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Tytuł:
Questions of Internal Geopolitics of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Kondratenko, Oleg
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519936.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
geopolitics
internal geopolitics
foreign policy
social attitudes
authoritarianism
Opis:
The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan). Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among the intelligentsia and broad social strata.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2018, 26 (33); 43-61
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geopolitical position analysis of Transcarpathia with emphasis on period between 1918-1939
Autorzy:
Istok, Robert
Novakowa, Stefania
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Transcarpathia
geopolitics
Opis:
Transcarpathia as a part of the Soviet Union lost its specific position. The Ukraine cultural influence and Rusyn specifics were in favour in the county, but they were pressed back. After the release of the totalitarian regime in the Soviet Union at the turn of the 80s and 90s there was an activation of several political groups,requiring the change of the area status. The initiative for the dissolution of a contract about the connection to the Soviet Union came into existence. The other group supported Transcarpathia's taking control over the Ukraine´s autonomy of the area. In December 1991, the referendum took place on the territory of Transcarpathia. A majority of voters expressed for reinforcement of the local autonomy. Part of the participants voted for separation from the Soviet Union (members of the Hungarian minority, respectively Rusyn Revival supporters).
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2014, 10; 7-22
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geopolityka i religia we współczesnym świecie
Autorzy:
Macała, Jarosław Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647517.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
religious geopolitics, religion and geopolitics, critical geopolitics
geopolityka religii, religia i geopolityka, geopolityka krytyczna
Opis:
Seemingly, religion and geopolitics belong to two different spaces: sacrum and profanum. However, sometimes there are close relationships between them, as it was visible in crusades. It seems that in present geopolitics, mainly in western publications, religion is not an important factor, rather disregarded. Particularly, religion is hardly ever the only factor influencing geopolitical processes, but it correlates with many different variables which are hard to examine and to measure. Therefore, only the few explorers of geopolitics from the school of critical geopolitics and the French periodical the “Herodote” use terms “religious geopolitics” and “gèopolitique des religions”. From here, there is a lot more scientific research on relationships between geopolitics and culture. In today’s world, economic problems are considered a lot more important than civilizational issues.     
Religia i geopolityka należą pozornie do dwóch różnych przestrzeni – sacrum i profanum. Jednak czasem zachodzą między nimi ścisłe związki, czego symbolem stały się choćby krucjaty. Wydaje się, że we współczesnej geopolityce, głównie w zachodnich publikacjach, religia nie jest czynnikiem ważnym,raczej lekceważonym. Szczególnie że prawie nigdy religia nie jest jedynym aspektem wpływającym na procesy geopolityczne, lecz koreluje z wieloma innymi zmiennymi, których wpływy trudno zbadać i zmierzyć. Dlatego tylko nieliczni badacze geopolityki ze szkoły geopolityki krytycznej oraz francuskiego periodyku „Herodote” posługują się terminem „geopolityka religii”. Stąd dużo więcej badań naukowych nad związkami między geopolityką a kulturą. We współczesnym świecie za znacznie ważniejsze uważa się problemy ekonomiczne niż cywilizacyjne. 
