Temat: foreign politics - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Nation – branding in small – states foreign politics
Autorzy:: Tökölyová, Tatiana
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1201809.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016-12-07
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:: small state
foreign politics
nation-branding
prestige
power
Opis:: The article deals with nation-branding under specific conditions of small states and their foreign relations. The first part is devoted to identification of the main specific features of small states from international relations point of view focusing to problems with classification criteria and instruments of their foreign policies. The following part of the article is devoted to analyse the role of nation branding in small state foreign policy based on example of New Zealand being traditionally identified as small state fulfilling all the above characteristics.
Źródło:: Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2016, 6, 4; 7-14
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:: Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Wyzwania i kierunki aktywności administracji prezydenta Yoon Suk Yeola
Challenges and directions of activity of president Yoon Suk Yeol’s administration
Autorzy:: Strnad, Grażyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2154708.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022-06-30
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: South Korea
Yoon Suk Yeol
domestic politics
political
paradigms
foreign politics
inter-Korean politics
Opis:: The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.
Źródło:: Azja-Pacyfik; 2022, XXV; 43-54
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:: Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Ability to formulate challenges and priorities of the Polish presidency
Autorzy:: Piątek, Jarosław J.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139008.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: polish presidency in the European Council
polish foreign politics
Europeanization
priorities of polish presidency
Opis:: Organizational preparations to the Polish Presidency are in progress at full steam. We began accomplishment of some tasks in 2007 starting from the analysis of experiences of other countries. In 2008, the Government Plenipotentiary for the Polish Presidency in the EU was appointed and in January 2009 the Polish government passed a comprehensive program of preparations to this historical event. Moreover in 2009 the financial resources for organization were provided, logistic preparations as well as trainings for Polish officials and first promo and information activities were undertaken. On July 1, 2011 Poland will assume the Presidency of the EU Council. It is not only a great challenge requiring strategic planning, full political and organizational activity on domestic and European level but also, what the representatives of the current government emphasize, a big opportunity for Poland in shaping the EU. According to them, the Presidency gives a possibility of a bigger and real influence on decisions taken in the EU. To the public opinion, they send messages that we will have an opportunity to present in the EU arena the priorities of Polish policy, emphasize the most important area, submit our own ideas and initiatives. Only few emphasize the fact that the Presidency is mainly the continuation of previous activities of the EU, providing its coherent functioning and guaranteeing the vote in the worldwide important matters.
Źródło:: Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 69-90
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:: Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: The role and meaning of the Western Balkans in the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish presidency in the EU
Autorzy:: Podgórzańska, Renata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139002.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: Polish foreign politics
polish presidency in the European Council
Western Balkans
external policy of European Union
Opis:: The goal of the article it to present the role and meaning of the Western Balkans for the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish Presidency in the EU. It is worth wondering if the fact of running the Presidency causes the change of character of the Polish foreign policy toward the region. The final answer will be possible after its end but some divagations are possible today, after the analysis of initial aims of the Polish Presidency. A question, if there is a necessity of enhancing the Polish activity and Polish presence in this part of Europe, is also legitimate. Experiences of the last years show that the interest of the Polish diplomacy in the region of the Western Balkans was limited and even if we showed some activity, it was the support for realization of the strategic aims of the foreign policy. The turning point in the Polish policy towards the Western Balkans could be a membership in the EU. Then there appeared a possibility of widening the field of influence of the Polish policy on the Balkans with the use of not only the own resources and political instruments but also the instruments at the EU disposal. It is worth considering whether it is not worth to use the moment to dynamize the Polish actions towards the region, especially when the region is very important for the EU and when the EU functions also as a promoter of stabilization, transformation and permanent development of the Western Balkans.
Źródło:: Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 91-107
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:: Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Związek Polaków na Białorusi w polskiej polityce zagranicznej w latach 2008-2010
Union of Poles in Belarus in the Polish Foreign Politics During the Years 2008-2010
Autorzy:: Włodarczyk, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1956453.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-04-24
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: polska mniejszość na Białorusi
Związek Polaków na Białorusi
Polska polityka zagraniczna
Polish minority in Belarus
Union of Poles in Belarus
Polish foreign politics
Opis:: Po przejęciu władzy w Polsce przez Platformę Obywatelską w 2007 r., nastąpiła zmiana polskiej polityki zagranicznej wobec Białorusi. Gabinet Donalda Tuska postanowił nawiązać oficjalne kontakty z członkami białoruskiego rządu. Najtrudniejszą barierą dla poprawy stosunków dwustronnych był podział w Związku Polaków na Białorusi. Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych postanowiło rozwiązać ten problem tak, aby białoruski rząd mógłby go zaakceptować. W 2008 r. Polscy dyplomaci podjęli poufne rozmowy ze swoimi białoruskimi odpowiednikami na temat polskiej mniejszości. Negocjatorzy postanowili stworzyć dwustronny zespół roboczy, który musiał znaleźć rozwiązanie konfliktu wokół Związku Polaków na Białorusi. Polska zadeklarowała, że pogłębienie stosunków dwustronnych zależy od poprawy sytuacji polskiej mniejszości narodowej. Mimo że główny problem tej grupy pozostał nierozwiązany, dialog trwał trzy lata. Rzeczywiście, Polska uniknęła zakłócania dialogu, który był prowadzony między Białorusią a Unią Europejską. Jego celem było zmniejszenie zależności Białorusi od Rosji. Polska zakończyła kontakty z białoruskimi urzędnikami w grudniu 2010 r. Powodem tego nie były nierozwiązane problemy polskiej mniejszości, ale oszustwo w wyborach prezydenckich na Białorusi i brutalne stłumienie protestu opozycji.
