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Tytuł:
Security dilemmas of the Baltic region
Autorzy:
Antczak, Anna
Śliwa, Zdzisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/944332.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Baltic region
security
Russian Federation
NATO
deterrence
Opis:
The aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of security in the Baltic region, regarding the decision taken by NATO toward strengthening the security of the Baltic region when facing the threat from the East. It looks deeper into geostrategy as one of the keys to understand the vagaries of security dilemmas in the Baltic area. The article presents a situation analysis from both the Baltic states’ and NATO’s perspectives, having as a background recent actions undertaken by Russia.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2018, 3; 119-134
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Derring Russia in the Baltics to Allow US Power Projection in the Pacific
Autorzy:
Middents, Michael G.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/534404.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu w Dąbrowie Górniczej
Tematy:
Russian Federation
US power projection
Baltic Region
Deterrence
Opis:
The balance of power in the world is fluctuating as the US is facing new competitors as the People’s Republic of China being as rising power. So, if tensions between the US and China or another near-peer will grow, the US would need to dedicate significant resources to the face new threat. Such a shift of power could affect the balance of power in other regions of the world and it could even trigger Russian opportunism in its former Soviet satellites. There could be a risk that NATO’s current military structure in the Baltic States leaves its Eastern flank exposed to potential risks. The paper argues that additional initiatives such as easing the flow of Allied forces across borders, the establishment of NATO anti-access/ area denial (A2AD) measures and efforts towards political cohesion need to be added and done so in a manner to gain maximum benefits from their combined effects.
Źródło:
Security Forum; 2017, 1, Volume 1 No. 2/2017; 47-58
2544-1809
Pojawia się w:
Security Forum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bird Collision Prevention Systems in Passenger Aviation
Systemy przeciwdziałające kolizji z ptakami w lotnictwie pasażerskim
Autorzy:
Rowicki, Adam R.
Kawalec, Adam M.
Krenc, Ksawery
Walenczykowska, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27314942.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
Tematy:
collision
detection
deterrence
aircraft
kolizja
detekcja
odstraszanie
samolot
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to present the results of a preliminary analysis of modern methods for preventing collisions between birds and aircraft. The focus was in particular on methods that enable defining the level of threat in passenger aviation and existing solutions for eliminating these threats. The first section defines the level of the existing threat of collision with birds for civil aviation on the basis of collision statistics based on collision reports submitted by pilots. The second chapter describes normative documents on methods intended to reduce the risk of collisions with birds, such as aviation rules and regulations, passenger aircraft certification, bird detection and deterrence systems, procedures of flight crews and air traffic controllers, and the development of bird detection and deterrence methods. Based on the analysis of existing solutions, the third chapter proposes a block diagram of an on-board system reducing the risk of aircraft collisions with birds by determining the level of collision risk and transmitting information about the risk level to the flight crew in order to reduce the effect of surprise among pilots, improve the accuracy of the statistics and operational safety by carrying out a technical inspection of the aircraft after the collision. The final chapter contains conclusions.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników wstępnej analizy współczesnych metod przeciwdziałania kolizji statku powietrznego z ptakami. W szczególności skoncentrowano się na metodach, które umożliwiają zdefiniowanie poziomu zagrożenia w lotnictwie pasażerskim oraz istniejących rozwiązaniach eliminacji tych zagrożeń. W pierwszej części zdefiniowano poziom istniejącego zagrożenia kolizji z ptakami dla lotnictwa cywilnego na podstawie statystyk kolizji określonych na podstawie raportów składanych przez pilotów o zaistniałej kolizji. W drugim rozdziale opisano dokumenty normatywne traktujące o metodach umożliwiających ograniczenie ryzyka kolizji z ptakami takie jak zasady i przepisy lotnicze, certyfikacja samolotu pasażerskiego, systemy detekcji i odstraszania ptaków, procedury załóg i kontrolerów lotniczych oraz rozwój metod detekcji i odstraszania ptaków. W trzecim rozdziale na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy istniejących rozwiązań zaproponowano schemat blokowy systemu pokładowego redukującego zagrożenie kolizji statku powietrznego z ptakami poprzez określenie poziomu zagrożenia kolizji oraz przekazanie informacji o stopniu zagrożenia do załogi lotniczej, w celu zredukowania efektu zaskoczenia u pilotów, poprawienia dokładności statystyk oraz bezpieczeństwa operacji poprzez wykonanie przeglądu technicznego samolotu po kolizji. Ostatni rozdział zawiera wnioski.