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
China in the Geopolitical Imaginations of the Polish Pop Music after 1989
Autorzy:
Macała, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2015809.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
geopolitical imaginations
critical geopolitics
popular geopolitics
Polska
China
popular music
Opis:
This paper focuses on the issue of geopolitics in the pop culture interpretation as illustrated by the Polish pop music after the year 1989. Songs selected from various trends of the Polish popular music made the source material of the text. The primary study method involved the analysis of the lyrics discourse. The Polish geopolitical imaginations used to revolve around the basis axis of better West and worse East, symbolized mainly by Russia, but its image was transferred over entire Asia. Asia, including China, was scarcely present in the geopolitical imaginations contained in the pop music, which, at the same time, reflected the irrelevant interest of Polish elites in global problems. The discourses in the musical texts about China frequently adopted the West’s perspective, where Poland made part of as seen by our elites. The rhetoric strategy concerning China in popular music featured two essential views, which references Orientalism as specified by E. Said. It explains the frequent use of the postcolonial discourse by the Polish elites, also the music ones, which promoted the supremacy of the West over the rest of the world and the universal nature of the Western world values which were meant to be implemented into other civilizations and nations for their own sake. China was presented as a growing threat for the dominance of the West, the USA in the first place, as an alternative model of globalization and international deal putting offthe world by its cultural and geopolitical alienation, as well as indicating negative effects for Poland.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 4 (49); 37-47
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Religion in the Polish Geopolitical Codes in the Period 1990-2017 on the Example of the Information of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs on the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Poland
Autorzy:
Macała, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/943524.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Religioznawcze
Tematy:
religion
geopolitics
critical geopolitics
polish geopolitical codes
polish foreign policy
Opis:
We współczesnej geopolityce, głównie w zachodnich publikacjach, religia nie stanowi istotnego czynnika. Szczególnie, że prawie nigdy religia nie jest jedynym czynnikiem wpływającym na procesy geopolityczne, lecz koreluje z wieloma innymi zmiennymi, których wpływy trudno zbadać i zmierzyć. Stąd dużo więcej badań naukowych nad związkami między geopolityką a kulturą. Jednym ze wskaźników pozycji państwa w środowisku międzynarodowym oraz w kierunkach polityce zagranicznej są kody geopolityczne. Kody geopolityczne można zdefiniować jako kody operacyjne określające możliwości państwa  polityki zagranicznej oraz ewaluacji jego miejsca w świecie. Religia odgrywała w polskich kodach geopolitycznych niewielką rolę, analizowana głównie w kontekście przynależności Polski do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego. Podkreślał  to katolicyzm Polaków. Religia, głównie islam, traktowana była jako zagrożenie w przyjętym od USA hegemonicznym kodzie geopolitycznym wojny z terrorem.
In present geopolitics, mainly in western publications, religion is not an important factor. Particularly, that religion is hardly ever the only influencing on geopolitical processes factor, but it correlates with many different variables which are hard influences to examine and to measure. From here, there is a lot more scientific research over relationships between geopolitics and the culture. One of the key indicators of a country's position in global affairs and its foreign policy trends is the geopolitical code. Geopolitical code is defined as the operating code of a government's foreign policy that evaluates places beyond its boundaries. The religion played a minor role in Polish geopolitical codes, analyzed mainly in context of membership of Poland in the western civilization circle. Poles' Catholicism emphasized it. Religion, mainly Islam was treated as a threat in adapted from USA hegemonic geopolitical code of war on terror.
Źródło:
Przegląd Religioznawczy; 2018, 4/270
1230-4379
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Religioznawczy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcja Mitteleuropa – historyczne i współczesne uwarunkowania
The Mitteleuropa concept – historical and contemporary determinants
Autorzy:
Tokarz, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521491.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
Mitteleuropa
Geopolitics
Germany
economy
Opis:
The text discusses the German geopolitical concept called Mitteleuropa. The author characterized the ideas of German geographers and politicians: Partsch, List, Neumann. How did the Mitteleuropa idea evolve in Germany until the end of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century? The question of the validity of this concept in contemporary international politics has been analyzed. The economic and cultural context is discussed.
Źródło:
Wschodnioznawstwo; 2017, 11; 73-83
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:
Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka USA w stosunku do Ukrainy w II dekadzie XXI wieku
US Policy in the Relation to Ukraine in the Second Decade of 21st Century
Autorzy:
Zapałowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540322.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
USA
Ukraina
geopolityka
Ukraine
geopolitics
Opis:
Artykuł ma na celu zwrócenie uwagi na działania Stanów Zjednoczonych w obszarze państwa ukraińskiego jako gry geopolitycznej nakierowanej na utrwalenie regionalności Rosji i jej wpływów w Europie. Należy podkreślić, iż działanie Waszyngtonu na Ukrainie charakteryzuje się przede wszystkim unikaniem bycia bezpośrednio stroną w tej rywalizacji z Rosją. Zazwyczaj wykorzystuje ono w tych działaniach prozachodnie środowiska i organizacje oraz państwa Europy Środkowowschodniej jako inicjatorów określonych ruchów politycznych, mając w zamierzeniu uniezależnienie Ukrainy od wpływów Moskwy.
