Temat: legal privilege - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: The Scope of Protection of Legal Professional Privilege in Criminal Proceedings—Selected Issues
Autorzy:: Krzyżanowski, Piotr
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1803136.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-10-28
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: the Bar
legal professional privilege
defence lawyer’s privilege
interview
search
Opis:: The chief aim of this study is to explore the essence of legal professional privilege and analyse its scope in criminal proceedings. Legal professional privilege plays an essential role in the criminal process as it guarantees every individual the adequate exercise of his or her right of defence and to a fair trial. It should be stressed that the privilege is not uniform since there is dualism manifested by a distinction between defence lawyer's privilege and advocate's privilege, other than the former. The author discusses the Polish regulations and relevant case law. Also, amendments to the current regulations will be proposed.
Źródło:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2019, 28, 2; 19-36
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Jeszcze o tajemnicy adwokackiej z perspektywy przepisów art. 178 pkt 1 oraz art. 180 § 2 k.p.k. Uwagi polemiczne
The Legal Privilege in the Context of the Provisions of Article 178 § 1 and 180 § 2 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Polemical Remarks
Autorzy:: Sowiński, Piotr K.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1861338.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: adwokat
tajemnica obrończa
tajemnica zawodowa
zwolnienie z tajemnicy zawodowej
counsellor
legal privilege
professional secrecy
professional secrecy release
Opis:: W tekście przedstawiono problematykę dotyczącą ochrony tajemnicy adwokackiej i obrończej w procesie karnym. Wskazano na zakres przedmiotowy obu tych tajemnic oraz środki służące ich ochronie. Tekst zawiera krytyczne uwagi w stosunku do artykułu P. Krzyżanowskiego „Zakres ochrony tajemnicy adwokackiej w postępowaniu karnym – zagadnienia wybrane”.
The issue concerning the protection of attorney-client privilege and legal privilege was presented in this article. The scope of these privileges and the measures to their protection were indicated. This polemic contains some criticisms regarding P. Krzyżanowski's article „The Scope of the Protection of Legal Privilege In Criminal Proceeding – Selected Issues”.
Źródło:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2019, 29, 1; 65-87
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Managing the process of electronic communication in a small legal firm
Zarządzanie procesem komunikacji elektronicznej w małej kancelarii prawnej
Autorzy:: Dziadkiewicz, Michał
Baskiewicz, Nicoletta
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/432195.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:: electronic communication process
electronic document
legal regulations on personal data protection
legal professional privilege
Opis:: The purpose of this article is to present the issues related to the management process in the electronic communication of a small law firm. In the introduction, the role of information and knowledge in shaping the competitiveness of enterprises is presented. Then the phenomenon of electronic communication as a process of data transmission is shown, which on the one hand determines the competitive position of economic entities including law firms and legal counsellors, and on the other hand, it is the subject of legal regulations. Because the information provided by electronic means shall be subject to the professional secrecy of legal attorneys or solicitors, as the principle of confidentiality applicable to lawyers according to relevant legislation does not exempt these entities from the responsibility in terms of the protection of personal data. Another area raised in the article is to identify actions to protect information transmitted electronically. The last part of the study is to present the results of studies that show the extent to which we use e-mail, free applications such as Dropbox and Google Drive. Moreover the issues of the frequency of password changing and encryption of media as well as attacks on data owned by an office have been discussed. The whole content has been summarized with conclusions.