Źródło:
Problemy Mechatroniki : uzbrojenie, lotnictwo, inżynieria bezpieczeństwa; 2023, 14, 4 (54); 103--122
2081-5891
Pojawia się w:
Problemy Mechatroniki : uzbrojenie, lotnictwo, inżynieria bezpieczeństwa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
NATO’S defence policy dilemma in the Baltic States
Autorzy:
Milevski, Lukas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576345.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-03-21
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
NATO
Russia
Baltic
Defence policy
deterrence
Warsaw Summit
Opis:
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the dilemma NATO has faced since February 2014 in its defence policy regarding the Baltic States. If NATO pursues a policy of deterrence, it might trigger war because Russia, the would-be deteree, may perceive actions taken by NATO as not intended to strengthen deterrence but rather to intimidate or coerce it. If it pursues an alternate policy of leaving the Baltic States visibly undefended, it might trigger war because Russia may see this as a sign of weakness and a gap to be exploited. This article investigates the logic of the dilemma, before considering whether NATO’s choice, made at the Warsaw Summit of July 2016, is working as intended. Ultimately, we cannot predict the answer and, therefore, we should consider all possible outcomes, including those which lead to a defensive war in the Baltic States.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2017, 14, 1; 51-68
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Factors affecting the strategy of deterrence against hybrid threats (The South Caucasus as a focal poınt)
Autorzy:
Gawliczek, Piotr Jerzy
Iskandarov, Khayal
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131394.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-05-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
Tematy:
hybrid threats
the strategy of deterrence
South Caucasus
Opis:
The genesis of deterrence has been studied in the paper. The characteristic features of deterrence strategy have been presented. The evolution process of deterrence concept has been delineated, five waves of deterrence have been brought to the spotlight. The factors affecting the implementation of a deterrence strategy have been underscored. The South Caucasus has been chosen as a focal point and its comparison with other regions has been conducted. The vulnerabilities of the countries in the region have been presented. The recommendations have been made for developing a robust deterrence strategy against external actors. Azerbaijan’s strategy of deterrence for the last couple of years was thoroughly studied regarding its deterrence strategy. The authors endeavored to touch upon various aspects and elements of Azerbaijan’s deterrence strategy in comparison with other countries in the region.
Źródło:
Civitas et Lex; 2022, 34, 2; 7-17
2392-0300
Pojawia się w:
Civitas et Lex
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Criminal Law Against Terrorism – Looking for an Efficient Solution
Autorzy:
Iga, Pułka,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902465.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
terrorism
economic analysis of law
punishment
deterrence
fairness
Opis:
This article deals with the problem of modern terrorism, especially suicide bombing, and problems for the criminal law that arise from this phenomenon. It focuses on the limited applicability of the economic analysis of law in the case of religiously motivated terrorism and identifies causes and effects of those limitations. The main aim is to identify problems that may be solved by an effectively designed criminal law and those that need a more complex, possibly value-based approach.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica; 2016, 67; 181-190
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Taktyczna broń nuklearna w Europie
Autorzy:
Kopeć, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/641809.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
tactical nuclear weapons
nuclear sharing
extended deterrence
NPT treaty
Opis:
Tactical nuclear weapons were quantitatively a dominant class o f nuclear weapons in the Cold War. However, currently, they stay on the margin of strategic thinking. The aim o f the article is to provide a reader with an insight into the issues related to tactical nuclear weapons in the European NATO countries (however, they are primarily American weapons). The article defines the term „tactical nuclear weapons” and provides an overview of these weapons. It stresses the reasons o f their development by the Western countries in the Cold War. The paper focuses on the nuclear sharing NATO program (but French non-strategic weapons are also mentioned) - its principles, current status and prospects, including controversies around the future o f tactical nuclear weapons in Europe.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2016, 9; 75-90
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Crime Prevention System in the Slovak Republic. Introduction to the Issue
Autorzy:
Dworzecki, Jacek
Piwowarski, Juliusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832481.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
crime prevention
crime deterrence
the Slovak Republic
security culture
Opis:
This article presents a system of crime prevention functioning in the realities of the Slovak Republic. The text discusses, inter alia, the essence of preventive measures taken against the phenomena of social maladjustment occurring in Slovakia. All three levels of the system (national, regional, local) are presented and the “National Crime Prevention Strategy 2012-2015” is brought closer (in an outline) and analised as a way to keep and develop country’s security culture.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2015, 16(16); 102-126
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hybrid warfare: minding the conceptual GAP
Autorzy:
Lebrun, Maxime
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/534384.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu w Dąbrowie Górniczej
Tematy:
Hybrid warfare
Russia
Security dilemma
Integral statecraft
Escalation
Deterrence
Opis:
This article addresses a series of difficulties raised by the concept of hybrid warfare. The central tenet is to demonstrate that hybrid warfare as an expression has less academic than political validity. In other words, it is more often used as a normative denunciation for Russian actions than as a term grasping the relevant experience of contemporary warfare. The article sets out to demonstrate that hybrid warfare as set out by Russia should rather be understood as a tool of integral statecraft. The article outlines the main determinants of Russian security policy and puts hybrid warfare into perspective with the main technological disruptors affect the nature of contemporary warfare. The article finally advocates for a clearer division of work between NATO and the EU in countering hybrid threats.
Źródło:
Security Forum; 2018, 1, Volume 2 No 1/2018; 19-25
2544-1809
Pojawia się w:
Security Forum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Private Antitrust Enforcement Without Punitive Damages: A Half-Baked Reform?
Autorzy:
Massa, Claudia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/530338.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-08-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:
competition law
private antitrust enforcement
compensation
punitive damages
deterrence
Opis:
Directive 2014/104/EU on private antitrust enforcement opted for the exclusion of punitive damages from the category of recoverable damages following a violation of antitrust law. This article will outline the concept of punitive damages and analyse the relevant case-law of the courts of the Member States, of the ECtHR and of the ECJ. Then, it will examine the regime laid down in the Directive and consider the possible reasons why the European legislator opted for this exclusion. Thus, the opportunity to introduce such a provision into the European legal system will be evaluated, taking into consideration the problem of overdeterrence, the problem of the division of functions between public and private enforcement, and making a comparison with the relevant provisions of Directive 2004/48/EC on the enforcement of intellectual property rights. Finally, a possible modification of Article 3(3) of the Directive will be suggested, in the framework of the review that the Commission is required to undertake by December 27, 2020
La Directive 2014/104/UE sur l’application privée du droit de la concurrence a opté pour l’exclusion des dommages-intérêts punitifs de la catégorie des dommages recouvrables suite à la violation du droit de la concurrence. Cet article décrira la notion de dommages-intérêts punitifs et analysera la jurisprudence pertinente des tribunaux des États membres, de la CEDH et de la CJUE. Ensuite, il examinera le régime prévu par la Directive et examinera les raisons possibles pour lesquelles le législateur européen a opté pour cette exclusion. Donc, l’opportunité d’introduire une telle disposition dans le système juridique européen sera d’évaluée en prenant en considération le problème de la dissuasion excessive, celui de la répartition des fonctions entre l’application publique et privée du droit de la concurrence et en faisant une comparaison avec les dispositions pertinentes de la Directive 2004/48/ EC relative au respect des droits de propriété intellectuelle. Enfin, une éventuelle modification de l’article 3, paragraphe 3, de la Directive sera d’envisagée, dans le cadre d’une révision de la Directive que la Commission doit faire au plus tard le 27 décembre 2020
Źródło:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies; 2018, 11(17); 93-111
1689-9024
2545-0115
Pojawia się w:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Investigation and statistical analysis on the deterrence effect of police patrol
Autorzy:
Suo, Q.
Suo, R.
Zhang, D.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140956.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Fundacja Centrum Badań Socjologicznych
Tematy:
road crash
safety measure
drivers' behaviour and attitude
deterrence effects
Opis:
This study investigated the deterrence effect of the police patrol on the road safety in China and the research purpose was achieved by questionnaire survey and data regression. Firstly, a questionnaire survey was carried out to investigate the drivers’ illegal behaviours and attitudes to safety measures, such as police patrol, surveillance cameras and warning signs, and 137 drivers participated in the survey; the statistical results showed that 45.3%, 4.4% and 16.8% of the respondents had the experience of speeding, driving under influencing of alcohol and fatigued driving respectively; all of the participants believed that traffic police patrol would change their dangerous driving behaviours and police patrol is most effective among three road safety measures based on the investigations. Secondly, data about police patrol frequency and road crash rate on the road segment was collected from the local Transportation Administration Bureau and the regression analysis based on the data was conducted to investigate the direct effect of traffic police patrol on road safety improvement. The results indicated that increasing the frequency of police patrol has an obvious positive effect on improving the road safety and it is consistent with the results from self-reported questionnaire survey.
Źródło:
Journal of Sustainable Development of Transport and Logistics; 2018, 3, 3; 69-76
2520-2979
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Sustainable Development of Transport and Logistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
“Green” Managerial Delegation and Environmental Corporate Social Responsibility in Different Market Structures
Autorzy:
Buccella, Domenico
Wojna, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810532.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-01-30
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
environmental corporate social responsibility
“green” managerial delegation
duopoly
monopoly
entry deterrence
Opis:
Purpose: Assuming a duopoly industry with pollution producing processes, the aim of this work is to study the firms’ choice to engage in Environmental Corporate Social Responsibility (ECSR) by means of “green” managerial delegation, i.e. hiring managers with preferences for environmental concerns to whom owners delegate both sales and decisions to adopt green technology. Methodology: Depending on the firms’ strategic choices, a two/three-stage game takes place solved by the backward induction method to obtain sub-game perfect Nash equilibria. Results: When the market structure is a Cournot duopoly, and the environmental sensitivity of “green” managers is extremely low, then the engagement in ECSR is the firms’ dominant strategy, regardless of the efficiency level of the available abatement technology. Nonetheless, firms are cast into a prisoner’s dilemma. On the other hand, if “green” managers have low-intermediate to intermediate environmental sensitivity, then either no ECSR, multiple symmetric equilibria, or ECSR engagement can emerge as a result in equilibrium. Finally, if managers’ environmental sensitivity is adequately high, then firms do not engage in ECSR. When a market entry game is considered with the Stackelberg competition in which the incumbent adopts ECSR while the entrant does not, socially responsible behaviors cause the market to be more contestable. However, the incumbent’s owners can use ECSR to secure a dominant position in the market, provided that they hire “green” managers with adequate environmental concerns. Implications: In the case of entry, non-trivial policy implications arise. Due to increased competition, the welfare of consumers improves (lower prices for the goods). However, the entry of a polluting firm increases emissions. Higher emissions damage consumers and lower the overall social welfare of an environmentally concerned government. Thus, a complete welfare analysis is required prior to the design of a government’s regulatory intervention. Originality/Value: This paper is the first that introduces the figure of the “green” manager who shows, in its utility function, an environmental concern.