Article is to draw attention to the actions of the United States in the area of the Ukrainian state as a geopolitical game aimed at consolidating regionalności Russia and its influence in Europe. It should be emphasized that Washington's action in Ukraine is characterized primarily by avoiding being a direct party to the rivalry with Russia. Typically it uses in these activities, and environmental pro-Western organizations and countries of Eastern Central Europe as initiators of certain political movements, with the intended independence of Ukraine from Moscow's influence.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2014, 9; 213-227
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Tęsknota za imperium w najnowszej fantastyce rosyjskiej
Autorzy:
Polak, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1022790.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-08-08
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
imperial fiction
Russian
Eurasianism
geopolitics
Opis:
The article describes a group of texts that make up the so-called imperial fantasy genre. The author points out the sources of fascination with the imperial idea as well as discusses the scenarios created by the fantasists to regain the status of the empire by Russia. A separate aspect is the ability to read the imperial fantasy with the use of conceptual tools developed on the basis of the postcolonial theory. The influence of neo-Eurasian concepts on the reality created by the writers of the imperial fantasy is also discussed.
Źródło:
Studia Rossica Posnaniensia; 2019, 44, 1; 83-100
0081-6884
Pojawia się w:
Studia Rossica Posnaniensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geopolitics, Political Topology and Hybrid Warfare
Autorzy:
Szałek, Benon Zb.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2031554.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
geopolitics
political topology
hybrid warfare
Opis:
This paper deals with the concept of political topology in the light of geopolitics and hybrid warfare. Traditional geopolitics can be regarded as a point of departure for the search for better tools for political decision making. Comparison and confrontation of different, theoretical and practical, concepts of hybrid warfare can be heuristically inspiring and lead to a compact system of politically relevant knowledge – to political topology.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2015, 6; 86-97
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Power Analysis and Geopolitical Codes of South China Sea States in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitics
Autorzy:
Musioł, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1977498.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
geopolitics
critical and contemporary geopolitics
South China Sea
power
power measurement
geopolitical codes
Opis:
The analysis in this article provides an overview of the research on the current relations among countries of the South China Sea basin. For this purpose, I have decided to apply the geopolitical research workshop, focusing on its contemporary approach. On the one hand, this work uses the available indicators and index to gauge the level of development, economic and demographic potential, and military expenditure of these states. On the other hand, an effort was made to analyze and measure power, taking into account the changing geopolitical status of countries in this sub-region. Contemporary geopolitics in this context allows to verify the scale of the impact on permanent environmental and geographic factors (e.g. publicized investments carried out by the People’s Republic of China in Mischief Reef, Fiery Cross, Subi Reef and Woody Island) and the elaboration of proposals going beyond the classical, geopolitical framework (morphological, political and military factors). Therefore, this article also includes the use of geopolitical codes to assess the current strategies of these countries and to describe potential scenarios of actors’ behaviour in the sub-region.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 3 (48); 407-430
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Book review : the natural gas exports of Turkmenistan. energy and geopolitical interests in the caspian region
Autorzy:
Unkauf, U.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/101752.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Polityki Energetycznej im. Ignacego Łukasiewicza
Tematy:
natural gas
geopolitics
Caspian region
Opis:
After the decline of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states, the southern Soviet republics opened their resources to international markets and began to develop their own political ambitions at the same time. Turkmenistan, as the country with the fourth largest reserves of natural gas (2014 estimated with 9.93 % of worldwide natural gas reserves) and as the most important supplier to China of this energy source takes a special place in the political configuration of post-Soviet Central Asia. In his recently published doctoral thesis, Heinrich Schulz analyses the questions why the country hasn’t realized the export of natural gas to Turkey and Europe yet, and how Turkmenistan is influenced by energy political interests and geopolitics in the Caspian Region. The monograph also introduces general political issues regarding natural gas, pipeline infrastructure, and foreign trade of fossil fuels in Central Asia.