Źródło:: Informatyka Ekonomiczna; 2016, 1(39); 65-74
1507-3858
Pojawia się w:: Informatyka Ekonomiczna
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Niezapowiedziana kontrola Prezesa UOKiK – nowy standard pozyskiwania dowodów w formie elektronicznej. Glosa do postanowienia Sądu Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów z 7 marca 2017 r., XVII Amz 15/17
Unannounced inspections made by the President of the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection – new standard for the gathering of electronic evidence. Commentary on the order of the Polish Court of Competition and Consumer Protection of 7 March 2017, XVII Amz 15/17
Autorzy:: Skurzyński, Piotr
Gac, Maciej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/507949.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-12-31
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:: niezapowiedziana kontrola
przeszukanie
dowody elektroniczne
legal professional privilege
unannounced inspection
lectronic evidence
Opis:: 7 marca 2017 r. Sąd Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów (dalej: SOKiK) wydał istotne orzeczenie dotyczące zakresu uprawnień Prezesa Urzędu Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów (dalej: Prezes UOKiK) w trakcie przeszukań prowadzonych w sprawach dotyczących praktyk ograniczających konkurencję. Orzeczenie to odnosi się do praktycznych aspektów przeszukiwania i pozyskiwania przez Prezesa UOKiK dokumentów w formie elektronicznej (np. systemów IT, dysków twardych, korespondencji e-mail). Można pokusić się nawet o stwierdzenie, że analizowane orzeczenie w praktyce wyznacza nowy standard prowadzenia przez Prezesa UOKiK przeszukań, umożliwiający przeszukiwanym przedsiębiorcom uzyskanie większej niż dotychczas kontroli nad zakresem dokumentów przeglądanych przez urzędników dokonujących przeszukania. Dodatkowo, omawiane postanowienie SOKiK dotyka także kwestii tajemnicy adwokackiej/radcowskiej (legal professional privilege; dalej: LPP), dając podstawę do dalszej debaty na temat zakresu LPP na gruncie polskiego prawa konkurencji.
The commentary discusses the order of the Polish Court of Competition and Consumer Protection regarding the powers of the Polish Competition Authority (the President of the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection) to search IT systems and hardware (e-mails and hard disks) during dawn raids. This order prohibits the current practice of the President of the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection, according to which electronic data is copied without prior selection and taken from the premises of the inspected undertaking for further analysis at the authority's premises. The order clearly states that the President of the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection conducting an unannounced inspection is obliged to select evidence at the premises of the undertaking, and copy only that information which is relevant to the case. The analysed order also confirms the need for the protection of legal professional privilege within antitrust inspections, and creates the grounds for further debate on its possible scope.
Źródło:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny; 2017, 6, 8; 115-120
2299-5749
Pojawia się w:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Ochrona poufności komunikacji z prawnikiem w świetle europejskiego i krajowego prawa ochrony konkurencji
Autorzy:: Andrzej, Bundyra,
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902366.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-01-17
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:: legal professional privilege
search
competition law
ochrona komunikacji z prawnikiem
przeszukanie
prawo konkurencji
Opis:: Legal Professional Privilege is a material procedural safeguard that ensures protection of communication between undertaking and its legal counsel in the competition law. It is essential to differentiate the rules governing European and Polish antitrust proceedings in order to guarantee undertakings the widest possible protection against the search of premises. In each case when the primary aim of administrative regulations is to penalize the entrepreneurs for illegal conduct, it should be assured that at least similar safeguards to these adopted in criminal proceedings are secured.
Źródło:: Studia Iuridica; 2018, 76; 122-137
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:: Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Legal Professional Privilege and the Privilege Against Self-Incrimination in EU Competition Law after the Lisbon Treaty – Is It Time for a Substantial Change?
Autorzy:: Turno, Bartosz
Zawłocka-Turno, Agata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/529967.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2012-03-30
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:: undertaking’s rights of defence
legal professional privilege
privilege against self-incrimination
fundamental rights in EU competition proceedings
Opis:: Is there, in the context of the recent developments related to the Lisbon Treaty, a need for substantial change with respect to the scope and application of legal professional privilege (LPP) and the privilege against self-incrimination (PASI) in competition law proceedings before the European Commission? To answer this question this article first briefly describes the current scope of LPP and PASI in EU competition law enforcement proceedings. This is followed by a presentation of the impact that the binding effect of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Charter) and the EU’s prospective accession to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Convention) may have on LPP and PASI. This analysis includes reasons why it may be necessary for the Commission and the EU Courts to reconsider the current scope of the privileges, and examines what could be considered as significant changes in this respect. In the event arguments for radical reform do not find the requisite political support, the article elaborates some nuanced improvements which could be implemented.
