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Wyświetlanie 1-7 z 7
Tytuł:
Edukacja w izolacji penitencjarnej (studium przypadku)
Education and the prison isolation (case study)
Autorzy:
Sołtysiak, Teresa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/560886.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
Tematy:
zachowania przestępcze
oddziaływania resocjalizacyjne
edukacja skazanych
indywidualne wybory postępowania
criminal behaviour
resocialization interactions
convicts’ education
individual choices of conduct
Opis:
W opracowaniu podjęto próbę ukazania korzystnych aspektów edukacji skazanych w warunkach izolacji penitencjarnej na tle dokonujących się zmian w oddziaływaniach resocjalizacyjnych, które od początku splecione były i są z procesami nauczania i uczenia się skazanych. W przedstawionym studium przypadku weryfikowano zmodyfikowaną, humanistyczną koncepcję Tyszkiewicza. W świetle założeń tej koncepcji wszelkie zachowania człowieka są częściowo indeterministycznymi decyzjami, bowiem o wyborach zachowań współdecydują uwarunkowania egzo – i endogenne, a także sploty okoliczności. Weryfikowana koncepcja uzyskała potwierdzenie w rozpatrywanym przypadku. W istocie badany – po wcześniej podejmowanych ryzykownych wyborach postępowania, które doprowadziły go do pierwszego, a następnie do drugiego pobytu w zakładzie karnym za zabójstwo ofiary – po głębokich przemyśleniach swojego dotychczasowego trybu życia i wyciągnięciu z własnego postępowania wniosków, wybrał drogę edukacji. Ukończył szkołę zawodową, technikum, liceum oraz studia licencjackie, pracując w zakładzie karnym. Były to jego indywidualne wybory, wspomagane uzyskiwanymi zgodami władz zwierzchnich zakładu oraz wspieraniem bliższego i dalszego otoczenia społecznego. Indywidualne wybory zachowań przez skazanego wzmacniały poczucie jego wartości, znaczenia, wiary w siebie, autokontrolę, wyrzuty sumienia z adekwatnym poczuciem winy i poczucie sprawstwa działań. Te wszystkie aspekty są niezmiernie ważne w ponownej socjalizacji człowieka.
Efforts have been made in the study to show the beneficial aspects of prisoners’ education in conditions of penitentiary isolation against the background of ongoing changes in social rehabilitation interactions that from the beginning have been entwined in the processes of teaching and learning of convicts. In the presented case study, the modified humanistic concept of Tyszkiewicz was verified. In the light of the assumptions of this concept, all human behaviour is partly indeterministic decisions, because the choice of behaviour is determined by exo – and endogenous conditions, as well as a series of circumstances. The verified concept was confirmed in the case under consideration. In fact, the studied individual was examined after earlier risky choices that led him to the first and then to the second stay in prison for the murder of the victim. After deep reflection on this temporary lifestyle and drawing conclusions from his own behaviour, he chose the path of education. Afterwards, he graduated from vocational school, technical college, high school and bachelor’s studies, working in a penitentiary institution. These were his individual choices, supported by the consent obtained from the plant’s authorities and the close and distant social environment. Individual choices of behaviour by the convict strengthened his sense of value, meaning, self-confidence, self-control, and remorse with an adequate sense of guilt and a sense of agency, etc. All these aspects are extremely important in re-socialization of person.
Źródło:
Szkoła - Zawód - Praca; 2019, 17; 275-296
2082-6087
Pojawia się w:
Szkoła - Zawód - Praca
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O związkach między rozwojem moralnym a zachowaniami przestępczymi
Moral development and criminal behaviour
Autorzy:
Czyżowska, Dorota
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2128444.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-29
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
criminal behaviour
moral development
moral thinking
moral behaviour
Opis:
Poszukując przyczyn dopuszczania się przez ludzi czynów przestępczych, naruszających społeczny porządek, godzących w dobro społeczeństwa i krzywdzących poszczególnych jej członków, badacze coraz częściej zwracają uwagę na znaczenie poziomu rozwoju moralnego i braków w tym zakresie dla społecznego funkcjonowania jednostki. Z drugiej strony – badacze rozwoju moralnego, wskazując na konsekwencje moralnej niedojrzałości, oznaczającej pozostawanie na wczesnych poziomach rozwoju i brak zdolności do przyjęcia innej – poza własną, egocentryczną – perspektywy, wymieniają wśród nich większą skłonność do łamania prawa, obowiązujących zasad moralnych i społecznych, skutkujących zachowaniami agresywnymi i czynami przestępczymi. Celem prezentowanych analiz jest wskazanie na wzajemne związki między rozwojem rozumowania moralnego a tendencją do zachowań przestępczych poprzez odwołanie się do teorii pozwalających związek ten wyjaśnić, jak również badań empirycznych potwierdzających istnienie takiego związku.
In the search for the reasons why some people commit criminal acts, disturb social order, cause harm to others and pose a menace to public well-being, the centrepiece of much of psychological research has increasingly become moral development and its significance for social behaviour. Moral immaturity, defined as moral development halted at its early stages with a concomitant lack of perspective taking (beyond one’s own egocentrism), has been identified in the moral development research as one of the culprits of aggressive and criminal behaviour by facilitating disregard for law, moral principles and social codes of conduct. In this paper, I will attempt to highlight the possible associations between moral development and criminal behaviour. I will refer to relevant theories in order to provide an explanation of this relationship and include results of empirical research that confirm it.
Źródło:
Roczniki Psychologiczne; 2011, 14, 2; 123-140
1507-7888
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Psychologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Agresja wśród dziewcząt dokonujących eksternalizacji problemów poprzez zachowania przestępcze i zdemoralizowane
Aggression among girls who externalize problems through criminal acts and demoralized behaviours
Autorzy:
Kruczek, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/944144.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Medical Communications
Tematy:
adolescents
aggression
criminal acts
externalizing behaviour problems
juvenile female offenders
adolescentki
agresja
czyny przestępcze
eksternalizacja problemów
nieletnie przestępczynie
Opis:
The studies indicate that juvenile criminals experience far more negative emotions (sadness, fear and anger) than their peers who did not commit any offences (Iniewicz et al., 2011). It is believed that the attempt to isolate and define the emotions that accompany juvenile female offenders allows to get to know etiopathogenesis of committing criminal acts at the affective level. The study was aimed at explanation of the correlations between committing criminal acts and demoralized behaviour and aggression. Besides, it was assumed that the patients’ characteristics differed in the level and subtypes of aggression. Participants of this study were 120 girls: 59 juvenile female offenders placed in a correctional facility, shelter for juveniles and reformatory and 61 girls selected appropriately according to age and education. The respondents were examined by the Buss–Durkee inventory which assesses general hostility and its subscales, such as: physical aggressiveness, verbal aggressiveness, indirect aggressiveness, negativism, suspiciousness, resentment, irritability, and sense of guilt. The data analyses show that juvenile female offenders differ statistically significantly from girls in the control group within general hostility and its two subtypes: negativism and irritability. These studies indicate that juvenile female offenders with a higher irritability come from small towns and villages.
Badania pokazują, że nieletni przestępcy doświadczają znacznie więcej negatywnych stanów emocjonalnych (smutku, strachu i gniewu) niż ich rówieśnicy, którzy nie weszli na drogę przestępczości (Iniewicz et al., 2011). Wyodrębnienie i zdefiniowanie emocji, które towarzyszą nieletnim sprawcom czynów przestępczych, pozwala na poznanie etiopatogenezy dokonywania czynów przestępczych na poziomie afektywnym. Celem badań było zbadanie związków pomiędzy popełnianiem przestępstw i zachowaniami z kręgu demoralizacji a agresją. Założono również, iż charakterystyki badanych różnią się pod względem poziomu agresji i jej podtypów. W badaniach wzięło udział 120 dziewcząt: 59 nieletnich przestępczyń, które były umieszczone w młodzieżowym ośrodku wychowawczym, schronisku dla nieletnich bądź zakładzie poprawczym, oraz 61 dziewcząt dobranych odpowiednio pod względem wieku i wykształcenia. Respondentki zostały przebadane kwestionariuszem „Nastroje i Humory” A.H. Bussa i A. Durkee, który bada agresję i takie jej podtypy, jak: napastliwość fizyczna, napastliwość słowna, napastliwość pośrednia, negatywizm, podejrzliwość, uraza, drażliwość oraz poczucie winy. Z analiz danych wynika, iż nieletnie sprawczynie czynów przestępczych różnią się istotnie statystycznie od dziewcząt z grupy kontrolnej w zakresie agresji ogólnej i dwóch jej podtypów – negatywizmu i drażliwości. Niniejsze badania pokazują, że nieletnie przestępczynie, które miały większą tendencję do drażliwości, pochodziły z mniejszych miejscowości.
Źródło:
Psychiatria i Psychologia Kliniczna; 2014, 14, 4; 250-258
1644-6313
2451-0645
Pojawia się w:
Psychiatria i Psychologia Kliniczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Znaczenie wybranych okoliczności diagnostycznych dla projektowania procesu resocjalizacji nieletnich sprawców czynów zabronionych
The Meaning of Selected Diagnostic Circumstances for Process of Resocialization of Juvenile Delinquents
Autorzy:
Wach, Tomasz
Włodarczyk-Dziadosz, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1811467.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
nieletni
czyny zabronione
zaburzenia zachowania i emocji
zaburzenia osobowości
resocjalizacja
schronisko dla nieletnich
juvenile delinquent
criminal act
behaviour disorders
resocialization
disfunctional family
tutor
Opis:
The article discusses the issue of behavior of juvenile offenders (juvenile offenders’ behavior) during their stay in resocialization institutions. The main subjects discussed in the article are: the meaning of personality disorders, addiction to psychoactive substances, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. All analyses are based on the examples of the research on juvenile delinquents and their families. The article also includes references to the social and legal situation of the juvenile delinquents and their families. It indicates possibilities for undertaking effective resocialization (rehabilitation) efforst towards juvenile delinquents.
Źródło:
Roczniki Pedagogiczne; 2012, 4(40), 3; 143-166
2080-850X
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Pedagogiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Chuligaństwo stadionowe jako samodzielne zjawisko społeczne i przedmiot regulacji prawnych. Zarys problematyki
Stadium hooliganism as an independent social phenomenon and object of legal regulations. An introduction
Autorzy:
Sochacka, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698955.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość stadionowa
chuligaństwo
polityka kryminalna
sytuacyjne zapobieganie przestępczości
stadium hooliganism
deviant behaviour
criminalization
criminal control
Opis:
The current form of the phenomenon termed stadium hooliganism differs substantially to the form characteristic of 1960-1970s, and even 1980s. This is, on one hand, a result of change in deviant behaviour of spectators, on the other hand a result of material change in what behaviours are labelled, and thus controlled, by the state. While initially hooliganism consisted in acts of violence and vandalism on stadiums and in their immediate vicinity, deviant behaviours of spectators fundamentally changed with time. Re-design of stadiums, introduction of exclusively numbered seats and tickets, spectator video surveillance, ticket sale control systems, and many other technical measures to eliminate the sense of anonymity in the football fans – along with extension of the catalogue of football-related behaviours which are criminalised – resulted in relative safety of European, and to less extent Polish, stadiums. This resulted in transfer of deviant behaviour of spectators outside stadiums. At present, two types of behaviours are commonly considered in relation to stadium hooliganism. First, all deviant behaviours of (some) spectators manifested on the stadium or in its immediate vicinity in strict temporal and spatial relation to a match. Second, all other deviant behaviours of (some) spectators manifested outside stadiums and in less and less strict temporal, emotional and spatial relation to a sport event. Until 1985 penal policy towards stadium hooliganism – on the tier of national regulations, international cooperation, legal acts by European organs and UEFA – was surprisingly uniform in perception of the phenomenon as a social problem which does not require any particular methods or measure of control and which does not require any particular legislation. 1985 was a turning point as far as legal position of the phenomenon is concerned. Accepting in Strasbourg on 19 August 1985 the European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports Events and in particular at Football Matches by Council of Europe initiated an entirely new approach to the policy of prevention of the phenomenon. Since 1985, legal acts concerning stadium hooliganism have been passed both on national and international level. Stadium hooliganism was termed a serious social problem in the area of public order solution of which requires introduction and implementation of particular legal regulations and particular methods of supervision and control. Including stadium hooliganism into the category of social phenomena which carry a risk for functioning of the society as a whole, such as terrorism, delinquency of immigrants, juvenile delinquency or drug addiction is an effect of wider transformations in European penal policy which have been present since the end of 1970s. This is related to emergence of strong tendencies towards politicisation of internal security issues at the time.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 223-248
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Środek karny zakazu wstępu na imprezę masową w systemie prawa karnego
The penal measure of mass event entry ban in the system of criminal law
Autorzy:
Melezini, Mirosława
Sakowicz, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698953.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość stadionowa
chuligaństwo
polityka kryminalna
stadium hooliganism
deviant behaviour
criminalization
criminal control
Opis:
The publication discusses the nature, premises, and methods of sentencing a penal measure consisting in prohibition of entry to mass events. The first part shows legal solutions accepted in the European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports Events and in particular at Football Matches accepted on 19 August 1985 by Council of Europe. It is recognised at one of the most important international documents providing for the fight with stadium hooliganism. Although the Convention’s aim is to prevent and control incidents by football spectators, provisions of the Convention apply also to other disciplines which might posit the risk of acts of violence and incidents by spectators (article 1 paragraph 12 of the Convention). Subsequently, there follows an analysis of legal solutions accepted in the current Act of 20 march 2009 on Mass Events Safety and the former Act of 22 January 1997 on Mass Events Safety. In particular, the focus was placed on the evolution of the prohibition of entry to a mass event and the definition of a legal mass event which at present is no longer based on the number of participants predicted by the organiser but on the number of places made available by the organiser. It is a result of common malpractice practice of organisers who used to omit the requirements by declaring less people than were actually expected. 2. Second part of the publication presents statistical data concerning contraventions related to mass sport events between 1999 and 2009 in Poland. The data show that there is a decreasing tendency in mass contraventions and hooligan incidents. At the same time, the data bring the conclusion that most hooligan incidents were committed during mass events. This may prove that objects where such events are organised are still ill-equipped but also that the organisers fail to observe their duties, imposed on them by the Act on Mass Events Safety. This part of publication also drafts a profile of the perpetrators of hooligan events. The study shows they are unmarried males between 15 and 25 with primary or secondary education and without a previous criminal record. 3. Part three of the publication is an analysis of normative solutions of the penal measure consisting in prohibition of entry to mass events. It includes provisions of Criminal Code, Petty Offences Code and Act of 20 march 2009 on Mass Events Safety. The analysis brings a conclusion that introduction of mass entry event ban served the purpose of increasing the safety of mass events and excluding persons who posit a risk to said safety. Thus, introduction of such legal solution to Polish law should be undisputable. Doubts can be raised only if particular solutions are examined, for instance the interpretation of “personal appearance” in a police station during a mass event.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 249-274
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcja podkultury przemocy a wyjaśnianie przestępczości agresywnej
The subculture of violence thesis and explaining violent criminal behavior
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699216.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
subkultura
przestępczość agresywna
pojęcie kulturowe
zachowanie
przemoc
brutalny przestępca
zachowanie jednostek
teoria
koncepcja
subculture
aggressive crime
concept cultural
behaviour
violence
violent criminal
individuals behavior
theory
concept
Opis:
This article dears with some problems related to application of Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti's subculture of violence theory explanation of violent criminal behaviour. Wolfgang and Ferracuti adopted in their concept cultural  approach to explanation of crime in general, and violent crime in  particular. Doing so, they rejected openly usefulness in this particular area of Merton’s anomie theory. They adopted so-called normative theory of culture, when means that they understand under the term culture a normative system consisting of values, norms and behavioral patterns, which exert pressure over individuals being under their influence, what results in uniformity of human behaviour. Application of this concept in criminology means that there may exist specific normative systems containing such values and norms which may lead individuals influenced by them to criminal behaviour. In other words it means, that when we observe within certain social group high criminality rates, higher than the average ones in a given society we may explain  them in terms of  the specific features of the culture of this group. This way of thinking is not totally new in American criminological literature. The best example of it constitutes W.B. Miller’s concept of flower-class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency. Wolfgang and Ferracuti claim that disproportionately high rates of violent crimes among and members of American lower-class (especially members of ethnic minorities) result from specific subculture existing within this social group, which they call subculture of violence. This subculture is the specific normative system which is characterized by tolerance and permissiveness which respect to the use of violence in interpersonal relations. The use of violence is  perceived by members of such subculture as something normal and natural, they do not consider it as either illegal or immoral. On the contrary, violent people showing physical prowess and readiness of high enjoy many social rewards, high social status and prestige. People who do not conform to the requirements of such subculture face many troubles within their groups, including even possible ostracism.             Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept contains evidently two separate layers. The first one, sociological, deals with subculture of violence as a social phenomenon and the problems related to the existence, functioning and transmission of violence related norms and values within society. The concept of subculture itself plays here a key role. The second one, psychological, deals with psychological consequences for the individuals of being under influence of such subcultural ethos. The main concern here are changes in attitudes and ways of perceiving environment resulting from the adoption of subcultural values, which one observes among violent people. These two layers are connected by very important thesis that aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour deeply internalised in the personalities of individuals. As it was said before subculture of violence thesis was conceived by Wolfgang and Ferracuti primarily to explain excessively high rates of violent crime among members of American lower class. But they point out as well to other examples of such subcultures as for example barbaricino code in Sardinia, customary vendetta in Albanova district in Italy, Colombian violencia or ,,criminal tribes'' in India. All  this means that they treat their concept as a broader integrated criminological theory of violent criminal behaviour not limited to specific American context.      One can point out to many attempts in the USA at empirical verification of the violent subculture thesis. First of all it is necessary to mention researches done by S. Ball-Rokeach and H. Erlanger. They attempted to verify Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's claims that there must exist significant differences in value systems and attitudes towards the use of violence between violent and non-violent persons, and that people who engage very often in violent incidents enjoy within their communities many social rewards including high status and prestige. The subculture of violence thesis was also used to explain a well-known in the American literature phenomenon of excessively high rates of violent crimes, especially homicides in the southern states. Among attempts at cultural explanations of this phenomenon one can point out first of all to contributions by Hackney, Gastill and Erlanger as well. All mentioned above researches hardly brought conclusive results. They involve many methodological shortcomings' and generally speaking seem to be too simply conceived, using too crude tools to pretend to be real tests of the subculture of violence thesis. This concept still awaits real, comprehensive attempt at empirical verification.             When evaluating Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept from the theoretical point of view one has to start from the proposition which seems - as it was said before-to constitute the core of the entire concept: aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour. At this moment it is easy to observe similarity with E. D. Sutherland's differential association theory. Sutherland was speaking about conflict between criminal and non-criminal cultures. Existence of this conflict made it possible for an individual to have contacts with patterns of both criminal and law-abiding behaviour.  Prevalence of one of them in the immediate environment of the individual decided about its future behavior. Very similarly Wolfgang and Ferracuti speak about the conflict between dominant culture (which they call non-violent culture) and subculture (which they call subculture of violence). This conflict makes possible differential association in the Sutherland’s meaning of the term. There is however one important difference. Sutherland, as it is well know, was strongly influenced in his thinking by G. H. Mead’s symbolic interactionism and sociology of Ch. H. Cooley, what resulted in particular attention paid to the primary social groups  and direct interaction. For Sutherland the process of learning criminal behaviour could take place only by means of direct interaction within primary social groups. It is not easy to interpret Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti’s theory with respect to this problem, as they are not very explicit within the subculture. It makes it necessary to  carry out a more detailed analysis of what they understand under the term subculture. They say on the one hand that the concept of subculture is strictly connected with the concept of social group. It seems however that this last concept they understand very broadly, when they say that individuals  sharing certain values, norms and behavioral patterns constitute social  groups. This means that under the term subculture they understand just individuals sharing particular norms and values, at least partly distinct