Źródło:
Energy Policy Studies; 2017, 1 (1); 48-51
2545-0859
Pojawia się w:
Energy Policy Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Recent U.S. and International Assessment of Baltic Security Developments
Autorzy:
Chapman, Bert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576525.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-19
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
geopolitics
European security
baltic security
Opis:
Examining analysis of Baltic security developments from U.S. government and military resources, scholarly journal articles, and multinational public policy research institute assessments. Analyzing content and rhetoric within these resources to learn how those producing these materials view Baltic security developments and their viewpoints on how the U.S. and its allies should respond to these developments focusing on increasing Russian regional assertiveness. Provides interpretations of Baltic security developments, Russian Baltic policy, and U.S. and NATO responses ot these developments in materials produced by U.S. civilian and military policymakers and multinational scholarly analysis. Includes performance assessments of U.S. programs including the European Deterrence Initiative and potential Russian military activity in the Baltics as reflected in varying reports by the U.S. Government, military, and multinational public policy research institutions. Recommends U.S. and NATO countries recognize a new Cold War exists with a revisionist Russia. Advocates continuing NATO military exercise, upgrading civilian and military infrastructure protection, and enhancing U.S. and allied preparedness. Urges ongoing and candid dialogue between NATO and Russia to keep this situation from erupting into war. Insists the U.S. and its allies adroitly respond to Russian attempts to influence and manipulate public opinion toward Moscow. Expresses concern that U.S. partisan division over 2016 Russian interference in U.S. presidential election makes achieving greater Baltic policy cohesion difficult. Advocates warning Russia of devastating consequences of attempts to militarily invade or subvert Baltic countries.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2019, 26, 4; 3-33
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Failure and History: The Sociological Provocations of the European Refugee Crises
Autorzy:
Adriana, Mica,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/892983.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-01-12
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Conflict
Migration
Geopolitics
Europe
Refugee
Opis:
The Return of History (Welsh 2016) shows that the European refugee crisis has its historical predecessor in mass flight and analyses this episode by looking at the vulnerabilities this crisis revealed in the European Asylum system, with the UNHCR as its main body. Upon evidence of this modern return of mass flight, as well as of the contemporary reincarnations of barbarism, Cold War and inequality, the book reevaluates Fukuyama’s seminal thesis about the end of history, i.e., about the irremediable victory of the liberal democracy. It shows that the principles of international humanitarian law and the value of fairness are currently challenged on various fronts, by both state and non-state actors, and from within and abroad the democratic regimes. The book builds on this tension between the thesis of the end of history and the practice and experience of return of history. It discusses topics such as the resilience of liberal democracy, the potential to cope with and recover from crises, the possibility to predict problems and downturns etc.
Źródło:
Papers of Social Pedagogy; 2017, 6(1); 70-72
2392-3083
Pojawia się w:
Papers of Social Pedagogy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Europa Środkowa w geopolityce zjednoczonych Niemiec. Wybrane aspekty
Central Europe in the geopolitics of the united Germany. Selected issues
Autorzy:
Kozerski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521511.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
Germany
geopolitics
Central Europe
reunification
Opis:
The unification resulted in a fundamental change in the geopolitical position of Germany. The Federal Republic has become the largest country in the EU in terms of population (82,8 million in 2017) and due to its total land area (over 357 thousand km²) it ranks number 14 in the list of countries by area. After the unification, the number of countries neighbouring Germany has increased (9), which makes Germany more focused on the development of bilateral relations in its immediate neighbourhood. Germany has become the main beneficiary of the conflict settlement between the East and West, since it is not exposed to the nuclear attack by the hostile power and its allies (the USSR, the Eastern block) yet. To its own benefit, the FRG has lost the status of a border state, as its border does not separate NATO from the Warsaw Pact. It does not separate the EEC from the COMECON either. Germany ceased to be a „training ground” of the cold war. After the Eastern enlargement in 2004 the country ceased to be the border state of the European Union. Furthermore, Germany was able to get unified and to become a sovereign state equal to other European countries in terms of its status. The FRG is not perceived as a revisionist state that denies post-war borders. Post-unification Germany is considered to be a predictable and credible state. Moreover, the country is an active member of alliances and international organizations. After the reunification, the Federal Republic had to redefine its position and role internationally. It has defined itself as a state in the centre of the continent and a bridge between the European East and West. Since 1990 Central Europe, most often identified with the post-communist states situated between Germany and Russia, has become an important point of reference for Germany and direction of pursuing its influence. After the unification Germany declared this region to be the zone of its influence and vital interests. The main goal of Bonn was to make the region stable by supporting the system transformation process and admitting the Visegrad Group member states to NATO and the European Union in the long term. There was a fear that if Germany’s eastern neighbours were not given a real prospect of membership in the Western integration structures they could become a seedbed of unrest and destabilisation. It was assumed that such threats could make an impact on Germany and adversely affect its internal situation. The main motive of the FRG in assuming the role of an advocate of the Central-European states on their way to accession to western alliances was to ensure stabilisation close to its (German) borders. By taking system transformation and accession to the EU and NATO under its patronage, Germany acquired a dominant position in the central part of Europe and thus made countries of the region dependent on it (mostly economically). A number of facts, including immigration crisis and its consequences, opposition of the Visegrad Group countries to the enforced relocation of refugees, the rise of Eurosceptic and anti-German sentiment in these countries, have resulted in a considerable tension in relations between Germany and the Visegrad Group states. Such state of affairs makes the Federal Republic of Germany gradually „turn its back” on the „renegade” Central Europe. A country of the European centre, whose interests were to be east-oriented after the unification, has been heading westward recently. Germany’s approval of the „multi-speed” concept in the EU as well as its endorsement for closer integration based on the euro zone seem to prove that statement.
