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Tytuł:
Stosunki Polski z Afryką Arabską po II wojnie światowej
Polish Relations with North African Arab Countries After the Second World War
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566908.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Arab Africa
International relations after WWII
Opis:
The main aim of the article is to present different spheres of the Polish relations with North African countries, from the end of the Second World War until the end of the 80's of the last century when political transition begun in Poland. The adopting hypothesis states that despite significant differences in natural conditions, political systems, structure of economies, natural resources, culture and religion, Polish relations with Arab African countries have been developing in an investigated period. The origin of these relations was outlined in the context of global and regional political situation. Polish government supported Arab national movements. Poland established official diplomatic and economic ties with Arabic African countries which have gained independence. Those ties have been expanded in the 60's, 70's and 80's of the 20th century. Besides close diplomatic relations the main field of cooperation concerned economy. Turnover in mutual trade increased steadily, Poland transferred technologies and sold licenses, Polish specialists built transport infrastructure, public buildings, hospitals, sea ports, power stations, refineries, cement factories, textile factories, meat factories, sugar factories and other factories and also whole town's quarters, maritime lines between Polish and North African sea ports were established. Polish specialists carried out agricultural services. Thousands of Polish high skilled personnel worked in Arab African countries as: civil and mechanical engineers, technicians, doctors, nurses, architectures, lecturers at universities, agricultural experts. There were a quite large scale science and cultural cooperation. Few thousands of students from North Africa were educated in Poland. The fundamental changes in global order and political transition in Poland after 1989 caused deep and permanent setback in Polish relations with Arab African countries, especially in economic relations.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2006, 3 - Kontakty polsko-afrykańskie. Przeszłość, teraźniejszość, przyszłość; 139-172
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Intergenerational Transgressions in Re-living War and the Uncertainty of Displacement: A Privilege or a Curse for the Third Generation
Autorzy:
Odrowąż-Coates, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968335.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
trauma transmission
historical trauma
WWII
generations
healing
social pedagogy
Opis:
Transgression is often seen as a negative term; to cross social or ethical boundaries. In this paper, it is defined as ‘blurring of the symbolic boundaries between grandparents and younger generations in terms of the WWII experience’, which leads to living memory of the war, but also to experiencing and re-living the trauma of war and dislocation. It occurs through the immersion of younger generations in family history narratives, memorabilia, diaries and photographs that become a family treasure, owned jointly by the family members. In this paper, intergenerational transgression is analysed as a softand symbolic phenomenon, which on one hand preserves the memory of past, but on the other, cascades the negative experiences onto children and grandchildren. If this is true for WWII survivors, then it should be considered in other cases of long-term conflict and dislocation, particularly in recent conflicts such as Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Understanding the connection between intergenerational transgression of war trauma may aid the process of healing.
Źródło:
Kultura i Edukacja; 2019, 2(124); 55-70
1230-266X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
[Esej] II wojna światowa w pamięci Polaków
Autorzy:
Suleja, Włodzimierz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478051.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Second World War
WWII
WW2
Poles
Polish remembrance
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2002, 2; 51-58