Taking power in Poland by Civil Platform in 2007 was followed by a change in the Polish foreign politics toward Belarus. Donald Tusk`s cabinet decided to make official contacts with members of Belarusian government. The most difficult barrier to improving bilateral relations was division in the Union of Poles in Belarus. Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to resolve this problem in way that could be accepted by Belarusian government. In 2008 Polish diplomats took confidential conversations with their Belarusian counterparts about Polish minority. Negotiators decided to create bilateral work team, which was bound to found a resolution of conflict around the Union of Poles in Belarus. Poland declared that deepening of bilateral relations depends on improving situation of Polish national minority. In spite of the main problem of this group remained unresolved, dialogue was being continued for three years. Indeed, Poland avoided disrupting dialogue which was conducted between Belarus and European Union. Its target was to reduce Belarusian dependences on Russia. Poland finished contacts with Belarusian officials in December 2010. The reason for that were not unresolved problems of Polish minority, but instead the fraud in presidential election in Belarus and brutal suppression of the opposition protest.
Źródło:: Studia Polonijne; 2019, 40; 355-378
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:: Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Polityka Unii Europejskiej wobec Azji Środkowej: analiza realizacji Strategii na rzecz Nowego Partnerstwa z Azją Środkową
Autorzy:: Kozłowski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630066.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:: EU foreign policy, Post-Soviet Central Asia, Energy Politics
Opis:: The study concerns the effectiveness of EU Post-Soviet Central Asian policy. The analysis of the EU strategy leads to two questions: why and how EU wants to engage this politically challenging region in the Post-Soviet Space. Regardless of satisfaction of EU bureaucracy with at best mediocre effects of undertaken actions, independent analysts perspective leads to a conclusion that EU does not use its own potential in the most effective way and its activity is sometimes more damaging than productive in terms of managing own assets as well as building its international reputation.
Źródło:: Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2015, 4; 9-27
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:: Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: How Indian foreign policy negotiates federalism: a case study of the role of the constituent states
Autorzy:: Chatterjee, Shibashis
Maitra, Sreya
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343770.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Federalism
foreign policy
West Bengal
Assam
Northeast
domestic politics
Opis:: India’s centre-heavy federalism suffered dual downturns in the 1990s, with the tides of globalization and economic liberalization challenging the sanctity of borders and the incidence of coalition politics increasing the salience of regional equations and demands. But Indian foreign policy in the 1990s remained the almost exclusive preserve of the Centre, ruled by several coalitions of political parties like the National Front (1989–1996), United Front (1996–1998). As Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s popular yet controversial regime is poised at the middle of its second term in 2022 (beginning in 2019), the continued showcasing of the Centre’s leadership in foreign policy decisions, high-profile bilateral and multilateral engagements, bold collisions with uneasy neighbours, are only matched with the unilateralism exhibited within the borders. Given the oft-reported instances of acute voices of assertions by the states on various issues ranging from illegal and forced migration, resource-sharing, or economic development involving neighbouring countries, a stock-taking is needed, to explore how genuinely federal is India’s foreign policy. In other words, the role of the constituent states in leveraging influence and bargaining for their due share of active involvement as stakeholders, merits critical academic intervention. When tested against real cases, two observations can be made. The dynamics shaping federalism and foreign policy may not just involve the Centre and the states but involve local/regional factors and influences from across international borders as well. Second, there is no causal link between the nature of the government in power at the Centre, Union-state political equations, and the imperatives across the borders between provinces and neighbouring countries. This study examines three case studies; West Bengal, Assam, and the Northeast, to reveal that foreign policy operates within the constitutionally designed structures of federalism in India by negotiating recurrent complexities of politics and deceives regional stakeholders or states with narratives of inclusiveness.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 199-229
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Polityka wobec krajów arabskich w świetle planu pracy departamentu MSZ na rok 1969
Polish Policy Towards Arab Countries in the Light of the Foreign Office’s Work Plan of 1969
Autorzy:: Knopek, Jacek
Ratke-Majewska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1961800.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-07-29
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: Polska
arab countries
politics
Departmnt of Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Opis:: This article presents fragments of the work plan of African and Asian Affairs Department of Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It describes the goals of the Polish foreign policy in relation to the Arab countries, which were to be carried out by the Polish People's Republic in 1969. The text of the work plan is presented in its original form, which is consistent with the typescript stored in the Archives of the Foreign Ministry. The results of the analysis are located in the footnotes of the document.