Źródło:
Wschodnioznawstwo; 2017, 11; 109-122
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:
Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy Polska powinna być regionalnym mocarstwem?
Should Poland be a Regional Power?
Autorzy:
Zapałowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540080.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Polska
mocarstwo
geopolityka
Polska
power
geopolitics
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na niedocenianie przez badaczy geopolityki roli państwa polskiego w jego tysiącletnich dziejach jako istotnego podmiotu gry i ośrodka siły przez uznanych geopolityków z przełomu XIX i XX wieku, jak również współczesnych badaczy, niejako odwołujących się do klasycznych teorii i uwarunkowań wówczas panujących na mapach świata. Ignorowanie Polski i traktowanie jej jako obszaru wpływów i gry geopolitycznej, a zwłaszcza przyjmowanie tego jako paradygmatu geopolityki jest z jednej strony nasączone błędem rozumowania, a z drugiej strony tworzeniem rzeczywistości przez ośrodki badawcze, które są przecież wykorzystywane także jako instytucje mające budować strategię polityczną na arenie międzynarodowej dla poszczególnych państw. Ponadto niejednokrotnie wspomniane instytucje biorą udział w walce informacyjnej na obszarach pożądanych wpływów i w ten sposób kreują rzeczywistość
The purpose of this article is to draw an attention to the underestimation by researchers of geopolitical role of the Polish state in its thousand-year history as an important entity game and center of power. Ignoring of Poland and treating it as an area of influence and geopolitical game, especially taking this as a geopolitical paradigm is on the one hand soaked error of reasoning, on the other hand, the creation of reality by research centers, which are used as the institutions with a political strategy in the international arena for individual countries. In addition, often the institutions involved in the fight against the desired information in the areas of influence and thus create rea
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2014, 8; 259-272
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Геополітичне суперництво Європейського Союзу і Росії у Східній Європі
Współzawodnictwo geopolityczne Unii Europejskiej i Rosji w odniesieniu do Europy Wschodniej
Autorzy:
Сидорук, Тетяна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489398.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
EU, Russia,
geopolitics,
Eastern Partnership,
impact
Opis:
A comparative analysis of geopolitical projects, objectives and instruments of “soft” and “hard” power of the European Union and Russia in Eastern Europe was made. The article argues that Moscow implements an active policy to hold Eastern Europe within its own sphere of influence, while the EU continues to pursue technocratic strategy towards the region’s states, based upon their gradual political and economic alignment with the EU without aspirations for the accession. The main “weak link” of the EU strategy is that EU, unlike Russia, follows more technocratic/bureaucratic approach and gives less attention to the political dimension. Furthermore, the EU wills less to provide benefits, privileges or use coercion, than Russia. Implementing the European Neighbourhood Policy / Eastern Partnership, the EU does not take into account the alternative bias in the region and the “pain points” that make the Eastern European countries open to Russian influence. Thus Russia still possesses considerable “soft” and “hard” levers that limit the EU impact on the transformation processes in the region’s countries. The historical and cultural proximity of Eastern European countries and Russia, the large Russian minorities in those states, Russian language, post-Soviet nostalgia, the Russian Orthodox Church, the interests of the political and business elite (Russia’s ”soft power”) and energy wars, economic blockades, existence of demarcated borders and the presence of Russian military bases (Russia’s “hard power”) in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood do not only ensure the safety of Russian influence in the region, but also create problems for European security. That is why the European Union is directly interested in minimising the Russian influence on Eastern Europe. The author believes that helping them to “increase” their independence and to realise vital internal reforms will be the best way.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 32-38
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa w zainteresowaniu służb specjalnych wybranych państw
People’s Republic of Poland in the interest of special services of selected countries
Autorzy:
Żebrowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489656.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
socialist countries
geopolitics
special services
intelligence
Opis:
The existence of NATO and the Warsaw Pact was the start of intensified competition for spheres of influence. Beneficiaries who were leading those political-military organizations, the United States and the Soviet Union, in the process of implementing their strategic objectives used a wide range of forces and assets owned. Their secret services, whose activities were of total character, took an active part in this rivalry. It is difficult to say what those services were not interested in. They were active participants in the information war, which supported primarily foreign policy and military operations. Their satellite states, which were of interest to intelligence services because of their military potential, were also involved in the ongoing political and ideological confrontation. One such example was Poland, which was recognized not only by the intelligence of the NATO countries (U.S., Canada, Denmark, France, Great Britain, West Germany), but also by intelligence of its allies (the Soviet Union and East Germany).
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2014, 13; 94-116
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geopolityczne znaczenie Czeczenii w polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej
Geopolitical Importance of Chechnya for the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Zając, Partycja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1386988.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Czeczenia
Rosja
geopolityka
Chechnya
Russia
geopolitics
Opis:
Artykuł przedstawia znaczenie geopolityczne Czeczenii dla Rosji, problemy jakie rodzi utrzymanie panowania nad tym obszarem, oraz cenę jaką Federacja Rosyjska zapłaciła za zachowanie strefy wpływu na Kaukazie Północnym. W artykule poruszono kwestie związane z bezpieczeństwem energetycznym, terroryzmem, przeciwdziałaniem działaniom separatystycznym w regionie zestawione z imperialną polityką Rosji.
This article analyzes geopolitical importance of Chechnya for the Russian Federation. It is concentrated on a few problems: provision of human rights, the problems of stability in region, international terrorism, energy security and separatist activities contrasted with Russia’s Imperial Policy. The Russian Federation strives to maintain its presence in North Caucasus (especially Chechnya) – it’s one of the most important prorities of the Russia’s foreign policy.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2015, 12; 95-107
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zmiany w postrzeganiu przestrzeni a geopolityka we współczesnej Rosji
The impact of changes in the perception of space on geopolitics in Russia at the beginning of the 21st century
Autorzy:
Mazurkiewicz, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1386992.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
geopolityka
geoekonomia
Rosja
geopolitics
geoeconomics
Russia
Opis:
W artykule scharakteryzowano specyficzne postrzeganie przestrzeni (terytorium) przez Rosjan oraz podjęto próbę określenia korzystnego wariantu geopolityki Rosji na początku XXI wieku. Zwrócono uwagę, jak rozumienie przestrzeni rozpowszechnione w zbiorowej świadomości wpływa na geopolitykę kraju. W przypadku Rosji może ono bowiem w pewnym stopniu utrudniać wykorzystanie przez państwo pełni własnego potencjału. Na początku XXI wieku obserwuje się próby stopniowego odchodzenia od tradycyjnych nurtów geopolitycznych w kierunku nowych rozwiązań dotyczących sfery ekonomicznej i kulturowej. Mogą one stanowić szansę na wejście na ścieżkę rozwoju. Ponadto zbiór czynników historycznych, politycznych i kulturowych sprawia, że Rosja jako kraj rozwija się nadal bardziej w kontekście przestrzeni (utrzymania rozległego terytorium), a mniej pod innymi względami, np. ekonomicznym i kulturowym. Potencjał kraju – na skutek przypisywania zbyt dużego znaczenia przestrzeni – nie jest w pełni wykorzystywany
The article characterizes the specific perception of space (territory) by the Russians and attempts to define a favorable variant of Russian geopolitics in the early 21st century. Attention has been paid to how the understanding of space widespread in collective consciousness affects the geopolitics of the country. In the case of Russia it may, to some extent, make it difficult for the state to use its full potential. At the beginning of the 21st century, attempts are being made to gradually depart from the traditional geopolitical currents in the direction of new solutions in the economic and cultural spheres. They can be a chance to enter the path of development.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2017, 22; 117-127
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Armed Forces as a Geopolitics Instrument from a Historical and Contemporary Perspective
Autorzy:
Ziętarski, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1807712.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-11-30
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
geopolitics
geostrategy
international security
armed forces
Opis:
Geography can restrain states, or create possibilities to the political activity that states carry out. Following Carl von Clausewitz, one can point to the relation between politics and war. The famous Prussian general claimed that war is an extension of politics made by means of the armed forces. Questions should therefore be posed how geography restrains or stregthens the activity of the armed forces, and how geopolitics determines the functioning of the military. The following article shows the abovementioned imperative in the historical as well as contemporary context. The aim of the study is to place the armed forces in the geopolitical framework and to show the cause-and-effect relationship between the operations of the armed forces and geopolitics. The research is carried out on the time axis: the time analysis is divided into the period of the Second World War, the Cold War and the post-Cold War period.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2020, 34(34); 145-156