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Organizacja Wojskowa Związek Jaszczurczy na Pomorzu. Nieznany dokument Gestapo – protokół przesłuchania Andrzeja Eljaszewicza – pracownika ekspozytury „Zachód” Oddziału II OW ZJ
Military Organisation Lizard Union in Pomerania – an unknown document of the gestapo – the investigation protocol of Andrzej Eljaszewicz – a worker of the „West” Branch of Department II of the Military Organisation Lizard Union
Autorzy:
Chrzanowski, Bogdan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1193676.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
WWII
The Polish Underground
the Military Organisation Lizard Union
Opis:
The Military Organisation Lizard Union (OW ZJ) was one of the numerous Organisations constituting the Polish Underground. It was set up in October 1939 by activists of the pre-war National Radical Camp. In September 1942 the Lizard Union became part of the National Military Forces. In the years 1940–1941 the „West” [„Zachód” – „Z”] Branch of Department II of the Main Headquarters of the Lizard Union was established. The intelligence network of the Lizard Union covered the territory of the Reich, Gdansk Pomerania and Eastern Pomerania up to Königsberg; it also reached Greater Poland and Silesia. Fighting the Lizard Union, considered one of the most active underground organisations, was one of the priorities of the Gestapo. The first arrests among intelligence workers of the „West” Branch of the Lizard Union commenced in December 1941 and lasted throughout the whole of 1942 until May 1943. The „West” Branch in Gdynia was headed by Andrzej Eljaszewicz. The document presented here is an investigation protocol of A. Eljaszewicz by Radom’s Gestapo on 22 February 1944. Eljaszewicz was arrested on 3 January 1944 in Białobrzegi on his way to Radom. The protocol consists of 21 pages. The analysis of its content allows us to reconstruct the organisation of the structures of the Lizard Union, its connections with the Home Army [Armia Krajowa] and the extensive intelligence activity in Pomerania. It also allows us an insight into members of the Lizard Union. The protocol includes the pseudonym and real surname of the Chief Commander of the Union of the Military Struggle – Home Army – Gen. Stefan Rowecki alias „Grot”. A thorough analysis of the protocol will extend further research on the issue of the Military Organisation Lizard Union, its structure, activity and organisational connections. It shall constitute a valuable document for a future researcher.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2015, 80, 2; 115-140
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Samobójstwa artystów i sposób ich prezentacji na łamach przedwojennej prasy
Suicides of artists and their portrayal in Polish press before WWII
Autorzy:
Teler, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/36085571.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Kultury Języka
Tematy:
samobójstwo
artyści
przedwojenna prasa
suicide
artists
Polish press before WWII
Opis:
Artykuł przedstawia, w jaki sposób pisano o samobójstwach artystów na łamach prasy z lat 20. i 30. Autor analizuje historie samobójczych zgonów pięciu osób: aktorki teatralnej Alojzy Żółkowskiej, aktora i reżysera Józefa Poremby-Jaracza, aspirującej malarki Heleny Niemczewskiej (córki akwarelisty Juliana Fałata), amanta filmowego Zbigniewa Staniewicza i aktora teatralnego Sergiusza Niłusa (Jerzego Alana). Pokazuje na ich podstawie, że przedwojenni dziennikarze żywo interesowali się tym zagadnieniem, a zwłaszcza przyczynami, dla których dochodziło do tragedii. Szczegółowe opisy przebiegu zdarzeń niejednokrotnie zdradzały wiele szczegółów z życia prywatnego gwiazd, zwłaszcza tych dotyczących ich stanu zdrowia.
The article presents the ways Polish press of the 1920s and 1930s used to write about suicides of artists. The author analyses the stories of suicidal deaths of five people: theatre actress Alojza Żółkowska, actor and director Józef Poremba-Jaracz, an aspiring painter Helena Niemczewska (the daughter of the watercolourist Julian Fałat), film heartthrob Zbigniew Staniewicz, and theatre actor Sergiusz Niłus (Jerzy Alan). These instances demonstrate that pre-war journalists took a keen interest in the issue, especially the reasons behind the tragedies. Detailed descriptions of the course of events often revealed many details of the stars’ private lives, especially their health-related conditions.