Źródło:: Studia Polonijne; 2014, 35; 67-81
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:: Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: An Alternative for the International Order: The Chinese Perspective. Book Review: Lin Jingzhi, Pu Pin, Wybór Chin. Pokojowy rozwój i budowa harmonijnego świata. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2013 (pp. 186). ISBN 978–83–7780–620–3. Price: PLN 33.81
Autorzy:: Łagiewska, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594837.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: book review
international order
international relations
Chinese politics
Chinese foreign policy
Opis:: Book Review
Źródło:: Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 420-422
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Foreign policy in Spanish literature – an introduction to research
Autorzy:: Małgorzata, Mizerska-Wrotkowska,
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/894663.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-08-03
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:: foreign policy
international relations
national interest
internal politics
raison d’État
security
Opis:: The aim of this article is to present a section of Spanish research on the theory of foreign policy of the state against the background of European, American and Latin American arrangements. The publications of Luis V. Pérez Gil and Rafael Calderch Cervery were the basis of the analysis. This article is an introduction to further research. Research problems have been tackled in order to answer the following questions: 1) How do Spanish teachers define foreign policy, and which theorists of international relations do they relate to? 2) What are the phases and goals of foreign policy? 3) How do Spanish scientists define the national interest and which theoretical researchers of international relations do they refer to? The article uses methods of analysing and criticising sources.
Źródło:: Przegląd Europejski; 2017, 2 (44); 24-36
1641-2478
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Europejski
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Ukraine under the Consideration of US–EU Bilateral Relations
Autorzy:: Golovan, Oleksandr
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519604.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:: USA
European Union
Ukraine
Russia
interests
security
economics
foreign policy
relations
world politics
Opis:: The article describes the primary US and EU foreign policy regarding Ukraine. The basic interests of both the United States and the European Union have been inspected. The Ukrainian drift to the Western institutions has been defined as the natural and predictable trend. The potential temporary losses because of the geopolitical integration with transatlantic counterparts have been foreseen.
Źródło:: Historia i Polityka; 2015, 14(21); 9-24
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:: Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: The Religion of Victory, the Cult of a Superpower. The Myth of the Great Patriotic War in the Contemporary Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:: Domańska, Maria
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2108332.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022
Wydawca:: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:: Russia
the Great Patriotic War
the Victory of 1945
politics of history
the great power politics
authoritarianism
World War II
propaganda
Russian foreign policy
Opis:: The glorification of the Soviet victory over Nazism is the focal point of Russia’s politics of history and an element of the ideological offensive that aims to legitimise Russian great-power ambitions. The narrative centred on the victory has a strong religious, not to say, messianic dimension. It aims to whitewash the dark chapters of Soviet history and legitimise the wars Moscow waged after 1945. According to the contemporary neo-Soviet interpretations, these wars were always defensive and justified by external circumstances. At the same time, distinctly anti-Western rhetoric is becoming more and more perceptible in Russian propaganda. The repeated accusations of “eternal” attempts by the West to destroy Russia and destabilise the global order are intensifying. The official discourse is marked by the nostalgia for the lost empire and the “concert of powers” that was established at the Yalta conference; it also seeks to justify violence as a tool of foreign policy. Its overriding aim is to legitimise the authoritarian regime and Moscow’s contemporary strategic goals, such as the hegemony in the post-Soviet area and the reshaping of the European security architecture. The official narrative is promoted by the state institutions, the educational system, the Kremlin-controlled media outlets and a network of social organisations subsidised by the state. It is also safeguarded by the administrative and criminal law and the apparatus of repression.
Źródło:: Institute of National Remembrance Review; 2021-2022, 3; 77-125
2658-1566
Pojawia się w:: Institute of National Remembrance Review
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Військова і безпекова складові внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації у 2007–2014 рр.