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Protocooperation as a Model for the Russia-UAE Partnership
Autorzy:
Jacuch, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2020067.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Russia
UAE
geopolitics
international relations
economy
Opis:
Russia’s intervention in Syria in 2015 marked the Russian Federation (RF) return as a key player in the Middle East and North Africa. In this context, the relations between Russia and the UAE are of utmost importance for both entities, for the region, and globally. This article seeks to fill a gap in scholarly knowledge by answering questions about the nature of the emerging cooperation between Russia and the UAE. How Russia seeks to use the UAE to expand its sphere of influence in the MENA region and how the UAE uses this cooperation to achieve its foreign policy goals. The article applies protocooperation (an analogy to the ecological relationship) as a model for the Russia-UAE partnership. The RF is strengthening its position in the MENA regarding the UAE as a key partner for regaining its political, economic, and military influence in the MENA region. Russia-UAE’s partnership aims at achieving conjunctural geopolitical interests benefiting from diminished Western, mainly the US, presence in the region.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2021, 3 (50); 105-120
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sport e politica nelle relazioni internazionali dellEuropa centro-orientale
Autorzy:
Bielański, Stefan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1878635.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
sport
totalitarian regimes
geopolitics
international relations
Opis:
Article discusses three basic issues: 1. Relationship between Sport and Politics during “the Cold War”; 2. Sport and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe during the fall of Soviet communism; 3. Sport and Politics in the context of changes in International Relations at the beginning of the XXIst century. During the „Cold War” – what has meant Soviet domination over Central and Eastern Europe – the sport was regarded by the communist regimes as an important factor of politics therefore its role was ambivalent: on the one hand it was a key element of propaganda, on the other one, it became a “niche of freedom” and resistance against totalitarian regimes in Eastern Europe. Ironically, after 1989, sport in this part of Europe has become a “victim” of socio-political transformation, in particular, such statement refers both to the professional sport as well as to the issue of mass sport. The situation has changed as a result of European Union's enlargement in 2004, and emergence of a new market that was ready to perform the tasks related to the organization of major sporting events. In this context – not only socio-economic but also geopolitical one – we should understand why Poland and Ukraine organized UEFA European Football Championship in 2012. It should be also recognized that the sport – as result of activities of organizations such as the IOC, FIFA, UEFA – has reached a significant role in the overall International Relations in Europe and the world.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2014, 11(11); 202-208
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uwarunkowania geocywilizacyjne Bośni i Hercegowiny
Geo-civilizational determinants of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Autorzy:
Mazepa, Diana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
Bosnia and Herzegovina
civilisation
nationalism
geopolitics
Opis:
Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country with a special geo-civilization position. There are significant antagonisms between the three civilizations present here, completely separate ideologically, culturally and socially. According to Samuel Huntington’s theorem in Bosnia and Herzegovina take place a clash of civilizations that causes a general disagreement in the state, pursuing for completely different purposes by three nationalities, and as a consequence leads to instability in the country. The country, relatively young, has been a battlefield for influence for many centuries, which has shaped contemporary difficult situation. Nowadays, the agreement between Western, Islamic and Orthodox civilization which osculate in this area is impossible to achieve due to the diametric differences and purposes of these circles. Undoubtedly, Bosnia and Herzegovina is struggling with the consequences of such a clash of civilizations, as can be seen in the political, social and economic life of the country. The purpose of this article is to identify the problems arising from the presence of three civilizational circles in one state.