Dans le contexte des changements récents liés au traité de Lisbonne, est-il nécessaire de procéder à des modifications substantielles par rapport au champ d’application du principe de confidentialité des communications entre avocats et clients (LPP) et du droit de ne pas contribuer à sa propre incrimination (PASI) dans les procédures de concurrence menées par la Commission européenne ? Pour répondre à cette question, le présent article donne d’abord une définition sommaire du champ actuel d’application du principe de confidentialité des communications entre avocats et clients et du droit de ne pas contribuer à sa propre incrimination lors d’une procédure communautaire de concurrence. On présente ensuite l’impact possible que peuvent avoir sur les principes LPP et PASI le caractère juridiquement obligatoire de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne ainsi que l’adhésion prochaine de l’Union européenne à la Convention de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. L’analyse tient compte des causes pour lesquelles il peut se montrer nécessaire que la Commission et les juges communautaires révisent le champ actuel d’application des principes susmentionnés et qu’ils étudient ce qui pourrait être considéré comme une modification substantielle en la matière. Dans une situation où les arguments à l’appui d’un changement radical quant à l’approche de ces principes ne trouveraient pas le soutien politique nécessaire, l’article propose certaines « améliorations » susceptibles de mise en œuvre.
Źródło:: Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies; 2012, 5(6); 193-214
1689-9024
2545-0115
Pojawia się w:: Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Ochrona tajemnicy adwokackiej a usługi świadczone w chmurze obliczeniowej
Autorzy:: Rojszczak, Marcin
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788225.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-07-22
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przywilej prawny
powierzenie przetwarzania danych osobowych
standardowe klauzule umowne
Chmura obliczeniowa
legal privilege
entrusting the processing of personal data
standard contractual clauses
cloud computing
Opis:: The article presents most important issues related to cross-border processing of lawyers data containing professional secrets, including the processing of personal data. Author discusses risks associated with the lack of standardization in the area of protection of legal priviledge in cloud computing services in different jurisdictions, also between EU Member States. Article is supplemented by an analysis of terms of service and privacy policies of the largest providers of services in the public cloud (Google, Microsoft) in the context of the fulfillment of the legal requirements for the protection of personal data and the professional secrecy.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2017, 2 (210); 153-173
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: O potrzebie doskonalenia rozwiązań procesowych w znowelizowanej z dniem 18 stycznia 2015 r. ustawie o ochronie konkurencji i konsumentów
The need for procedural improvements in the newly amended Act on Competition and Consumer Protection
Autorzy:: Bernatt, Maciej
Turno, Bartosz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/508342.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015-04-30
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:: prawo do wysłuchania
rozprawa administracyjna
poufność komunikacji pomiędzy wykwalifikowanym prawnikiem a klientem (Legal Professional Privilege)
dobrowolne poddanie się karze
odpowiedzialność osób fizycznych
right to be heard
oral hearing
Legal Professional Privilege settlements
personal liability in competition law
Opis:: Przedmiotem artykułu jest wskazanie niedostatków związanych z nowelizacją ustawy o ochronie konkurencji i konsumentów, która weszła w życie w dniu 18 stycznia 2015 r. W pierwszej kolejności wskazane są instytucje prawne, które nie zostały uwzględnione (a powinny) w nowelizacji, takie jak: należyte zagwarantowanie stronie prawa do wysłuchania, zmiany w zakresie rozprawy administracyjnej oraz kwestia poufności komunikacji pomiędzy adwokatem/radca prawnym a klientem. Dodatkowo we wprowadzeniu wymienione zostały inne konieczne zmiany ustawowe. W drugiej części artykułu analizie poddane zostały instytucje wprowadzone do uokik na skutek nowelizacji (procedura dobrowolnego poddania się karze pieniężnej oraz odpowiedzialność finansowa osób zarządzających). Wskazując na wady w tym zakresie, autorzy starają się jednocześnie przedstawić sposoby udoskonalenia tych instytucji poprzez zaprezentowanie postulatów de lege lata oraz de lege ferenda.
This article points out a series of shortcomings related to the recent amendment to the Act on Competition and Consumer Protection that came into effect on 18 January 2015. First and foremost, the article enumerates those legal mechanisms which were not (and yet should have been) included in the amendment. They include: proper guarantees of the right to be heard, amendments to administrative hearings, and legal professional privilege. The second part of the article takes a deeper look at new legal instruments introduced into the Competition Act by the amendment – the settlement procedure and financial liability of managers. The Authors list deficiencies within their scope, and make an attempt at suggesting ways to improve them by making de lege lata and de lege ferenda proposals.