Źródło:
Central European Management Journal; 2019, 27(4); 2-22
2658-0845
2658-2430
Pojawia się w:
Central European Management Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Badania nad prewencją generalną: problemy metodologiczne
General Deterrence Research: Some Methodological Problems
Autorzy:
Szamota, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699167.pdf
Data publikacji:
1984
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kara
efekty odstraszające
badania
prewencja generalna
punishment
deterrent effects
deterrence research
Opis:
      The results of empirical studies on general deterrence carried out so far are far from being unequivocal. Taking general deterrence research as a whole, it can be concluded only that in some situationa some individuals are deterred from some crimes by some punishments. Moreover, it is now obvious to most researchers that the problem is not whether punishment has deterrent effects but rather under what conditions and to what extent they occur. Thus, as the deterrent effects of the punishment threats are tentatively confirmed, further studies in this direction seem to be called for. So far the main achievement of the general deterrence studies has been overcoming some simplified approach to formulating problems (in research) and improvement in research methods rather than verification of hypotheses.         Therefore, instead of describing the results of these studies, this paper has been limited to methodological problems. It seems to the author that with the present-day knowledge on the deterrent effeets of punishment threats, the above approach will help to ensure continuation of empirical studies and will contribute to the gradual and cumulative enrichment of theoretical interpretations of the abovementioned problem.         Owing to the limited scope of this presentation only some selected problems have been dealt with. While carrying out this selection the author had to bear in mind that no such empirical studies had been carried out  this selection the author had to bear in mind that no such empirical studies had been carried out in poland so far and the results of studies made elsewhere had not become popular among Polish readers. This article has been confined to the penal law and the deterrent effects of criminal punishment threats rather than the punishment in general and it was mostly based on works published in the English language.       Apart from the Introduction, the article consists of the following parts: I. Notion of general deterrence, II. Deterrence vs. other general preventive effects of punishment, III. Types of general deterrence, IV. Theoretical foundations of general deterrence research, V. Conditions for effective general deterrence, and Summary.        I.  Notion of general deterrence       The author points to the differences in the definition of general deterrence, to the ambiguity and vagueness in the formulations found in the literature on this subject. She stresses the importance of a clear definition of the above notion for the purposes of empirical studies, which will, as a result, help to avoid misunderstanding in interpreting the research evidence. Since punishment, or strictly speaking, the threat of punishment, prevents people from committing an offence in a variety of ways, the deterrent being  only one of them, the researcher should clearly define what mechanisms he is going to study. For empirical studies a narrow definition of general deterrence, i.e., restriction to one mechanism only, seems to be more appropriate. So far, most studies have been devoted to the mechanism of deterrence.        II. Deterrence vs. other general preventive effects of punishment        At this point the author discusses also other mechanisms of the preventive effect of punishment threats, especially its moral and educational influence as well as its role in habit formation. Many  mechanisms of general preventive effect of punishment have not yet even been identified. In spite of the fact that it is advisable to restrict the subject of investigation to but one mechanism, it is difficult in practice to differentiate between the various mechanisms of general prevention. When interpreting the data it will probably be necessary to determine the impact of these other processes on the results of investigations. The study of the other general preventive effects of criminal sanctions brings about some specific problems such as those of a diffcrent time perspective, as they are of no direct character and require some longer period of time to bring down the crime rate. Although the present paper is confined to the effects of criminal sanctions, the author emphasizes the need for considering a wider perspective of reasons for compliance with the law.        III. Types of general deterrence.        When considering general deterrence from the terminological point of view one has to include its various types. The author discusses the following types of general deterrence encountered in literature: quantitative vs. qualitative; absolute vs. marginal; particularized vs. generalized or selective; total or complete vs. restrictive; replacing vs. non-replacing partial vs. Modifying or substituting or displacing. The distinctions suggested are often neither exhaustive nor exclusive. Still the general deterrence typology even in this form is of considerable methodological importance. Different types of evidence are relevant when an attempt is made to determine the different types of general deterrence. If the distinctions are not made then it may be concluded that a sanction had no deterrent effect at all simply because no evidence was collected for what is only one type of general deterrence.        IV. Theoretical foundations of general deterrencę research.        First the author presents the deterrence doctrine. It is because what lies at the foundation of general deterrence research,  i.e., a set of loosely connected and vague statements and assumptions, can at most be called a doctrine. Besides, the present shape of this doctrine does not differ much from that of the classical model of general deterrence formulated by C. Beccaria and J. Bentham. The drawbacks and ambiguities of the deterrence doctrine, as pointed out by the author, have come to bear on the results of studies aimed at the verification of the doctrine's propositions. What is necessary is to reformulate the deterrence doctrine into an empirical theory.        Then, directions are discussed in which the deterrence doctrine has been and still is developing.        First of all, the deterrence doctrine is being developed through a different conceptualization of the relationship between legal sanction and behaviour. It is now generally agreed that general deterrence cannot be conceptualized as a unitry bivariate relationship between punishment threats and crime. Instead, it is maintained that the relationship is moderated by a number  of conditions yet to be identified empirically. The number of variables to be considered have also become larger. What is specially worth noting is the fact that other, extralegal factors have been included in deterrence models.       Another important trend in the development of the deterrence doctrine is that of emphasizing its psychological character and including the so-called perceptual variables characterizing the way how sanction characteristics are perceived by potential  offenders.  The emphasis on perceptions of punishment developed  from an awareness that deterrence is a communicative proces. In order to deter, actual threats of legal punishment must be communicated to individuals. It will be most essential for the formulation of the general deterrence theory to determine the relationship between objective properties of legal sanctions.          V. Conditions for effective general deterrence.         The basic research problem consist in identifying the conditions for effective general deterrence. As for  determining these conditions, there are so far only few empirical data available. Besides, one can hardly see what the consistent theoretical assumptions could be which  will help to have some relevant factors included in the study, especially in the case of extralegal conditions. One should also be aware of the fact that the numer of possibly relevant factors is, practically speaking, unlimited and that many of these factors will influence behavior only when particural values of a large number of the others are present. But, characteristic of most „theoretical” writings is that the authors usually confine themselves to summing up a list of possible relevant factors, not dealing with possible interaction. The author discusses the concept of a „marginal group”.        Summary       The article ends with a short description of the methods used in the study on general deterrence. The author points out to limitations of the  methods and data that have most frequently been used in addressing the deterrence question. It is necessary to collect better data about perceptual processes.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 93-122
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Implications of Russia’s 2014 Military Doctrine for the Baltic States’ Military Security to 2020
Autorzy:
Guselnikov, Sergei
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/534439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu w Dąbrowie Górniczej
Tematy:
The Baltics’ Security
Russian Doctrinal Threats
Resurgent Russia
Deterrence of Russia
Opis:
In its 2014 military doctrine, Russia defines the world as an unstable environment that is not able to provide sufficient security to Russia. In these terms, Russia looks to its large military force that would be able to protect the Russian vital sphere of interests, which supposedly also includes Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Thus, Russia strives to re-establish the control in its vital sphere of interests and the 2014 doctrine reveals the intent of it. However, the steady development of military capabilities, strong political will to defend the sovereignty along with the principle of collective defence has made the Baltic States strong enough to withstand security challenges caused by its Eastern neighbour, The Russian Federation. As a result, although the confrontation of interests in the Baltic region remains persistent, the probability of Russian direct military aggression against the Baltic States will stay low up to 2020.
Źródło:
Security Forum; 2017, 1, Volume 1 No. 1/2017; 99-107
2544-1809
Pojawia się w:
Security Forum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geneza studiów strategicznych jako rdzenia programu badań nad bezpieczeństwem
Strategic Studies as a Core of Security Studies Research Programme. Genesis and Evolution
Истоки стратегических исследований как ядро программы по исследованию безопасности
Autorzy:
Pawłuszko, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/565174.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-10-10
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
strategia
bezpieczeństwo
Brodie
studia strategiczne
odstraszanie
strategy
security
strategic studies
deterrence
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest analiza procesu instytucjonalizacji studiów strategicznych jako podstawy rozwoju współczesnych studiów nad bezpieczeństwem (Security Studies). Artykuł omawia genezę studiów strategicznych i próby zakreślenia obszarów refleksji w tej dziedzinie wiedzy. Studia strategiczne rozwinęły się w połowie XX wieku w USA. Stanowiły próbę syntezy wiedzy militarnej, ekonomicznej i politologicznej w celu opanowania ówczesnego zagrożenia globalną wojną nuklearną. Kryzys tego podejścia przypadł na lata 70. XX wieku. Koniec zimnej wojny spopularyzował problematykę bezpieczeństwa w naukach społecznych, a kwestie podejmowane niegdyś w ramach studiów strategicznych zyskały nowy wymiar. Refleksja nad metodyką studiów strategicznych dąży do wzmocnienia współczesnego potencjału badań nad bezpieczeństwem.
The aim of this article is to outline the process of institutionalization of strategic studies, understood as the essence of contemporary security studies. Article explores the genesis of strategic studies and attempts to determine areas of reflection in this field of knowledge. Strategic studies developed in the half of the 20th century. Its mission was to form a creative synthesis of military, economic and political scientific approaches towards the threat of nuclear war. Crisis of strategic studies took place in the 70s. The end of so called Cold War popularized the issue of security within the non-military context. Therefore, problems analysed by traditional strategic studies evolved. Author’s final reflection tries to strenghten Polish potential in developing contemporary security studies.
Źródło:
De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności; 2019, 1(5); 72-95
2450-5005
Pojawia się w:
De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odstraszanie militarne oraz odporność strategiczna państw w rejonie północno-wschodniej flanki NATO
The Military Deterrence and Strategic Resilience Within the Nato North-Eastern Flank
Autorzy:
Śliwa, Zdzisław
Wojciechowski, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1830749.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-20
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
odstraszanie
kraje bałtyckie
odporność strategiczna
NATO
Rosja
deterrence
Baltic countries
resilience
Russia
Opis:
Zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego stały się ponownie przedmiotem dyskusji i działań podejmowanych przez państwa i NATO w następstwie użycia przez Rosję sił militarnych dla zmiany granic państwowych po 2008 roku. W reakcji na nową sytuację problematyka odstraszania i budowania narodowej oraz organizacyjnej odporności strategicznej na zagrożenia militarne i niemilitarne nabrała szczególnego znaczenia, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do wschodniej flanki NATO. Państwa graniczące z Rosją są bezpośrednio zagrożone możliwością użycia przez nią sił zbrojnych, znajdują się również pod jej presją w ramach działań hybrydowych. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie teoretycznych podstaw koncepcji odstraszania i odporności na przykładzie działań NATO i krajów bałtyckich w tym zakresie. Pomimo to, iż wstępna ocena omawianej problematyki wykazuje skuteczność działań, to jednak wymagają one dalszego doskonalenia i inwestowania w rozbudowę określonych zdolności obronnych. Artykuł opracowano, wykorzystując metody jakościowe odnoszące się do teorii i praktyki prezentowanej problematyki.
The threats to European security have become the subject of discussions and actions taken by states and NATO because of using military forces Russia’s to change state borders after 2008. In response to the new situation, deterrence, building national and strategic resilience to military and non-military threats have gained importance again. It was especially true regarding NATO’s eastern flank as being directly threatened by the possibility of hybrid and potentially military engagements. The article aims to present the implementation of deterrence and strategic resilience concepts, especially concerning the activities of NATO and the Baltic countries. A preliminary assessment shows that the arrangements are adequate but require further actions and investments. The article was developed utilizing qualitative methods of analysis, synthesis and case study referring to the theory and practice of the deliberated issues.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2021, 49, 2; 71-86
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola broni nuklearnej w izraelskiej strategii odstraszania militarnego
The Role of Nuclear Weapons in the Israeli Military Deterrence Strategy
Роль ядерного вооружения в израильской стратегии военного сдерживания
Autorzy:
Zych, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/565046.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-01-28
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
broń nuklearna
odstraszanie
Izrael
Bliski Wschód
nuclear weapons
deterrence
Israel
Middle East
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest wykazanie, jaką rolę w izraelskiej strategii odstraszania odgrywa broń nuklearna. Przyjęto założenie, że o potencjale odstraszania izraelskiego arsenału jądrowego decyduje celowe utrzymywanie go w tajemnicy (tzw. strategia amimut). Założono także, że odstraszanie nuklearne stanowi ważną część składową strategii odstraszania militarnego Izraela, ze względu na zmieniający się charakter zagrożeń nie jest jednak jej głównym elementem. W opracowaniu zastosowano teoretyczne metody badawcze: analizę krytyczną i analizę porównawczą źródeł, opracowań naukowych, dokumentów strategicznych oraz komunikatów przedstawicieli władz Izraela. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę uchwycenia specyfiki strategii odstraszania nuklearnego Izraela i cech odróżniających ją od odstraszania innych państwa nuklearnych.
The aim of the article is to answer the question: What role does nuclear weapon play in Israeli strategy of deterrence? The main hypothesis of the paper is based on the assumption, that the deterrence potential of the Israeli nuclear arsenal is strictly determined by deliberate ambiguity (so-called amimut). The author also assumes that nuclear deterrence plays a significant role in the general Israeli deterrence strategy. However, due to the changing nature of threats, it is not its core element. The author used the following theoretical research methods: critical analysis and comparative analysis of sources, scientific studies, strategic documents as well as selected speeches of the Israeli authorities. This article can be seen as an attempt to capture the specifics of the Israeli nuclear deterrence strategy and the features that distinguish it from deterrence of other nuclear states.
Źródło:
De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności; 2019, 2(5); 32-50
2450-5005
Pojawia się w:
De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Domestic Political Unrest and the Military Doctrine Change in the Neighborhood: Arab Uprisings and Israel (2011–2015)
Autorzy:
Badry Eid, Mohammad
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1808007.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-09
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
Arab Spring
Israeli military doctrine
Israel’s security
Israeli deterrence
the Middle East
Opis:
The “Arab Spring” uprisings are a historic milestone from Israel’s national security perspective, regarding to the political and security changes in the regional strategic environment, as Israel’s geographic neighboring, Egypt and Syria, have become more threatening. As a serious scientific attempt under the umbrella of the balance of power theory in the political science literature on military doctrine change, this paper aims to examine conditions under which a domestic political change or unrest in a state may affect, positively or negatively, the change of the military doctrine of another state or states in neighborhood. By applying this research question to the case of the Arab uprisings and Israel, the study examines, from Israeli elite’s perspective, why and how the aforementioned uprisings affect the Israeli military doctrine, and explores whether the particular components of this doctrine have been affected to the same degree. The study uses elite approach, and discourse analysis as key methodological tools. The general findings indicated that the Arab uprisings have strong and diversified impacts on the components of the Israeli military doctrine. These impacts may be compared to those of regional wars and military conflicts, as they have reshaped the map of security risks and threats.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2019, 29(29); 64-109
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Po co w Europie amerykańska broń nuklearna? Odstraszanie nuklearne NATO z perspektywy Polski w kontekście wybranych teorii stosunków międzynarodowych
Why Does Europe Need American Nuclear Weapons? Polish Position on NATO Nuclear Deterrence from the Perspective of Selected Theories of International Relations
Autorzy:
Kubiak, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2091731.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-25
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
B61
taktyczna broń nuklearna
substrategiczna broń nuklearna
NATO
Koncepcja Strategiczna NATO
DDPR
odstraszanie nuklearne rozszerzone
tactical nuclear weapons
sub-strategic nuclear weapons
NATO Strategic Concept
nuclear deterrence
extended nuclear deterrence
Opis:
Wewnątrzsojusznicza debata nad kształtem nowej koncepcji strategicznej NATO sprowokowała gorącą dyskusję nad rolą, zapotrzebowaniem na stacjonowanie i możliwościami usunięcia amerykańskiej broni nuklearnej z Europy (B61). Sub-strategiczna broń nuklearna to pozostałość zimnowojennego wyścigu zbrojeń po obu stronach żelaznej kurtyny, której arsenały do dzisiaj znajdują się na terenie pięciu państw członkowskich NATO oraz w Rosji. Polska pozycja w tej sprawie rozwijała się od cichego obrońcy status quo, poprzez zwolennika bilateralnego reżimu kontroli zbrojeń między Rosją i Stanami Zjednoczonymi do promotora multilateralnego rozwiązania „krok po kroku”, bazującego na rosyjskiej wzajemności. Jednak skoro według ministra Sikorskiego B61 to „niebezpieczna pozostałość niebezpiecznej przeszłości”, dlaczego nie chciano jej całkowitego, jednostronnego usunięcia z Europy? W artykule prześledzono motywacje polskiej preferencji w sprawie B61 w latach 2008–2013. Pozytywistyczną analizę usystematyzowano według trzech paradygmatów stosunków międzynarodowych: neorealizmu, liberalizmu utylitarnego i konstruktywizmu. Zweryfikowano oficjalne dokumenty, literaturę fachową oraz 21 częściowo ustrukturyzowanych wywiadów indywidualnych z przedstawicielami polskiego rządu, akademii oraz ekspertami, jak również pracownikami sztabu międzynarodowego NATO.
The NATO internal debate on its New Strategic Concept initiated a discussion on the role, necessity of deployment and possibilities to withdraw American nuclear weapons from Europe (B61). This widely perceived remnant of the Cold-War arms race is still stationed in five NATO states and in Russia. The Polish position on the B61 developed from a cautious status-quo defender, through a defender of a bilateral arms control regime between Russia and the United States, to a promoter of a multilateral step-by-step solution based upon the requirement of Russian reciprocity. However, as the then Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski found the B61 to be a ‘dangerous remnant of a dangerous past’, why was there no will to unilaterally withdraw the B61 from Europe? The article outlines the motivations behind the Polish preferences regarding the B61 in the years 2008–2013. The author applies a positivist analysis based upon three main paradigms of international relations – neorealism, utilitarian liberalism and constructivism and verifies official documents, expert literature and 21 semi-structured expert interviews with representatives of the Polish government, academia and experts as well as employees of NATO International Staff.
Źródło:
Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2015, 51, 3; 181-202
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:
Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bucharest nine in the process of strategic deterrence on Nato’s eastern flank
Autorzy:
Banasik, Mirosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1920243.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-10
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Bucharest Nine States
strategic deterrence
Russian threats
European security
Eastern flank
NATO
European Union
Opis:
The purpose of the research presented in this article was to analyze the role of the Bucharest Nine States (B9) in shaping NATO’s strategic deterrence mechanisms and to assess their effectiveness in ensuring the security of the eastern flank. When discussing the research problems, top-down and bottom-up approaches were adopted to confront NATO’s deterrence initiatives with the expectations of B9. The research process revealed that B9 encourage the United States to engage in European security. They are aware of the need to pay a high cost for their own security, they make defensive efforts in projects implemented by the European Union, especially in acquiring capabilities that guarantee the defense of their own territory and deterrence through punishment. They create conditions for the operating of battalion battle groups on their own territory, or participate in them themselves, and make a large contribution to the reformed NATO response forces and command system. The B9 states actively participate in building allied horizontal deterrence mechanisms to prevent asymmetric escalation of conflict, as well as mechanisms of deterrence by denial to thwart the conquest of their own territory.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2021, 1; 27-53
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Facing increased Russian aggressiveness: popular militias, a potentially effective extra political and military instrument aimed at strategic deterrence
Autorzy:
Diaconu, Florin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576169.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-06-23
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
Russia
imperial expansionism
NATO
strategic deterrence
political will
effectiveness
balance of power
popular militia
Opis:
The text starts by briefly exploring the present strategic situation on NATO’s Eastern rim. In a situation clearly dominated by sharply increased Russian aggressiveness, and by the fact that Russia has already made several attempts directly aimed at shaping, by force, a new regional and continental balance of power (see war against Georgia, in 2008, the annexation of Crimea, in 2014, and an extensive set of military actions against Ukraine), Russian plans and actions are legitimately worrying NATO and, above all, the small or medium-sized countries on the Eastern border of the North Atlantic Alliance. Starting mainly in 2014, Russian aggressiveness generated some significant reactions within NATO, including the political decision to increase defence budgets and deploying (mainly by rotation) military forces belonging to Western member states in the directly threatened countries. These countries (the three small Baltic republics, Poland and Romania) are also strengthening their defensive capabilities, buying new weapons systems, and by hosting or organising NATO defensive exercises. But all these deterrents are costly, and implementing them is time-consuming. It is for these reasons that the article examines the political- strategic necessity of implementing national policies aimed at quickly generating and consolidating potent popular militias. These militias, which are an obvious embodiment of a very strong political will at national level, might be, if properly used, an extra significant deterrent, directly telling Putin’s regime it has no real chance of winning a quick and cheap victory, if it behaves aggressively against states on the Eastern rim of NATO. At this very moment, more than ever before (at least for the almost 30 years since the end of the Cold War), NATO is confronted with the openly aggressive foreign policy, strategic plans and strategic actions of the Russian Federation.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2017, 15, 2; 38-53
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Strategic Ambiguity in US-Taiwan Relations During the Donald Trump Administration
Autorzy:
Grzegorzewski, Filip
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056789.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Taiwan
China
United States
strategic ambiguity
Indo-Pacific
realism
Trump
deterrence
war
balance of power
Opis:
Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2022, 1(51); 59-74
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Offshore Detention in Australia: Behrouz Boochani’s No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from Manus Prison (2018)
Autorzy:
Wilson, Janet M
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2049128.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-10-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Manus Island
Behrouz Boochani
Pacific Solution
Immigration Detention Centres
Australia
deterrence systems
offshore regional processing
Opis:
This article focuses on the “Pacific Solution,” the Australian national policy of controlling illegal migration by detaining refugees in Immigrant Detention Centres in offshore Pacific islands of Manus and Nauru, and the human rights issues it raises. It refers to Behrouz Boochani’s prize-winning refugee memoir, No Friend but the Moun- tains: Writing from Manus Prison (2018) as both a prison narrative of resilience and a politically resistant text, and it discusses Boochani’s representation of Manus Detention camp as “The Kyriarchal System” in terms of Foucault’s “monstrous heterotopia.” The ar- ticle emphasises the issues of accountability and responsibility in the bilateral governance arrangements of the Manus Detention Centre between Australia and Papua New Guinea, and considers the possibility of more humane detention practices in the future.