Składniki wojskowe i bezpieczeniowe wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2007–2014
Autorzy:: Демартино, Андрій
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489524.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: internal politics
foreign policy
geopolitical space
political radicalism
Munich speech V. Putin
military reform
strategic decisions
international relations
Opis:: The radical actions of the Kremlin, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and the support of the separatists in the East of Ukraine, were conditioned by fundamental changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy, which began much earlier and were connected with the historically determined irrational aspirations of Russians to territorial expansion. The turning point of radical changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy can be considered the famous speech of Putin, which he spoke at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, and openly said that he «really thinks about the problems of international security.» The main points of this report are the following: the unacceptability and impossibility for a modern world of a unipolar model of international relations; the need to find a reasonable balance between the interests of all actors in international politics; the inadmissibility of the invasion of the United States of America in all spheres of world development and the imposition of rules of the game to other states; the admissibility of the use of military force as the last argument only on the basis of the UN Charter; termination of the provocative NATO expansion to the East as reducing the level of mutual trust in the world; the hopelessness of the West’s economic policy towards the Third World countries; stopping the process of transforming the OSCE into a tool for securing the foreign policy interests of one or a group of countries relative to other countries; the formation of a just, democratic world order capable of ensuring prosperity not only for the elected but for all. Putin’s speech served as an occasion for controversy in the Western political circles to restore the «cold» war. By the Russian side, the Munich speech of Putin was seen as a further program of foreign policy of Russia in the late 2000’s - early 2010’s. External causes of radical change in the course of the Russian Federation: 1) the enlargement of NATO and the EU to the east in 2004, which took place without taking into account the interests of the Russian Federation, and this is against the backdrop of the intensified declaration of Putin after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 supporting the American strategy to combat terrorism; 2) «color revolutions» that took place in 2003-2005 in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, and were actively supported by the United States and the leading European countries. The conservative part of the Russian elite perceived them as an offensive against Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space. Internal reasons: 1) the rise in oil prices on the world market since the early 2000’s, accompanied by a surge of foreign direct investment and a cessation of capital outflow. In conjunction with the dependence of European countries on the supply of Russian energy resources, all this generated in the higher political elite a sense of Russia’s new status as an «energy superpower» and claims to restore its role in world politics; 2) the defeat of the big business (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky) in the struggle for power in the Russian Federation and the growing influence of the federal bureaucracy and security forces, which led by Putin to gain mass support in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2003-2004. After Munich in Russia, a whole series of conceptual, legislative, structural changes and organizational measures aimed at adapting state institutions and politics under new conditions was launched. The preparation and conduct of the presidential elections in Russia, which resulted in the «return» of Putin to a senior position in the state, finally severed the Kremlin, even with the possibility of establishing a pragmatic cooperation with the West, which attempts were made during the reign of D. Medvedev within the framework of the «reboot» from the United States and «Partnership for Modernization» programs with Germany and the EU. Thus, the evolution of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in 2007-2014 is largely due to the imperial essence of the state and society of this country, due to all its historical historical development. In addition, the subjective factor associated with the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin and his oligarchic leadership headed by his desire for personal enrichment and indivisible domination in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, played a role in changing the country’s political course. Accordingly, Russian aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2014, should be considered a natural result of the expansionist aspirations of the ruling class in Russia.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 28-34
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Siła przekonań - zastosowanie kodu operacyjnego w analizie polityki zagranicznej
The Power of Conviction - The Application of Operational Code in Foreign Policy Analysis
Autorzy:: Umińska-Woroniecka, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2091958.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Foreign policy
Decision proces
Political leadership
Decision making
Politics
Polityka zagraniczna
Proces decyzyjny
Przywództwo polityczne
Podejmowanie decyzji
Polityka
Opis:: Artykuł podejmuje zagadnienie kodu operacyjnego w badaniach nad polityką zagraniczną, z perspektywy poziomu jednostkowego decydenta. Przedstawiono w nim konceptualizację kodu operacyjnego jako narzędzia analizy polityki zagranicznej, jego ewolucję i zastosowanie w badaniach procesu decyzyjnego. Ustalenie przekonań składających się na kod operacyjny przywódców politycznych, także dzięki implementacji programów komputerowych, może pozwolić na wyjaśnienie wyborów i decyzji podjętych przez jednostkę w procesie decyzyjnym w polityce zagranicznej. W artykule zawarto studium przypadku, w którym z zastosowaniem narzędzia kodu operacyjnego ustalono system przekonań premiera Wielkiej Brytanii Tony'ego Blaira determinujących jego decyzje podjęte w związku z wojną w Iraku w 2003 r. (abstrakt oryginalny)
The article addresses the issue of operational code in foreign policy studies, from the point of view of an individual decision-maker. It presents the conceptualisation of operational code as an instrument of foreign policy analysis, its evolution and application in studies of the decision-making process. By identifying the convictions that constitute the operation code of political leaders, including through the implementation of computer software, we could explain the choices and decisions that individuals take in the process of decision-making in foreign policy. The article includes a case study in which operation code has been used as an instrument to establish the system of convictions of UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, which determined his decisions taken with regard to the Iraq War in 2003. (original abstract)
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2017, 53, 1; 131-148
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki