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Tytuł:
Intelectualul român în tranziţie. Poziţionări după 1989
The Romanian Intellectual in Transition. Repositionings after 1989
Autorzy:
Ivancu, Ovidiu
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1050891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
intellectuals
Post-communism
Communism
transition
ideology
Opis:
The present paper aims at analysing the trajectories of the Romanian intellectuals immediately after the Revolution in 1989, and the fall of Communism. During the Communist years, the term itself (intellectual) had been used with ideological connotations. The intellectual (as a social value) was discussed according to the Marxist ideology, taking into consideration his concrete usefulness and his contribution to the Communist society. Immediately after 1989, the fundamental dilemma faced by the Romanian intellectual represents the necessity of the implication of the intellectuals inside the society or, on the contrary, the isolation in an Ivory Tower of creation. The second challenge aimed at the necessity of synchronizing the Romanian elite with the European one; the topics for debate in Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War were fundamentally different. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the influence and the commitment of the Romanian intellectuals in reshaping the Post-Communist Romanian society.
Źródło:
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia; 2014, 41, 2; 3-13
0137-2475
2084-4158
Pojawia się w:
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Two Periods of the Peripheric Capitalist Development: Pre-Communist and Post-Communist Eastern Europe in Comparison
Autorzy:
Norkus, Zenonas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810903.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
Eastern Europe
catching-up development
pre-communism
communism
post-communism
Opis:
In the long term perspective two post-communist decades in the Eastern Europe weremost recent attempt to close the economic development gap with the West after the communist “detour from the periphery to the periphery” (Iván Berend). The 1989 revolutions involved the restoration of capitalism and new integration into the capitalist world system. The paper compares the performance of post-communist capitalism in the reduction of the economic disparity with that of the pre-communist capitalism in 1913–1938. For almost all countries covered by the long-time diachronic comparison, the periods of catching up alternated with those of falling behind. All Eastern European countries except Romania decreased during pre-communist period their GDP gap separating them from the capitalist world system hegemonic power (U.S.). The catching-up performance of post-communist countries widely varies: best performers during post-communist time performed better than the best performers in the 1913–1938 period, while the worst failures under post-communism performed worse than the weakest performers in 1913–1938.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2015, 190, 2; 131-151
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A ‘Golden Twenty Years’, or a Bad Stepmother? Czech Communist and Post-Communist Narratives on Everyday Life in Interwar Czechoslovakia
Autorzy:
Holubec, Stanislav
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/601767.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
First Czechoslovak republic
communism
Post-communism
narratives
historical memory
Opis:
The article deals with the narratives on the First Czechoslovak Republic in the Czech communist and post-communist public discourse. It is argued that the attitude to the First Republic played an important role in the political history of the Czech society in the second half of the twentieth century. The article shows that the negative narratives on this period were of key importance for the legitimisation of the communist regime whilst the positive narratives were an essential component in the discourse of anti-communists, supporters of the democratic reforms and the dissident movement in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1989 revolution was interpreted both as the return to the success of the First Republic democracy and economic system, and as the imagined return from the East to the West.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2014, 110
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Borys Jelcyn jako przywódca polityczny
Boris Yeltsin as a political leader
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/619816.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Russia
Yeltsin
Communism
democratization
post-Communism
Rosja
Jelcyn
komunizm
demokratyzacja
postkomunizm
Opis:
Boris Yeltsin successfully led to the fall of the USSR and the monopolization of power. However, he was not mentally prepared to be the leader of the nation during the transformation in the 1990s. He did not attempt to consolidate the state, but rather to build his own leadership. The power system he had created became the foundation upon which the authoritarian regime of Vladimir Putin was formed. It was Yeltsin who taught the Russian elite how to bend and even dodge democratic procedures, how to dismiss and marginalize the opposition, appropriate mass media and corrupt journalists; how to incapacitate politicians and intelligentsia; how to push society away from influencing political life; how to disintegrate and disregard political life. All these factors triggered a social longing for stability and the rule of a “strong hand.” Yeltsindiscouraged Russians from democracy and the free market, allowed the emergence of Russian “oligarchism,” restored Russia’s old perception of international reality, and legalized state violence. In fact, it was not about ideology, but about the people who stood in his way. Many elements of the Soviet state were intentionally adopted by Yeltsin. In this way, a specific transposition of communism took place. Its imperial, social and political power was adapted to the idea of new Russia. Yeltsin undoubtedly contributed to the creation of independent Russia, but the whole sphere of freedom was only an active development of the changes initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev. 
Borys Jelcyn bardzo sprawnie doprowadził do rozwiązania ZSRRi zmonopolizowania władzy, nie był jednak mentalnie przygotowany do tego, by być przywódcą narodu w okresie transformacji lat 90. W jego działaniach nie widać było zamiaru umocnienia, konsolidacji państwa, a jedynie chęć umocnienia własnego przywództwa. Budowany przez niego system władzy stał się fundamentem, na którym powstał reżim autorytarny Władimira Putina. To właśnie Jelcyn nauczył rosyjskie elity, jak naginać, anawet omijać procedury demokratyczne jak lekceważyć i marginalizować opozycję, zawłaszczać środki masowej informacji ikorumpować dziennikarzy; jak ubezwłasnowolnić polityków iinteligencję; jak odsuwać społezeństwo od wpływu na życie polityczne; w jaki sposób życie to dezintegrować lekceważyć, wywołał społeczną tęsknotę za stabilizacją i rządami „silnej ręki”,zniechęcił Rosjan do demokracji i wolnego rynku, umożliwił powstanie rosyjskiego „oligarchizmu”, przywrócił Rosji stare sowieckie postrzeganie rzeczywistości międzynarodowej, na nowo zalegalizował przemoc państwową. Jelcyn zwalczał komunizm, ale tak naprawdę nie chodziło tu o ideologię, tylko o ludzi, którzy stali na jego drodze. Wiele elementów państwa sowieckiego zrozmysłem zresztą przejął.W ten sposób doszło do swoistej transpozycji komunizmu. Jego część imperialną,społeczną itę dotyczącą władzy politycznej zaadaptowano do idei nowej Rosji.Jelcyn miał niewątpliwe zasługi w tworzeniu się niepodległej Rosji, cała sfera wolności była już jednak tylko aktywnym rozwinięciem przemian zapoczątkowanych przez Michaiła Gorbaczowa.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2018, 1; 43-60
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
La Révolution comme catastrophe chez André Malraux et Georges Bataille
Revolution as Catastrophe in the Work of André Malraux and Georges Bataille
Autorzy:
Bowd, Gavin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2020937.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Komisja Nauk Filologicznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Oddział we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
communism
fascism
revolution
sacred
Opis:
In his review of La Condition humaine, Georges Bataille asserts that André Malraux’s novel shows how revolutionary power is based, in its psychological structure, on a catastrophe, on the lasting consciousness of a catastrophe upon which has depended the fate of multitudes. From this reading of Malraux, we will explore the catastrophic vision of Bataille himself in his novel Le Bleu du ciel and his essays for Contre-Attaque, written in the course of the 1930s, but, in the case of Le Bleu du ciel, only published more than twenty years afterwards. In the face of a “rising tide of murder” that seems to make the triumph of fascism and war inevitable, the failure of his dream of a “Popular Front in the street” is embodied in the political and erotic impotence of the troubling character of Henri Troppmann. Bataille’s dead-end contrasts brutally with the publicly committed work of Malraux, who seems to offer an alternative vision of revolutionary fate. But are there similarities between the “committed” novelist Malraux and the “shameful” one that is Bataille? Both writers show a profound interest in the sacred, which transcends a narrowly political frame.
Źródło:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology; 2020, 9; 245-254
2299-7164
2353-3218
Pojawia się w:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Początki resortu sprawiedliwości PKWN. W 70 rocznicę
The origin of the PKWN’s justice system. 70th anniversary
Autorzy:
Lityński, Adam
Ćwikowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/443723.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:
komunizm
sądy
communism
courts
Opis:
W 1944 roku Armia Czerwona Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich wkroczyła na ziemie polskie. Wówczas (lipiec 1944) w Moskwie, na Kremlu, pod dyktando Stalina [na rozkaz Stalina] grupa „polskich” komunistów powołała Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego (PKWN). PKWN faktycznie uzurpował sobie rolę rządu polskiego. Legalny rząd polski znajdował się przez całą wojnę na uchodźstwie [na obczyźnie] w Londynie. PKWN między innymi organizował sądy. Komunistom w Polsce po II wojnie światowej zależało, by dokonane przez nich zmiany nie nosiły zewnętrznych cech rewolucji. Dla kamuflażu zdobycie przez nich władzy miało mieć pozory legalizmu. Dlatego też formalnie zachowali większość aktów prawnych z okresu przedwojennego. Cechą charakterystyczną zmian w prawie w najwcześniejszym okresie Polski Ludowej było to, że ukierunkowane one były na represjonowanie opozycji politycznej rzeczywistej lub wyimaginowanej, ewentualnie ukierunkowane były na dokonanie odwetu na żołnierzach podziemnej Armii Krajowej, na działaczach Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego z II wojny światowej, także na funkcjonariuszach państwowych okresu przedwojennego. Podstawowe akty prawa w tym zakresie wydawane były od 1944.
In 1944, Red Army of the Soviet Union entered the Polish territory. At that time (July 1944) in Moscow, on Stalin’s order, a group of “Polish” communists established Polish Committee of National Liberation or PKWN. PKWN pretended to have a role of the Polish government. Legal Polish government was in exile in London during the whole Second World War. PKWN established, among others, the courts. After the Second World War it was important for the „Polish” Communists that the changes which they had introduced were not perceived as revolutionary. For camouflage the process of their entering into power was supposed to appear legal. That was they formally retained most of the pre-war legal acts. It was characteristic of the changes made in the law in the early years of the People’s Republic that their purpose was to persecute the political opposition, be it real or imaginary, and to take revenge on the soldiers of the Polish Home Army - a military resistance organisation, on the activists of the Second World War Polish Underground Sate and also on the state officials of pre-war Poland. The basics acts which substantively shaped the law in this respect were issued from 1944.
Źródło:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2014, 14/1; 85-99
1644-9126
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Short guide to fiction writing under communism. The case of Romania
Autorzy:
Cazan, Manuela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/638337.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
fiction writing, Communism, Romania
Opis:
The study reviews the circumstances under which fiction was published in Romania under the 50 years of communism – censorship, writers’ associations, publishing houses – and illustrates them with Norman Manea’s essays in his volume On Clowns: the Dictator and the Artist.
Źródło:
Romanica Cracoviensia; 2015, 15, 3
2084-3917
Pojawia się w:
Romanica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przemoc i władza – pytanie o bezpieczeństwo w warunkach komunikacyjnej opresji. Mitologia powtórzonego komunizmu
Violence and Power – the Question about Security in the Conditions of Communicative Oppression. Mythology of Repeated Communism
Autorzy:
Kurkiewicz, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521602.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
violence
power
security
communism
Opis:
The reality of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, which on the one hand has eradicated the notion of violence from the ideational sphere, the sphere of constructing social-political entities, on the other hand, by eradicating violence as a tool of building new social orders, has kept and appropriated its modus, or the ways of organizing of the world, its time and space, associated with the conditions of violence. In the modern and postmodern world, violence turns out to be, not seldom, the basis of sanctioning and reinforcing the mechanisms of power. Symbolic violence – as Bourdieu wanted – the tool of influence by the dominant classes, or the violence resulting from communicative oppression – legitimization of common agreement, consensus, which, transformed into an idea – the basis of the construction of the modern world, are becoming a form of oppression, a form of imposing the only one, worked out as (seemingly) common, vision of this what is and can be a question of a conflict. The sources of such understood visions should be looked for, according to Jean-Luck Nancy, in a particular desire of man, desire, which, when started to be embodied, acquired total forms, and, finally, totalitarian ones: in the desire of transformation of the society into a “masterpiece”. The thing, which was supposed to be cemented by the realized desire (society as a masterpiece), was community, communion [communio], and, finally (as the embodiment of the postulated unity in its total form) communism.