Źródło:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny; 2015, 4, 2; 75-92
2299-5749
Pojawia się w:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Tajemnica adwokacka w kontekście ustawy o ochronie danych osobowych
Lawyers secrecy in the context of the Act on the Protection of Personal Data
Autorzy:: Bielecka, Katarzyna
Brudło, Klaudia
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/499728.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: tajemnica adwokacka
ochrona danych osobowych
akta sprawy
legal professional privilege
protection of personal data
case files
Opis:: W artykule przedstawiono charakterystykę tajemnicy adwokackiej zarówno na podstawie szczególnych przepisów etyki zawodowej, jak i ustawy o ochronie danych osobowych. Postawiono pytanie, czy ochrona danych osobowych jest elementem składowym konstytucyjnego prawa do prywatności jako dobra osobistego. Problematycznym zagadnieniem staje się kolizyjność norm etycznych z ustawowymi oraz możliwość wyłączenia tych ostatnich. Ponadto rozważano ograniczenia kontroli tych danych osobowych, które objęte są tajemnicą adwokacką. Poruszono też kwestię odpowiedzialności karnej i cywilnej za niezgodne z prawem przetwarzanie danych osobowych, a także odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej za postępowanie sprzeczne z zasadami etyki zawodowej. Przywołano poglądy doktryny oraz stanowisko orzecznictwa, aby znaleźć kompromis pomiędzy skrajnymi koncepcjami.
The authors undertake to provide the characteristics of legal professional privilege, both based on the specific rules of professional ethics, as well as the Personal Data Protection Act. The question raised is whether the protection of personal data is a component of constitutional right to privacy as personal interests. The problematic issue becomes a collision of ethical standards with the statutory ones, and the possibility to disable the latter. At the same time the question of limiting control over these personal data which are covered by legal privilege is considered. Moreover, the issue of criminal and civil liability for unlawful processing of personal data, as well as disciplinary liability for the proceedings contrary to the principles of professional ethics is raised. The authors recall the standpoint of doctrine and jurisprudence trying to find a compromise between the extreme concepts.
Źródło:: Zeszyt Studencki Kół Naukowych Wydziału Prawa i Administracji UAM; 2015, 5; 25-40
2299-2774
Pojawia się w:: Zeszyt Studencki Kół Naukowych Wydziału Prawa i Administracji UAM
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Prawa przedsiębiorców jako warunek skutecznego egzekwowania przepisów prawa konkurencji – rozważania wokół implementacji dyrektywy ECN+
Autorzy:: Stawicki, Aleksander
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2216387.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-04-27
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:: dyrektywa ECN+
Legal Professional Privilege
wolność od samooskarżenia
kara pieniężna
żądanie udzielenia informacji
odpowiedzialność osób fizycznych
kontrola i przeszukanie
Opis:: Implementacja dyrektywy ECN+ będzie z pewnością jednym z przełomowych momentów dla egzekwowania norm prawa konkurencji w Polsce. Znacząco zwiększą się uprawnienia dochodzeniowe Prezesa Urzędu Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów. Zaostrzeniu ulegną zasady odpowiedzialności przedsiębiorców za naruszenia przepisów ustawy. Otwarte jest natomiast pytanie, czy tym zmianom towarzyszyć będzie adekwatne wzmocnienie praw stron postępowań antymonopolowych. Jest to pytanie o tyle istotne, że w tym obszarze już dziś polskie rozwiązania nie nadążają za standardami wypracowanymi w prawie unijnym oraz w prawie innych państw Unii Europejskiej. Nowelizację należy tym samym postrzegać jako unikalną okazję do nadrobienia istniejących w tym zakresie zaległości. Niestety, jej aktualny kształt wskazuje, że szansa ta nie zostanie wykorzystana. Co gorsza, jeżeli nie zmieni się podejście ustawodawcy do kluczowych, z tego punktu widzenia, zmian przepisów, grozi nam wręcz zrobienie kroku wstecz. Tymczasem gwarancje praw przedsiębiorcy są – w ocenie autora – jednym z warunków koniecznych dla prawdziwie skutecznego egzekwowania przepisów prawa konkurencji. Bez gwarancji tych praw ryzyko błędnych rozstrzygnięć (zarówno false negatives, jak i false positives) jest bowiem znacząco wyższe. Praca wykonywana w toku postępowania zarówno przez przedstawicieli Urzędu, jak i przez strony postępowania (i ich przedstawicieli) służy temu samemu celowi, jakim jest wydanie poprawnego merytorycznie rozstrzygnięcia, w sposób zgodny z prawem (w jego aspekcie proceduralnym).