Źródło:
Wschodnioznawstwo; 2017, 11; 143-154
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:
Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The geopolitics of territorial relativity. Poland seen by Rudolf Kjellén
Autorzy:
Lundén, Thomas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2116989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-10-03
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Geografii i Studiów Regionalnych
Tematy:
Geopolitics
Polska
Kjellén
nation
state
territory
Opis:
Rudolf Kjellén (1864-1922) discusses the birth, death, and possible rebirth of the state as a 'living organism'. His concept of the nation, based on Renan, as a voluntary community is linked to the attainment of statehood. Poland is an example in this discussion, beginning in his book Stormakterna - The Great Powers - in 1905, with the nation under subjugation by three of these powers, continuing with his Staten som lifsform in 1916 where the possibility of rebirth is in sight, and finalized in 1920 in questioning the future of the world geopolitical order. His writings also include statements on the vulnerability of borders, the need for domestic autarky, and, on the problems of territorial autonomy, discussions of importance for the post-World War I geopolitical history of Poland; but these have mostly been neglected by post-World War II discourses. The aim of this article is to analyse how Poland's geopolitical situation is reflected in the viewpoints of Rudolf Kjellén against the background of the historical, spatial development of the Polish state and Polish ethnicity.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development; 2022, 26, 3; 149-153
0867-6046
2084-6118
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podejście holistyczne. Geopolityka popularna 3.0 w koncepcji Daniela Bosa
Autorzy:
Macała, Jarosław Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/34112067.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
popular culture
critical geopolitics
popular geopolitics
popular geopolitics 3.0
video games
kultura popularna
geopolityka krytyczna
geopolityka popularna
geopolityka popularna 3.0
gry video
Opis:
Artykuł ten opisuje się stworzone przez Daniela Bosa pojęcie geopolityki popularnej 3.0. Jego podstawową hipotezą jest uznanie tej koncepcji za mało przekonującą. W tradycji badawczej tej szkoły geopolityki typowe było i jest rozdzielenie studiów nad kreatorami znaczeń geopolitycznych w kulturze pop, czyli elitami (geopolityka popularna 1.0), a z drugiej strony osobno nad ich odbiorcami (geopolityka popularna 2.0). Rzadko podejmowano analizy procesu wytwarzania znaczeń geopolitycznych w artefaktach kultury pop. W ocenie D. Bosa jego holistyczne studia nad geopolitycznym znaczeniem militarnych gier video integrują badania nad tekstem, publicznością i produkcją. Jednak trudno uznać je za nowy nurt geopolityki popularnej. Albowiem odnoszą się do wąskiej sfery kultury pop, nastręczają dużo problemów ze spójnością ujęcia i mają ograniczoną przydatność do geopolitycznego badania innych artefaktów kultury pop. Zastosowanie terminu „geopolityka popularna 3.0” byłoby bardziej adekwatne dla badania interferencji między mediami społecznościowymi, popkulturą a geopolityką.
This article focuses on Daniel Bos’s “popular geopolitics 3.0” term. The hypothesis is that this concept is considered unconvincing. In the research tradition of popular geopolitics, it was and is typical to separate studies on the creators of geopolitical symbols in pop culture, i.e. the elites (popular geopolitics 1.0), and on their consumers (popular geopolitics 2.0). Analyses of the process of producing geopolitical meanings in pop culture artifacts have been rarely undertaken. In the opinion of Bos, his holistic studies on the geopolitical meaning of military-themed video games integrate research on the text, audience and production. However, they can hardly be considered a new trend in popular geopolitics. Because they relate to the narrow sphere of pop culture, they cause a lot of problems with the consistency of the approach and are of limited use for geopolitical research of other pop culture artifacts. The use of the term “popular geopolitics 3.0” would be more appropriate to the study of the interference between social media, pop culture and geopolitics.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2022, 29, 1; 7-20
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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