Źródło:
Wschodnioznawstwo; 2018, 12; 309-320
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:
Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rosja Borysa Jelcyna – polityczna spuścizna komunizmu
Boris Yeltsin’s Russia – the political legacy of communism
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621272.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Rosja, Jelcyn, komunizm, demokratyzacja, postkomunizm
Russia, Yeltsin, communism, democratization, post-communism
Opis:
Boris Yeltsin was not able to (or could not) complete the democratic revolution, so he based state-building on the alliance of the old order and the new order. As a consequ- ence, Russia after 1991 was built on the foundation of the USSR, while further problems of the country were solved not by the intensification of democratic reforms, but rather by an increasingly stronger adaptation to new realities of solutions, people, systems, mechanisms and concepts from the communist era. The retreat from democratic ideas of society, and thus the weakening of the political power of democratic leaders, made Yeltsin more and more inclined towards the leadership model he knew from the time of his membership in the Communist party. His elite and interest management system, was in fact a copy of the Gorbachev system. It seemed to be a natural and obvious style of control and better from the state’s point of view.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2017, 16, 1; 93-110
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Temporality and permanence in Romanian public art
Autorzy:
Balko, Maria-Judit
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628431.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
public art, post-communism, monument
Opis:
This paper analyzes the relationship between permanent monuments and temporary art projects, as temporality is one of the strategies employed by Romanian artists to counterbalance the support that the Romanian state has shown only towards monuments and memorials dedicated to affirming its value. The complex nature of public art requires a careful consideration of the different dimensions this practice employs, and for that the Western debate on this matter can be a reference point in understanding Romanian public art. We will be looking at possible aspects of the functions of these two main directions in Romanian public art, as they stand methodically one in opposition to the other, in connection with the texts of Piotr Piotrowski (Art and Democracy in Post-communist Europe, 2012) and Boris Groys (Art Power, 2008).
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2015, 6, 1; 207-216
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polski Wykop, czyli Wschód Andrzeja Stasiuka
Polish The Foundation Pit or Andrzej Stasiuk’s The East
Autorzy:
Sienkiewicz, Martyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/481112.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
Tematy:
East
communism
existence
Platonov
Stasiuk
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to compare and discuss, direct and indirect, intertextual references to Andrzej Platonov’s The Foundation Pit in The East of Andrzej Stasiuk. A. Stasiuk’s novel is an attempt of self-discovery, finding own roots, seeing „clarity of existence”. Autobiographical narrator of the novel often refers to fragments of The Foundation Pit by A. Platonov, which he finds in the past of his grandparents, his parents and his own. Characters in both novels try to find the same sense, hidden truth, despite time and geographical gap dividing them. Traveller from The East, communism child, recalls resettlement and Jewish extermination, in other words about matter annihilation. Image of Poles, Russians, Chinese people and communism creates integral whole and forces to reflect over past, present and future times. Whereas the East, which according to narrator, begins at the east bank of Vistula and reaches to China, becomes a foundation pit, where through fire and destruction, foundations of communism were built.
Źródło:
Acta Polono-Ruthenica; 2017, 3, XXII; 83-91
1427-549X
Pojawia się w:
Acta Polono-Ruthenica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Akcja antykatolicka w Polsce i jej autorzy (1947-1956)
The Anti-Catholic Action in Poland and its Authors (1947-1956)
Autorzy:
Sekściński, Bogdan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512225.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne Adalbertinum
Tematy:
Communism
Polska
Catholic Church
persecution
Opis:
The article investigates the persecution of the Catholic Church in the times of Stalinism, when the political power in Poland was largely centralized in the hands of the Communists of Jewish origin, who were sent by Joseph Stalin from Moscow in order to sovietize Poland. The Catholic Church, which had been defending the sovereignty of Poland for centuries, was treated by Com-munists as a greatest enemy of their objectives. The article shows the ruthlessness of the Com-munist regime, whose goal was to weaken the role of the Roman Catholic Church, and to liqui-date its leading institutions, such as the Catholic University of Lublin. It concisely presents main assumptions of the “anticlerical action” which was authorized by Hilary Minc and Jakub Ber-man. The paper contains legal reviews which indicate the illegal behavior of security officers in relation to Catholics, in particular to those of juvenile age. It argues that, with fighting against the Catholicism in Poland, the Communists infringed the law established by themselves. The article is a result of the many months inquiry in several archive institutes in Poland.