Źródło:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny; 2021, 10, 3; 81-90
2299-5749
Pojawia się w:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Zasada legal professional privilege w projekcie zmiany ustawy o ochronie konkurencji i konsumentów
Legal professional privilege in the draft amendment to the Act on Competition and Consumer Protection
Autorzy:: Bernatt, Maciej
Turno, Bartosz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/508176.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013-03-01
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:: Legal Professional Privilege
LPP
inspection
search
right of defence
antimonopoly proceedings
zasada LPP
kontrola
przeszukanie
prawo do obrony
postępowanie antymonopolowe
Opis:: Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę krytycznej oceny rozwiązań w zakresie legal professional privilege, które zostały zaproponowane w toku procesu legislacyjnego oraz ostatecznie przyjęte przez twórców projektowanej nowelizacji ustawy o ochronie konkurencji i konsumentów. Oprócz wskazania na liczne interpretacyjnie praktyczne trudności wiążące się z przyjętymi przez twórców tej nowelizacji rozwiązaniami, niniejszy artykuł proponuje również treść przepisów regulujących zasadę LPP, które mogłyby znaleźć się w znowelizowanej ustawie. W ocenie autorów rozwiązania te powinny być co do zasady zbieżne z rozwiązaniami przyjętymi w unijnym prawie konkurencji.
This article attempts to critically assess solutions related to the legal professional privilege proposed during the legislative process and finally adopted by the authors of the drafted amendment to the Act on Competition and Consumer Protection of 2007. However, aside from pointing out numerous interpretational and practical difficulties associated with the solutions chosen in the draft amendment act, proposed in this article is also an alternative content of the new Polish LPP provisions, which could be included in the amended Act. The authors of this article are of the opinion that Poland’s new solutions should basically be concurrent with those adopted in EU competition law.
Źródło:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny; 2013, 2, 1; 17-30
2299-5749
Pojawia się w:: internetowy Kwartalnik Antymonopolowy i Regulacyjny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: The Legal Nature of the Act of Celebrating the Holy Mass
Natura prawna aktu celebracji Mszy Świętej
Autorzy:: Kasperowicz, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/21375432.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-01
Wydawca:: Stowarzyszenie Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego
Tematy:: Msza św.
obowiązek
przywilej
uprawnienie
upoważnienie
akt prawny
Holy Mass
obligation
privilege
entitlement
authorization
legal act
Opis:: Praca ma na celu pokazanie relacji, jaka zachodzi pomiędzy władzą kościelną a celebrowaniem Eucharystii. Warto podkreślić, że takie pojęcia jak potestas, auctoritas czy iurisdictio są wciąż we wczesnym stadium rozwoju badań, a nieodłącznie wiążą się z misją głoszenia Ewangelii i sprawowania sakramentów oraz stanowią specyficzne dziedzictwo doktryny prawnej Kościoła, od którego trudno się odcinać chcąc opisywać na sposób kanoniczny zagadnienie celebracji sakramentu Eucharystii. Ponadto kanoniczne pojęcia takie jak przywiej, uprawnienie, upoważnienie czy obowiązek umożliwiają lepsze zrozumienie natury władzy niezbędnej do sprawowania Mszy św.
The work aims to show the relationship that occurs between the church authority and the celebration of the Eucharist. It is worth emphasizing that concepts such as potestas, auctoritas or iurisdictio are still at an early stage of research development, and are inextricably linked to the mission of preaching the Gospel and administering the sacraments, and constitute a specific heritage of the legal doctrine of the Church from which it is difficult to cut off when wanting to describe the issue in a canonical manner celebration of the sacrament of the Eucharist. In addition, canonical concepts such as bring, right, authorization, or duty allow a better understanding of the nature of the power necessary to celebrate the Holy Mass.