from those existing in the dominant culture. This means as well that such sharing of values does not require direct interaction between individuals. It leads finally to a very important statement that subculture may exist widely dispersed spatially. It is necessary to underline that such understanding of the term subculture is not totally alien even to the contemporary adherents  of symbolic interactionism. An article by A. Fine and S. Kleinman constitutes clear example. The essence of this approach is an attempt to avoid ,,reification’’-as above authors call it-of the concept of subculture, what means equaling it with certain social structure, in other words social group. It seems however that one should not press this point of view to the extreme. Interpretation of the meaning of the term culture in terms of individuals behaviour is quite popular in social anthropology, to mention only R. Linton. But it may lead also to certain consequences absurd from sociological and behaviour point of view. It may mean that if somebody behaves in a certain way, he adheres to certain norms and values of which his behaviour is a result. If not, it means that he  does not adhere to them. In fact, it is a great simplification from the point of view of the mechanisms of human behaviour. In such a situation the concept of subculture lacks clear empirical meaning and loses its explaining potential. It seem  that Wolgang's and Ferracuti's stance results from a very individualistic approach paying attention only to the relation culture-individual, while neglecting a very important one: culture-social group.  Very helpful in solving presented above problems may be more detailed analysis of the psychological mechanisms of learning. What is interesting is that Wolfgang and Ferracuti do not go into details with respect to this, and mention only eventual usefulness of either Eysenck's or Bandura’s concepts. This lust one seems to be particularly suitable for the purposes of interpreting subculture of violence concept. Bandura's concepts of observational learning, as well as clear distinction between learning and performance, and analysis of the process of learning from three separate points of view, i.e. acquisition mechanisms instigation mechanism and maintenance mechanisms may be here particularly useful. It means that subculture of violence supplies to individual patterns of violence and aggression which are observed, memorized and in this way learned. It is also obvious that these patterns are not supplied by abstract subculture itself, but by behaviour of other individuals in the immediate environment. It is clear however that there are no people who behave constantly violently, what Wolfgang and Ferracuti admit, but do not elaborate on it. Learned violent patterns may result in violent behaviour only sometimes, when they meet necessary instigating stimuli. They may become more consistent and durable behavioral patterns only when necessary maintaining mechanisms come into being. It is obvious that subculture of violence may, serve as the supplier of both instigating and maintaining mechanisms. Especially these last may be very important. Bandura provides a very important distinction between internal and external control of human behaviour .Internal control means rewards, reinforcements coming from the individual's self. Here internalized values and norms come into action and play on important role. Behaviour, being in accordance with them brings satisfaction to the individual. This aspect of maintaining mechanisms constiutes main subject for Wolfgang and Ferracuti. But there is another one: external control, reinforcements, rewards coming from social environment, from social groups. Wolfgang and Ferracuti pay less attention or almost none to this aspect, because to analyse it one has to connect the meaning of the term subculture with the term social group, what they refuse to do. External control can not be an attribute of subculture itself. It is the function of groups. When one recognizes that subcultural system may be analysed only as a normative system of given- social groups, the possible influence of it becomes much broader. In such an interpretation subcultural influence is not limited only to mechanisms of internal control. Individuals may behave violently because they receive many external rewards for such behaviour. Because of this violent behaviour does not have necessarily to bring special satisfaction to the individual. Such behaviour may result from well known in social psychology mechanisms of group pressure and conformity with group standards.    In sum, it seems to be very profitable to use Bandura’s social learning theory to interpret and to broaden Wolfgang's and Ferracuti’s subculture of violence thesis. It is necesary of course to modify their use of the term subculture and connect it strictly with social structures and groups. In such a situation subcultural influence from the psychological point of view may not be limited to the mechanisms of internal control but extended to the external control by social groups, -what makes possible application of the theory as a theory of violent behaviour in general.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 7-42
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-7 z 7

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