Źródło:
Studia Ełckie; 2012, 14; 247-272
1896-6896
2353-1274
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ełckie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stosunki państwo-Kościół w PRL w latach 1957-1961. Ujęcie analityczne
Relations Between State and Church in Poland in 1957-1961. An Analytical Approach
Autorzy:
Truszczyński, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512402.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne Adalbertinum
Tematy:
state
Church
Polska
communism
Gomulka
Opis:
In 1956 Wladyslaw Gomulka, the leader of the communist party in Poland, appeared as a deliverer of the nation from Stalinism. Meanwhile, in the second half of 1957 his internal policy began more and more to resemble that which he fought against as a comrade “Wieslaw.” This is truly a historical paradox, in which a revolutionist while gaining political power gets similar to those whose values he previously opposed to. No one imagined that the Polish road to social-ism would lead (even if partially, but still) through Stalin patterns. The period 1957-1961 was a very turbulent time in relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the People’s Republic of Poland. The article presents selected events from that period. In the second half of 1957 the conciliation policy of Gomulka’s government reached its end. The communist regime in Poland started to repress the Church for her alleged hidden fascism and open clerical-ism. The author casts light on such facts which deal with controversies about the presence of religion lessons in school, the millennium solemnity of Poland, ethical issues, social claims of workers, the presence of religious symbols in social life, and the autonomy of the Church. His analyses show that the “thaw” period of 1956 was replaced by the “cold” time of 1957-1961 and the restora-tion of the dogmatic Marxism by Gomulka’s government.
Źródło:
Studia Ełckie; 2013, 15, 2; 141-160
1896-6896
2353-1274
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ełckie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Początek końca demonów zgody. Słowackie rozrachunki z ideologizacją kultury
Autorzy:
Goszczyńska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/677576.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
totalitarianism
communism
culture ideologisation
Bible
Opis:
The beginning of the end of the demons of consent. Coming to terms with ideologisation in Slovak cultureThe first part of the article focuses on demonstrating the process of ideologisation in Slovak culture after 1948, i.e. after the beginning of communist rule. This reveals the initial fascination with the idea of communism among the creative community and its gradual enslavement. Additionally, on the one hand it examines the results of repressive measures of power, and on the other it looks at conformist intellectual circles. The second half discusses how Dominik Tatarka, a leading Slovak intellectual, deals with the mechanisms of cultural ideologisation and writers’ attitudes, which concluded in his fictional-political-autobiographical novel Demon of Consent (Démon súhlasu). This work reveals the writer’s strategy to show how the experience of totalitarianism fits with the concept of biblical eschatology. The writer does not, however, ignore the different idealised communist conceptualisations of the era, and often incorporates and combines visions of the tragic, ironic and sometimes grotesque. Finally, the article also takes into account the wider context of the writer’s changes in attitude and their consequences. Początek końca demonów zgody. Słowackie rozrachunki z ideologizacją kulturyPierwsza część artykułu koncentruje się na pokazaniu przebiegu procesu ideologizacji kultury słowackiej po roku 1948, czyli po przejęciu władzy przez komunistów. Odsłania początkowe fascynacje środowiska twórczego ideą komunizmu i stopniowe jego zniewalanie, będące rezultatem z jednej strony represyjnych posunięć władzy, z drugiej zaś – konformizmu środowisk intelektualnych. Druga część pokazuje rozrachunek jednego z czołowych słowackich intelektualistów, Dominika Tatarki, z mechanizmami ideologizacji kultury oraz postawami pisarzy, zawarty w jego fantastyczno-polityczno-autobiograficznej noweli Demon zgody (Démon súhlasu). Odsłonięta zostaje strategia pisarza, który doświadczenie totalitaryzmu wpisuje w horyzont eschatologiczno-biblijny. Nie rezygnuje przy tym z różnych konceptualizacji zideologizowanej rzeczywistości okresu komunizmu, przeplatając wizję tragiczną z ujęciem ironicznym, miejscami groteskowym. Artykuł uwzględnia też szerszy kontekst przemian postaw pisarza i ich konsekwencji.
Źródło:
Slavia Meridionalis; 2014, 14
1233-6173
2392-2400
Pojawia się w:
Slavia Meridionalis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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