Źródło:: Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego; 2023, 18, 20 (2); 109-122
2719-3128
2719-7336
Pojawia się w:: Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Constitutional Guarantees Protecting Professional Secrecy in the Practice of an Attorney under US Law
Konstytucyjne gwarancje służące ochronie tajemnicy zawodowej w wykonywaniu zawodu adwokata w prawie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki
Autorzy:: Białkowska, Paula
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2189648.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-02-28
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: guarantees
legal profession
attorney-client privilege
Amendments to the Constitution
gwarancje
zawód prawniczy
przywilej adwokacki
Poprawki do Konstytucji
Opis:: The subject of the article is the types and characteristics of guarantees created to protect legal professional secrecy in the USA. It is inseparable from its character and role in the performance of the legal profession. The right to privacy is not without significance for the subject of the article, which is the fundamental value and the core of the relationship between the lawyer and the client. These guarantees are one of the most important factors in the legal protection of professional secrecy – crucial not only for the client, the lawyer himself, but also for the entire legal protection system. In particular, attention was paid to the main issues concerning legal secrecy in the Amendments to the US Constitution, which indirectly create a protective system for it.
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są rodzaje oraz charakterystyka gwarancji stworzonych w celu ochrony prawniczej tajemnicy zawodowej w USA. Jest to nierozerwalnie związane z jej charakterem i rolą w wykonywaniu zawodu prawniczego. Nie bez znaczenia dla tematu artykułu jest prawo do prywatności, które stanowi podstawową wartość oraz trzon w relacji pomiędzy prawnikiem a klientem. Gwarancje, o których mowa są jednym z najważniejszych czynników ochrony prawnej tajemnicy zawodowej – kluczowej nie tylko dla klienta, samego prawnika, ale także dla całego systemu ochrony prawnej. Zwrócono przede wszystkim uwagę na główne kwestie dotyczące tajemnicy prawniczej w Poprawkach do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych, które pośrednio tworzą dla niej system ochronny
Źródło:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2023, 1(71); 255-267
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Przesłanki dopuszczalności ingerencji MDR w tajemnicę doradcy podatkowego w kontekście orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej i Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka
The rationale for the permissibility of MDR’s interference with tax advisor confidentiality in the context of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights
Autorzy:: Szymacha, Adam
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2123457.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-09-30
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:: raportowanie schematów podatkowych
prawa człowieka
Trybunał Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej
Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka
przeciwdziałanie praniu pieniędzy
proporcjonalność
tajemnica zawodowa zawodów prawniczych
Mandatory Disclosure Rules
human rights
Court of Justice of the European Union
European Court of Human Rights
anti-money laundering
proportionality
legal professional privilege
Opis:: Artykuł koncentruje się na problemie zagrożeń dla tajemnicy zawodów prawniczych wynikających z MDR. Niemniej konflikt ten został już przynajmniej częściowo rozwiązany w przypadku regulacji dotyczących przeciwdziałania praniu pieniędzy i finansowaniu terroryzmu (AML). W tekście omówiono, w jaki sposób reguła AML może być stosowana jako minimalny standard proporcjonalności w przypadkach MDR. Zakładając, że motywy regulacji AML są ważniejsze społecznie niż regulacji MDR, należy rozważyć, czy regulacje MDR nie powinny być poddane silniejszym filtrom. Korzystając z praktyki orzeczniczej wypracowanej przez ETPC i TSUE, dokonano próby ustalenia prawdopodobnego standardu ochrony tajemnicy zawodowej.
The article focuses on the problem of the threats to the legal professional privilege caused by MDR (Mandatory Disclosure Rules). Nevertheless, this conflict has already been solved in the cases of anti-money laundering and counter terrorism financing (AML) regulations. The article thus discusses how the AML rule can be applied to as the minimum standard of proportionality for MDR cases. Assuming the motives of AML regulations are more socially important than the MDR regulations it has to be considered whether the MDR regulations should face stronger filters. Using the practice of jurisprudence established by the ECHR and CJEU, Polish regulations and authentic interpretations on that topic will be reviewed.
Źródło:: Kwartalnik Prawa Podatkowego; 2020, 3; 21-36
1509-877X
Pojawia się w:: Kwartalnik Prawa Podatkowego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
Political crime - an outline of the problem
Autorzy:: Falandysz, Lech
Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1989
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość polityczna
czyny zabronione
historia
prawo karne
kryminologia
przywilej
terror
regulacje prawne
political crime
prohibited acts
history
criminal law
criminology
privilege
legal regulation
Opis:: The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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