Źródło:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies; 2021, 30(3); 163-183
0860-5734
Pojawia się w:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The influence of weapons of mass destruction on international security in the second decade of the 21st century
Wpływ broni masowego rażenia na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe w II dekadzie XXI wieku
Autorzy:
Wątor, Włodzimierz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/666570.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
broń masowego rażenia
proliferacja
odstraszanie nuklearne
rozbrojenie
weapon of mass destruction
proliferation, nuclear deterrence
disarmament
Opis:
W artykule przedstawiono przyczyny, dla których w ciągu obecnej dekady nastąpił znaczący wzrost zagrożenia bronią masowego rażenia. Pomimo wieloletnich wysiłków społeczności międzynarodowej broni tej nie udało się wyeliminować ani znacząco ograniczyć jej arsenałów czy też wykluczyć możliwość jej budowy lub transferu. Wzrosło natomiast znaczenie broni masowego rażenia, zwłaszcza jądrowej, jako czynnika siły w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Tendencja ta prawdopodobnie utrzyma się w dającej się przewidzieć przyszłości. Dlatego też podczas opracowywania artykułu skoncentrowano się na wyjaśnieniu mechanizmów tego procesu i jego powiązań z wieloma innymi wydarzeniami i faktami mającymi wpływ na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe. Należy tu podkreślić szczególne znaczenie, jakie przypisano roli precyzyjnego szacowania ryzyka stwarzanego przez broń masowego rażenia i określeniu jego hierarchii. Ponadto przedstawiono formy i metody działania państw i organizacji międzynarodowych w zakresie zapobiegania proliferacji (w ramach traktatów rozbrojeniowych i forów nieformalnych) oraz dokonano oceny ich efektywności.
The article outlines reasons for the significant increase of the hazard posed by weapons of mass destruction in the current decade. Despite the international community’s efforts made throughout the years, it has not been possible to eliminate them, significantly lower their arsenal or prevent their building or transfer. What has increased is the importance of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear ones, as a force factor in international relations. This tendency will probably continue in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the article focuses on explaining the mechanisms of this process and its connections with numerous events and facts influencing international security. Special significance is ascribed to a precise estimation of the risk posed by weapons of mass destruction and determination of its hierarchy. Moreover, the article presents the forms and methods of the activities undertaken by countries and international organisations regarding the prevention of proliferation (via disarmament treaties and informal forums) and assesses their effectiveness.
Źródło:
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis; 2019, 26; 109-141
1895-3492
2353-9747
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ekonomiczne uwarunkowania odstraszania nuklearnego Stanów Zjednoczonych
Economic conditions of the USA nuclear deterrence
Autorzy:
Wojciechowski, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/580945.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
bezpieczeństwo narodowe
odstraszanie nuklearne
koszty ekonomiczne
broni jądrowej
national security
nuclear deterrence
economic costs of nuclear weapons
Opis:
W artykule podjęto próbę przeanalizowania, na przykładzie USA, korzyści ekonomicznych wynikających ze zdolności do odstraszania nuklearnego. Badania zostały oparte na porównaniu kosztów utrzymania arsenału nuklearnego z kosztami alternatywnymi prowadzenia dużych operacji połączonych przez USA w ramach „walki z terrorem” oraz przeanalizowano koszt posiadania niezbędnego potencjału sił konwencjonalnych, zapewniającego analogiczny poziom odstraszania. Artykuł jest swoistą polemiką z coraz częściej pojawiającymi się w przestrzeni publicznej argumentami, wyrażanymi przez polityków, przedstawicieli nauki i przywódców duchownych, o konieczności likwidacji broni nuklearnej jako czynnika destrukcyjnego i wymagającego wydatkowania olbrzymich funduszy na utrzymanie. Pomimo iż względy ekonomiczne nie są i nie powinny być jedynym kryterium analizy, w artykule wykazano, iż odstraszanie jądrowe jest obiektywnie najtańszą formą unikania konfliktów zbrojnych.
The article attempts to analyze the economic benefits of nuclear deterrence on the example of the US. The research was based on a comparison of the cost of maintaining the nuclear arsenal with the opportunity costs of US major joint operations under the “war against terror” and the cost of having the necessary potential of conventional forces providing the same level of deterrence. The article is a kind of polemic with arguments expressed increasingly by politicians, representatives of science and spiritual leaders, about the necessity of liquidating nuclear weapons as a destructive factor and requiring spending of enormous funds for maintenance. Although economic reasons are not and should not be the only criterion of analysis, the article shows that nuclear deterrence is the cheapest way of avoiding armed conflicts.
Źródło:
Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu; 2018, 529; 402-411
1899-3192
Pojawia się w:
Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-25 z 44

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