theoretical approaches which try to explain the phenomenon of integrating Europe. However. this is a difficult task, because integration is a long and dynamic process, which requires the analysis from the several approaches. Also on the scientific ground is appropriate to use interdisciplinary apporoach to study this issue. Its complexity is confirmed by numerous European integration theories. While those grown on the gound of theories belonging to the theory of international relations. Therefore, they based on liberal or realistic approach. The best known and most widely used theoretical approach in the study of European integration is liberalism. Evidenced by the fact, that most modern integration theory and theoretical approaches derive precisely from the liberal paradigma. We are talking about such theories as neofucntionalism, institutionalism and liberal intergovernemntal approach. The purpose of this article is however, demonstrate the complexity of the integration process on the basis of the neorealistic interpretations of this issue. Therefore will be discussed concepts of H. Morgenthau, M. Mosser and J. Grieco.

Źródło:

Historia i Polityka; 2014, 11(18); 37-54
1899-5160
2391-7652

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 30.

Tytuł:

A dilemma: How much state and how much market in the John Maynard Keynes’ theory of interventionism
Dylemat: ile państwa a ile rynku w teorii interwencjonizmu Johna Maynarda Keynesa

Autorzy:

Wójcicki, W.

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2052026.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Akademia Bialska Nauk Stosowanych im. Jana Pawła II w Białej Podlaskiej

Tematy:

neoliberalism
interventionism
John Maynard Keynes
liberalism

Opis:

Subject and purpose of work: This paper presents origins and reasons underlying formulation of the theory of state interventionism in the free-market mechanism of economy. Broad view on classical economic theory from contemporary situation is the main aim of the work. Materials and methods: Author’s as well as other economists’ opinions have been employed to elucidate the essence and meaning of the concept of interventionism. A limited scope of information and the lack of dominance of assessment in shaping market equilibrium as well as the role of global demand and full employment have been indicated in this paper. Results: J.M. Keynes argued that a state should play an active role in regulating the economy and should be able to make quick intervention decisions. Beside the theory proposed by J.M. Keynes, this paper outlined views by P. Krugman, A. Marshall and other economists considered as Neo Keynesians. Conclusions: Comparison between liberal and intervention trends in economics leads to the concept of social market economy and contemporary studies on public economics.
Przedmiot i cel pracy: Praca przedstawia genezę i uwarunkowania powstania teorii interwencjonizmu państwa w wolnorynkowy mechanizm gospodarki. Jej celem jest spojrzenie na klasyczną teorię z punktu widzenia współczesności. Materiał i metody: W naświetleniu istoty i znaczenia koncepcji interwencjonizmu posłużono się obok własnych, także opiniami innych ekonomistów. W pracy wskazano na ograniczony zakres informacji i brak prymatu oceny w kształtowaniu równowagi rynkowej oraz rolę globalnego popytu i pełnego zatrudnienia w kształtowaniu równowagi rynkowej. Wyniki: J.M. Keynes uzasadniał potrzebę aktywnej roli państwa w oddziaływaniu na gospodarkę i szybkość podejmowania decyzji interwencyjnych. Obok teorii zaproponowanej przez J.M. Keynesa zarysowano poglądy P. Krugmana, A. Marshalla i innych ekonomistów zaliczanych do grupy neokeynesistów. Wnioski: Porównanie nurtu liberalnego i interwencyjnego w ekonomii prowadzi do koncepcji społecznej gospodarki rynkowej i współczesnych badań nad ekonomią sektora publicznego. Słowa kluczowe: liberalizm, neoliberalizm, interwencjonizm, John Maynard Keynes Address for correspondence/ Adres korespondencyjny: dr hab. Włodzimierz Wójcicki, Department of Economics and Management, Faculty

Źródło:

Economic and Regional Studies; 2016, 09, 1; 111-124
2083-3725
2451-182X

Pojawia się w:

Economic and Regional Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 31.

Tytuł:

Who is right in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, John J. Mearsheimer or the liberals?

Autorzy:

Gawron-Tabor, Karolina
Pietrusiński, Maciej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52684911.pdf

Data publikacji:

2023

Wydawca:

Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych

Tematy:

offensive realism
Mearsheimer
liberalism
Russia
Ukraine

Opis:

The aim of the article is to present the views of the founder of offensive realism, John J. Mearsheimer, on the issue of Ukrainian security from the 1990s to 2022 and to indicate which of them were criticized by liberal researchers. The research problem is which assumptions of a realist and liberals have been empirically verified. The most important conclusion from the article is that Mearsheimer accurately diagnosed the issue of Ukrainian nuclear deterrence. At the same time, his theses regarding the causes of Russia's aggression in 2014 and 2022 are not relevant to the strategic situation. The opposite is true for liberal thinkers. The work is a comparative analysis. The methods used in the article are primarily content analysis and the tracing process.

Źródło:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2022, 1-2; 5-22
2299-4335

Pojawia się w:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 32.

Tytuł:

Wyzwania dla krajów UE i ekonomii oraz możliwości ich realizacji w warunkach neoliberalizmu
Challenges for the EU Countries and Economics and Possibilities of Their Implementation in the Terms of Neoliberalism

Autorzy:

Księżyk, Marianna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/548525.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

cele procesów gospodarowania
klasyczny liberalizm
lewicowy (socjalny) liberalizm
nowy liberalizm
libertarianizm
neoliberalizm
the objectives of economic processes
classical liberalism
leftist (social) liberalism
the new liberalism
libertarianism
neoliberalism

Opis:

Ponieważ nadal „dwiema najważniejszymi wadami systemów społeczno-gospodarczych, w których żyjemy, są niezdolność do realizowania pełnego zatrudnienia oraz dowolny i niespra-wiedliwy podział bogactwa i dochodów” [Keynes, 2003, s. 340], istotnymi celami rozwoju w krajach demokratycznych powinna być likwidacja bezrobocia, ubóstwa, głodu i wykluczenia społecznego. Stawia to przed krajami i ekonomią wielkie wyzwania. Podstawowym problemem oczekującym rozwiązania jest: jak utrzymać popyt społeczeństwa na poziomie gwarantującym pełne zatrudnienie, wykorzystanie zdolności wytwórczych gospodarki i możliwości, jakie stwarza technika i technologia w zakresie produkcji dóbr zaspokajających potrzeby mieszkańców krajów. Doświadczenia pokazują, że odejście od „państwa dobrobytu” (Welfare State) i mit racjonalnego, doskonałego i samoregulującego się rynku nie służą realizacji tych wyzwań. Oparcie sytemu ekonomicznego (w Polsce i wielu innych krajach gospodarki rynkowej) na doktrynie neoliberali-zmu powoduje, że mamy słabe, ograniczające funkcje socjalne i podporządkowane rynkowi pań-stwo. Skutkiem tego, wzrost gospodarczy nie przynosi wszystkim uczestnikom procesów gospoda-rowania i mieszkańcom krajów odpowiednich korzyści (zapewniających godne warunki życia). Kierując się potrzebą realizacji powyższych wyzwań oraz podstawowych celów UE, jakimi są: dobrobyt, pokój, demokracja i prawa człowieka, ideologiczną podstawą polskiej polityki spo-łeczno-gospodarczej (i innych krajów UE) powinien być liberalizm socjalny, otwarty na problema-tykę pełnego zatrudnienia, egalitaryzm i bezpieczeństwo socjalne obywateli. Uzasadniając tę tezę, treścią opracowania jest wyjaśnienie treści ekonomicznej pojęcia „libe-ralizm” w jego historycznym rozwoju, pokazanie, że obecny polski liberalizm, nazywany neolibe-ralizmem, stanowiący podstawę polityki gospodarczej nie jest tożsamy z klasycznym liberali-zmem, ani też z innymi lewicowymi jego odmianami, w tym i ze współczesnym neoliberalizmem głoszonym przez zachodnią prawicę. Poza tym pokazanie, że polski neoliberalizm nie zapewnia realizacji podstawowego celu procesów gospodarowania, jakim powinien być stały wzrost pozio-mu życia ogółu mieszkańców kraju.
The two major weaknes of economic and social systems is still their inability to full employ-ment and unjust wealth and income distribution [Keynes, 2003, s. 340]. Thus, the crucial targets of development of democratic countries should be the limitation of unemployment, poverty, hunger and social exclusion. These are great challenges to countries and economics. The big problem to solve is about how to hold the demand of society on a level that guaranties full employment, utili-zation of production possibilities and opportunities resulting from technology in production of goods fulfilling the needs of country’ inhabitants. The examples shows that dropping the welfare state and myth of rational, perfect and self-ordering market do not help to face these challenges. Economic system in Poland and other market economies is based on neoliberals. Consequently, social functions of a state are limited and subordinated by the market. In result economic growth does not bring sufficient benefits for all participants of production and inhabitants. In regards to achieve these targets and aims of the EU, which are welfare, peace, democracy and civil rights, the ideological bases for social and economic policy in Poland should be social liberalism, open to full employment, egalitarism and social security of citizens. Content of a paper is to explain the economic essence of the term liberalism in its historical development, and showing that current liberalism in Poland, called neoliberalism is not equivalent to classical liberalism and to other leftist its variation, including the modern neoliberalism promot-ed by the western rightists. Moreover, neoliberalism in Poland does not facilitate the achievement of basic aim of economic operation, which is the constant improvement of level of life.

Źródło:

Nierówności Społeczne a Wzrost Gospodarczy; 2015, 41; 214-233
1898-5084
2658-0780

Pojawia się w:

Nierówności Społeczne a Wzrost Gospodarczy

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 33.

Tytuł:

TORYSI CZY WIGOWIE? PROBLEM RELACJI KONSERWATYZMU I LIBERALIZMU W BRYTYJSKIEJ TRADYCJI POLITYCZNEJ
TORIES OR WHIGS? THE PROBLEM OF THE RELATIONSHIPS OF CONSERVATISM AND LIBERALISM IN BRITISH POLITICAL TRADITION

Autorzy:

PIOTROWSKI, PRZEMYSŁAW

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513203.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

conservatism
liberalism,
Thatcherism
British political tradition

Opis:

Liberal conservatism was often able to consolidate leadership. This is demonstrated by the governments of R. Peel and M. Thatcher. However, these same figures indicate that combining liberalism with conservatism at times also caused political conflicts and disputes in the Tory party. Thatcherism can be identified in the overwhelming opposition to the paternalistic tradition of post-war governments of W. Churchill, H. Macmillan and E. Heath, but according to some commentators, there is an important continuity between them, which does not invalidate the libertarian rhetoric of the Iron Lady. Regardless of whether Peel, or Thatcher actually committed a betrayal of conservatism in favor of liberalism, the tension between conservatism and liberalism remains an essential element of the main identity and ideological divisions on the British political scene.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2013, 11, 4; 100-116 (17)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 34.

Tytuł:

European cooperation in the field of security and defence. International Relation theories perspective

Autorzy:

Czaputowicz, Jacek

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526974.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Collegium Civitas

Tematy:

ESDP/CSDP
realism
liberalism
constructivism
Bourdieu

Opis:

The paper discusses various theoretical explanations of the European cooperation in the field of security and defence. According to realist explanations this cooperation was a response to external evolutions in the international system, i.e. changes in polarity and distribution of power. Liberals say that it was rather due to internal factors. Constructivists argue that it was a result of elites’ socialisation, while according to Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, it was caused by civil servants and military staff at the policy implementation level. The paper argues that external factors underlined by realists were decisive, i.e. America’s decreasing involvement in European security.

Źródło:

Securitologia; 2014, 1(19); 105-115
1898-4509

Pojawia się w:

Securitologia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 35.

Tytuł:

A ’Rump’ Statehood and the Polish Liberalism

Autorzy:

Żyro, Tomasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531359.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015-06-15

Wydawca:

Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce

Tematy:

Poland, liberalism, political philosophy, political theory

Opis:

This article is revised version of speech that was given at Oxford University. It deals with the origins of polish liberalism. Author states that there are two sources of liberalism that look like globular clusters. The first one sprung from a tradition of ancient feudal liberties. And the second source: liberalism stemmed from an opposition both to a practice of absolutist state and to the political ideology of absolutism. Finally, article tracks down the intellectual history of Polish liberalism.

Źródło:

Polish Journal of Political Science; 2015, 1, 1; 6-23
2391-3991

Pojawia się w:

Polish Journal of Political Science

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 36.

Tytuł:

DAESH in the perspective of various research schools

Autorzy:

Klein, Grzegorz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576485.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016-03-31

Wydawca:

Akademia Sztuki Wojennej

Tematy:

Daesh
realism
liberalism
constructivism
Marxism
feminism

Opis:

The creation of the “Caliphate” is one of the greatest threats to international order. So, it is reasonable to attempt to determine the nature of this organisation. The various schools in the area of international relations are helpful in this regard. For this purpose, the characteristics of Daesh are shown in the first part of the article. In subsequent sections of the conclusions to the first part, the most important research schools have been compared. According to the accepted assumption, the school of realism is the most appropriate for the study of Daesh. However, other schools can contribute to a better understanding of the organisation, showing the multidimensional and multifaceted threats for the international order coming from Daesh.

Źródło:

Security and Defence Quarterly; 2016, 10, 1; 134-146
2300-8741
2544-994X

Pojawia się w:

Security and Defence Quarterly

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 37.

Tytuł:

Evangelische Freiheit als Erbe – heute
EVANGELICAL FREEDOM AS A CONTEMPORARY HERITAGE

Autorzy:

Assel, Heinrich

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/425428.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Parafia Ewangelicko-Augsburska w Gdańsku z siedzibą w Sopocie

Tematy:

CHRISTIAN FREEDOM
SECULARIZATION
LIBERALISM
POSTSECULAR SOCIETY

Opis:

The understanding of freedom from a Protestant point of view is out¬lined in Luther’s writing “On the Freedom of a Christian Man” from 1520. The debate about the “post-secular” relationship between political freedoms and religious freedom, which was initiated by Jürgen Habermas, provides the context for the contemporary impact of Luther’s notion of freedom. The “royal freedom” of the Christian person is profiled within this discussion about the current meaning of political liberalism. Examples of the political-ethical debate in the present-day Germany are being discussed. The “priestly freedom” of the Christian person is being dealt with in the view of the recent establishment of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Northern Germany and its constitution. Lastly, the current importance of Luther’s theology of the communion becomes obvious by introducing the Holy Communion as the place for “priestly freedom”.

Źródło:

Gdański Rocznik Ewangelicki; 2012, 6; 149-162
1898-1127

Pojawia się w:

Gdański Rocznik Ewangelicki

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 38.

Tytuł:

Right-wing and left-wing populist parties as a threat to modern liberal democracies

Autorzy:

Burdiuh, Maksym

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933325.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-03-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

populism
democracy
liberalism
populist parties
parliamentarism

Opis:

The article analyses modern populism as a challenge to liberal democracy in terms of the activities of right-wing and left-wing political parties. An important factor in the growth of populism is the lack of effectiveness of constitutionalism and other formal limited institutions, procedures to ensure the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, justice, guarantee the interests of the majority in the modern world. It is noted that populism emerged in the late 19th century as a social movement, ideology, and political activity, and since then has firmly taken its place in the political consciousness of the masses, gaining new features and intensifying at times when countries are experiencing turning points in their history. The main factors in the growth of populism include the insufficient effectiveness of the institutions of indirect democracy in modern consolidated democracies. Another reason for the rise of populism is related to the tendency of ideological deradicalization, which manifested itself in the activities of different parties. Today, populism does not have a developed fundamental theoretical background and conceptual texts like nationalism and conservatism. However, it has a holistic structure as a political phenomenon and a set of ideological positions. The goal of modern populism is the introduction of “illiberal democracy” – a government that ensures smooth transformation of people’s preferences into public policy (unlike liberal democracies, which are almost always hindered by certain obstacles to responding effectively to pressing problems). From this point of view, populism is not a threat to democracy as such, but the leading liberal version of democracy. The possibilities of constitutionalism are treated with scepticism in the populist ideology, as formal, limited institutions and procedures prevent the majority from executing their will. Liberal democracy is not strong enough and constantly needs strengthening elements in response to new challenges and threats. But liberal democracy, more than any other political form, contains the potential for development, a synergistic resource, and the power of self-correction. A strong parliament and a developed civil society remain effective counterweight to populism.

Źródło:

Reality of Politics; 2021, 15; 11-21
2082-3959

Pojawia się w:

Reality of Politics

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 39.

Tytuł:

Studenci pedagogiki Akademii Pedagogiki Specjalnej w Warszawie i ich orientacje edukacyjne. Prezentacja wyników badań własnych

Autorzy:

Przybylski, Błażej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2007840.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016-09-30

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

educational orientations
ideologies
students
liberalism
conservatism

Opis:

The following article comprises the description of methodology and the presentation of the results of individual research. The aim of the realised project was recognising and characterising the educational orientations of pedagogy students. The author used the Polish adapted version of W.F. O’Neill’s questionnaire on ideological orientations to survey the educational orientations of students. The questionnaire estimates six detailed educational ideologies. This article presents the results of a survey concluded on a group of 506 students of the Maria Grzegorzewska University in Warsaw. Among students the choice of liberal educational ideology is predominant. The number of followers of radical right-wing educational ideologies is marginal.

Źródło:

Kultura i Edukacja; 2016, 3(113); 192-209
1230-266X

Pojawia się w:

Kultura i Edukacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 40.

Tytuł:

Idea sprawiedliwości a problem pomocy w koncepcjach Amartyi Sena i Muhammada Yunusa
He Idea of Justice and the Problem of Aid: Amartya Sen and Muhammad Yunus

Autorzy:

Miklaszewska, Justuna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/469088.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii PAN

Tematy:

liberalism
poverty
social justice
freedom
individualism

Opis:

This article addresses the problem of fighting poverty on the basis of the liberal political philosophy of Amartya Sen. The aim is to demonstrate that this program has gained its practical embodiment in the work of Muhammad Yunus and the Grameen Bank he created. In this article I will reconstruct the main arguments of Sen’s political theory, in which the question of support is associated with the concept of social justice and based on the assumption of methodological individualism. This means that all programs and economic decisions that focus on the implementation of social welfare must be assessed from the perspective of individuals and must consider how they affect their lives. The criterion for determining a „good life” in the concept of Sen is not economic but political: it is the freedom of an individual realized in a society, including its scope and practical forms. Sen is an economist and political philosopher and Yunus is an economist-practitioner, but they both share a belief in the world development in increasing human freedom and poverty eradication, thanks to capabilities and creative activities of people. The political and economic institutions should then trigger the enterprise of individuals and enable them to extract themselves from poverty.

Źródło:

Prakseologia; 2012, 153; 87-106
0079-4872

Pojawia się w:

Prakseologia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 41.

Tytuł:

Przypływy i odpływy liberalizmu

Autorzy:

Bartula, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/437359.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii

Tematy:

liberalism
democracy
Aleksander Trzaska Chrząszczewski
economy

Opis:

Ebbs and flows of liberalism In choosing this subject, I have subscribed to the assumption that political history takes turns, not unlike the alternating rhythms of social change. It turns from faith to the mirage of earthly salvation; from an eschatological war to the susceptibility toward acquiescence; and from ideological animation to the cynical contests for power and one’s own self‑seeking interests. According to this premise, the ideo‑political construction of a liberal micro‑history is curtailed by the growth and withering - the ebb and flow - of the proclivity to freedom.

Źródło:

ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal; 2018, 8, `1; 65-82
2083-6635
2084-1043

Pojawia się w:

ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 42.

Tytuł:

The Right to Roam?

Autorzy:

Block, Walter E.

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52482618.pdf

Data publikacji:

2024

Wydawca:

Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce

Tematy:

roaming
trespass
property rights
left-liberalism

Opis:

Matthias Brinkmann defends the right to roam. The purpose of this article is to analyze the right to roam as presented by Matthias Brinkmann. What is this right? In a nutshell, it is the “right” to trespass onto other people’s property. Brinkmann supports this practice from a “left-liberal” point of view. This paper critiques both the so-called right to roam and the political-economic philosophy underpinning Brinkmann’s defense of it. The goal is to defend the institution of private property rights against its critique represented by the right to roam argument.

Źródło:

Polish Journal of Political Science; 2024, 10, 1; 38-64
2391-3991

Pojawia się w:

Polish Journal of Political Science

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 43.

Tytuł:

Korelacja etyki z gospodarką w doktrynie Herberta Spencera
Correlation Between Ethics and Economy in the Doctrine of Herbert Spencer

Autorzy:

Górecki, Olgierd Andrzej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/964293.pdf

Data publikacji:

2010-05-15

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

evolutionism
individualism
liberalism
laissez faire
development
progress

Opis:

Herbert Spencer is one of the most distinguished representatives of Nineteenth-Century liberalism. Originality of his doctrine is based on combined concepts of social evolutionism with postulates of conservative liberalism. Ethics of an individual were the conceptual point of his philosophical reflection. Thus he believed that a free market economy is the economic foundation of ethical and material development of every individual. Material development may be summarized as achieving ever improving results of performed actions. According to Spencer, the free market critically assesses the quality of goods through increasing demand for goods of better quality. In this manner effective producers develop, because they achieve greater gain from their work. Moral development of an individual is in turn focused on continuous self-improvement. Through developing his skills a man increases the quality of actions carried out by him or of objects that he creates. The “law of equal freedom” – also described by Spencer – is in direct connection with the aforementioned issues. This rule states that every man has the right to do anything, as long as his actions do not infringe upon the freedom of another man which is defined in exactly the same manner. Thus the law of equal freedom can be characterized as a negative freedom if juxtaposed with relations that occur between individuals themselves or between individuals and the state. Combining of ethical and economic topics leads to the presentation of inhibitions that, according to Spencer, should be placed upon the activity of the State in the field of economy. Spencer believed that the State should not interfere with the economy, since all individuals should be granted full freedom of participating in comply with their own interests.

Źródło:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2010, 13, 2
1899-2226
2353-4869

Pojawia się w:

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 44.

Tytuł:

John Adams, republikanin, konserwatysta czy liberał - o unikalności amerykańskiego doświadczenia
John Adams, Republican, Conservative or Liberal - On the uniqueness of the American experience

Autorzy:

Tulejski, Tomasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2231639.pdf

Data publikacji:

2023-03-29

Wydawca:

Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie

Tematy:

Adams
konserwatyzm
republikanizm
liberalizm
conservatism
republicanism
liberalism

Opis:

CEL BADAWCZY: Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy myśl polityczna Johna Adamsa sytuuje go w nurcie konserwatywnym, liberalnym czy republikańskim. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Głównym problemem analizowanym w artykule jest omówienie zasadniczych elementów refleksji politycznej Johna Adamsa, takich jak inspiracje intelektualne drugiego prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych, jego koncepcja natury ludzkiej, analiza struktury społeczeństwa politycznego oraz mechaniki ustrojowej. Przedstawione są one z punktu widzenia unikalnego amerykańskiego doświadczenia społecznego i politycznego. PROCES WYWODU: Analiza naukowa polega na refleksji nad kluczowymi elementami filozofii społecznej i politycznej Johna Adamsa z punktu widzenia konserwatyzmu, liberalizmu oraz republikanizmu. Pozwala to na stwierdzenie, że fundamentalne kategorie definiujące w Europie te trzy style politycznego myślenia nie mogą być wprost zastosowane do warunków amerykańskich. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Artykuł dowodzi, że mimo zasadniczych różnic pomiędzy amerykańską i europejską tradycją polityczną myśl Johna Adamsa nie ma charakteru konserwatywnego, lecz znacznie bliżej jej do neoromańskiego republikanizmu oraz klasycznej tradycji preliberalnej i liberalnej. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Artykuł pokazuje, że badanie kategorii politycznych zawsze musi być dokonywane w kontekście określonej tradycji politycznej, społecznej oraz doświadczenia politycznego.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The research aim of the article is to answer the question of whether John Adams’ political thought situates him in the conservative, liberal or republican mainstream. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main problem analysed in the article is a discussion of the essential elements of John Adams’ political reflection, such as the intellectual inspiration of the 2nd President of the United States, his concept of human nature, his analysis of the structure of political society and the mechanics of political system. They are presented from the perspective of the uniquely American social and political experience. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The scholarly analysis includes the examination of the key elements of John Adams’ social and political philosophy from the perspectives of conservatism, liberalism and republicanism. It makes possible to conclude that these fundamental categories that define these three styles of political thinking in Europe cannot be directly applied to American conditions. The article argues that, despite the fundamental differences between the American and European political traditions, John Adams’ thought is not conservative in nature, but much closer to Neo-Roman republicanism and the classical preliberal and liberal traditions. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article demonstrates that the study of political categories must always be done in the context of some particular political and social tradition and political experience.

Źródło:

Horyzonty Polityki; 2023, 14, 46; 165-184
2082-5897

Pojawia się w:

Horyzonty Polityki

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 45.

Tytuł:

Economic Imagination and Support For Parliamentary Democracy In Poland

Autorzy:

Koźmiński, Andrzej K.
Zagórski, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/417439.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014-06-15

Wydawca:

Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie

Tematy:

economic imagination
free market
democracy
liberalism
interventionism
attitudes

Opis:

Purpose: The article introduces a concept of the economic imagination, describes economic public attitudes and discusses the character of the contemporary economic imagination of Poles. Methodology: Representative survey conducted on the stratifi ed random sample of 1022 adult respondents by means of CAPI (computer assisted personal interview). Statistical analysis of data. Findings: The features perceived by public as economically benefi cial to the entire economy, particular enterprises and individuals have been ranked by the representative survey and statistically grouped into more general clusters. Those considered as good for the economy are grouped into such factors as “investment and competition”, “statism (etatism)” and “progressive taxation”. The features considered as benefi cial for the enterprises are grouped into “human, social and economic capital”, “law obedience and good social relations” and “limited free market”. Personal characteristics perceived as benefi cial for individual’s economic success are grouped into “honesty, perseverance and good social relations”, “skills and diligence” and “nepotism and instrumentalism”. Intensity as well as determinants of such general value loaded convictions, and their impact on acceptance of democracy have been revealed as well. The implications: Economic imagination has to be analysed as an important factor of socio-economic system’s legitimization. Originality: Distinction and empirical defi nition of economic attitudinal syndromes at three different levels: macro-economic, enterprise and individual constitute a novelty in socio-economic research. Discussion of their determinants and wider implications constitute a new contribution to the theory of social legitimization.

Źródło:

Management and Business Administration. Central Europe; 2014, 22, 2; 3-30
2084-3356

Pojawia się w:

Management and Business Administration. Central Europe

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 46.

Tytuł:

Pytania o teologię sekularyzacji.
Questions about the Theology of Secularization.

Autorzy:

Napiwodzki, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441254.pdf

Data publikacji:

2009

Wydawca:

Wyższa Szkoła Europejska im. ks. Józefa Tischnera

Tematy:

Teologia
Kościół
liberalizm
sekularyzacja
theology
church
liberalism
secularization.

Opis:

Teologia sekularyzacji jest rodzajem odpowiedzi na współczesne tendencje panujące w społeczeństwach Zachodu. Artykuł wskazuje na wewnętrzne inspiracje, wywodzące się z kręgu kultury judeochrześcijańskiej, które leżą u podstaw zjawiska sekularyzacji. Specyficzna interpretacja wcielenia i historii stanowi punkt wyjścia dla teologów opowiadających się za rezygnacją z tradycyjnie rozumianej religijności. Interesujące założenia i przekonywający dyskurs napotyka na trudność w związku z problemem recepcji. Daleko idące praktyczne konsekwencje teologii sekularyzacji w dużej mierze ograniczają jej szanse na szersze oddziaływanie.
The theology of secularization is a kind of response to present-day tendencies prevailing in western societies. The article points to certain ideas, stemming from and internal to Judeo-Christian culture, that actually underlie the phenomenon of secularization. A specific interpretation of incarnation and history constitutes the basis for those theologians who opt for relinquishing traditional religiousness. Their interesting premises along with convincing discourse, however, encounter difficulty in relation to the issue of how their work is received. This article points out some far-reaching practical effects of the theology of secularization that diminish to a great extent its chances for broader influence.

Źródło:

Kultura i Polityka; 2009, 6; 95-104
1899-4466

Pojawia się w:

Kultura i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 47.

Tytuł:

A jigsaw vs a game of chess: theoretical eclecticism in explaining EU-Russia relations

Autorzy:

Chwedczuk-Szulc, Karol
Dudek, Adriana

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1920246.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-09-10

Wydawca:

Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych

Tematy:

EU-Russia relations
theoretical pragmatism
eclecticism
liberalism
realism

Opis:

In this article, we reflect on analytical eclecticism as a research approach and apply it to EU-Russia relations. First, we sketch the conceptual contours of theoretical eclecticism in international relations. Next, we consider its explanatory potential, discuss some of the present criticism and conduct a brief exemplary analysis of its use. In the process, we focus on EU-Russia relations using the theoretical perspectives of both liberalism and realism. In this view, the EU’s and Russia’s decision makers are conceptualized as looking at their mutual relations (and international relations in general) through the lenses of both perspectives. The empirical case is “diversity management” between the EU and Russia including issues of states/territories with limited recognition (Crimea, Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic of Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia).

Źródło:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2021, 1; 95-114
2299-4335

Pojawia się w:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 48.

Tytuł:

STOSUNEK POLSKICH PARTII WOLNOŚCIOWYCH DO INTEGRACJI POLSKI ZE WSPÓLNOTAMI EUROPEJSKIMI/UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ
THE ATTITUDE OF POLISH LIBERTARIAN PARTIES TO POLISH INTEGRATION WITH EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES/EUROPEAN UNION

Autorzy:

Matuszek, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512887.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

political parties,
liberalism,
libertarianism,
European integration,
European Union

Opis:

This article concerns the issue of the attitude of Polish libertarian parties to Polish integration with the European Communities/European Union. Included within the politi-cal parties which were the subject of interest for the author are: the Union of Real Politics, the Congress of the New Right Wing, the Libertarian Party and the Renewal Coalition of the Republic of Freedom and Hope. It should be emphasized that the purpose of the elaboration was not only to present the inclination of these parties to the EC/EU, but also to indicate the possible differences between them on this particular issue. On the basis of research methods used in the article (analysis of sources, histori-cal method, comparative method) it has been demonstrated that Polish libertarian parties – propagating the ideas of minimal state and laissez-faire economy – are scepti-cal to Polish integration with EC/EU. Simultaneously it must be noted that the attitude to the European integration process – as shown in the example of the Union of the Real Politics – may, under the influence of changing political situation, succumb to minor changes.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 2; 120-130 (11)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 49.

Tytuł:

The Aristotelian Criticism of the Liberal Foundations of Modern State

Autorzy:

Gajek, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594717.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

state
Aristotle
Thomas Hobbes
John Locke
liberalism
republicanism

Opis:

The paper discusses some fundamental differences between Aristotelian and modern conceptions of the state. It focuses its attention on the early liberal thinkers, such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and contrasts the theory of state developed by them with the classical republican ideal described by Aristotle. As I will demonstrate main differences come down to (1) distinct ideas concerning the state’s origins (and especially human motivations behind establishing the state), (2) divergent convictions about the role of the state and its ethical dimension; and finally (3) different beliefs concerning basic feelings and passions which sustain existence of political community. I argue that on the basis of Stagirite’s philosophy it is possible to question whether civic association described by the precursors of liberal political thought is actually the state. In conclusion, I signalize the problem of serious limitations of contemporary liberal democracies (or even their internal contradictions) resulting from their attempt to follow an ideal of an ideologically neutral state.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 272-287
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce

Skocz do pozycji: 50.

Tytuł:

Reformy strukturalne jako antidotum na nierówności społeczne
Structural Reforms as Antidotes against Social Inequalities
Структурные реформы как антидоты на социальное неравенство

Autorzy:

Frejtag-Mika, Eliza
Sieradzka, Katarzyna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/943581.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

liberalizm
egalitaryzm
elitaryzm
dystrybucja
liberalism
egalitarism
elitism
distribution

Opis:

W Polsce, podobnie jak w innych krajach świata, występują duże nierówności dochodowe i stale rosnące nierówności majątkowe. Wywołuje to negatywne konsekwencje makroekonomiczne, ograniczając dynamikę krajowego popytu. O poziomie nierówności decyduje system podatkowy, zabezpieczeń socjalnych, edukacyjny oraz przede wszystkim charakter rynku pracy. Poszukiwanie pożądanego konsensusu podatkowego staje się pilną koniecznością. I chociaż pewien sto-pień nierówności jest immanentną cechą kapitalizmu, powstaje pytanie, jaki poziom nierówności jest do zaakceptowania oraz kiedy nierówności czynią więcej szkody niż pożytku?
Poland, like other countries worldwide, experiences substantial income inequalities and constantly expanding gaps in wealth. This causes adverse macroeconomic consequences by restricting dynamics of domestic demand. Levels of the inequalities are decided by tax, welfare and educational systems and, above all, by nature of a labour market. A desirable fiscal consensus becomes an urgent necessity. Although a degree of inequality is an immanent characteristic of capitalism, the question is, what levels of inequalities are acceptable and when do such inequalities become harmful rather than useful?

Źródło:

Nierówności Społeczne a Wzrost Gospodarczy; 2016, 48; 22-33
1898-5084
2658-0780

Pojawia się w:

Nierówności Społeczne a Wzrost Gospodarczy

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

Zmień widok

• na półce