Źródło:
Poradnik Językowy; 2024, 814, 5; 47-61
0551-5343
Pojawia się w:
Poradnik Językowy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kontakty Aleksandry Kołłontaj z rodziną Wallenbergów (1930–1945)
Contact between Alexandra Kollontai and the Wallenberg Family (1930–1945)
Autorzy:
Ratuszniak, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1194262.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
WWII
Sweden
the USSR
Finland
Raoul Wallenberg
the Winter War
Opis:
The article presents the history of the contact between Alexandra Kollontai and the Wallenberg family. The first meetings between the Russian diplomat and the influential family of Swedish bankers took place in the 1930s during the negotiations concerning the return of the Russian gold kept by the bank owned by the Wallenbergs. Prior to the outbreak of WWII this first female ambassador met members of the Wallenberg family in a sanatorium. Undoubtedly, the encounters of Marcus Wallenberg with Alexandra Kollontai affected the situation of Finland during WWII. Without their common involvement in the case, the history of Finland during the war with the USSR might have been totally different. The backstage information about the relationship between Alexandra and Raoul Wallenberg is also very interesting. Unfortunately, we are unable to answer many questions and clarify doubts as long as the majority of the Russian archives devoted to the secretary of the Swedish diplomat remain secret.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2017, 82, 3; 67-84
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odpowiedzialność odszkodowawcza NRF w XXI wieku – Próba opisu
The compensation responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 21st century - An attempt to describe
Autorzy:
Gruszczyński, Krzysztof Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/485749.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
War reparation,
Germany,
WWII,
Poland damages,
Law and Justice Party
Opis:
Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) is considering whether to seek further reparations from German Federal Republic for the massive losses inflicted during WWII. PiS head Kaczynski described the move as a “historical counteroffensive.” World War II (WW II), which began with the German invasion of Poland in 1939, killed nearly 6 million Polish citizens and inflicted huge material losses, including the destruction of cultural treasures, industry and entire cities. Those crimes carry not only a moral price, but a material one as well: In 2004, Warsaw’s then-mayor, Lech Kaczynski, calculated that the Deutsche Bundesrepublik was liable for reparation payments of some $45 billion dollars (38 billion dollars) for the destruction of Warsaw alone. If one were to extrapolate the amount to include the whole of Poland, one would certainly arrive at a figure 10 to 20 times higher. That would be a sum that could only be paid out over decades and across generations. When one considers that German Federal Republic’s (GFR) final reparation payments to France and Belgium for the First World War were not made until 2010, one gets an idea of the dimensions of such a demand. Shortly after the PiS regained power in 2916 its leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, announced that Poland and the GFR had outstanding accounts to settle from the WW II. He went on to say that the issue of war reparations between the neighboring countries had never been resolved. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, GFR’s foreign minister at the time, answered Kaczynski’s claims with a letter stating that Poland had no legal basis for demanding such damages. He reminded Kaczynski of Poland’s relinquishment of reparations in 1953. Poland’s government did indeed waive its right to war reparations from its western neighbor at the time – yet that neighbor was the German Democratic Republic (GDR). A few other interesting points. The GFR has paid billions of dollars over the years in compensation for III Reich crimes, primarily to polish survivors, and acknowledges the country’s responsibility for keeping alive the memory of III Reich atrocities. After WW II, both GFR and GDR were obliged to pay war reparations to the Allied governments, according to the Potsdam Conference. Other Axis nations were obliged to pay war reparations according to the Paris Peace Treaties, 1947 an early plan for a post-war GFR was the Morgenthau plan with terms that would have essentially transformed the GFR to an agrarian society... This position was completely changed by the London Agreement on German External Debts, so called the London Debt Agreement. As a consequence of aggression by the III Reich much of Poland was subjected to enormous destruction of its industry (62% of which was destroyed), its infrastructure (84%) and loss of civilian life (16.7% of its citizens during the war- 10% of them Jews). It is estimated that damages incurred by Poland during WWII total $640 billion in 2004 exchange values. As of 2012, the GFR had paid a total of $89 billion in compensation to victims of the war, in Poland and beyond, and GFR officials continue to meet regularly to revise and expand the guidelines for compensation. All in all, after WW II 17 % of Polish citizens perished, 62 % of industry & 84 % of infrastructure was destroyed. The capital Warsaw was raised to the ground as a result of Warsaw Uprising of 1944. Poland could not benefit from US Marshall Plan as other countries (incl. the GFR) as the Soviets decided for Poland to renounce it. The GFR paying WWI reparations to France in 2010 (92 years after WWI). Polish estimates of the damage the country suffered are in the hundreds of billions of dollars, with a government figure from 1945-47 putting material losses at $850 billion, not including human losses. In 2004, Kaczynski’s late twin brother Lech, as mayor of Warsaw, put the damages to the capital city alone at $45.3 billion. Poland is the biggest net beneficiary of the bloc’s 140 billion-euro ($164 billion) annual budget, having been granted more than 250 billion dollars since entry. The monstrosity of III Reich crimes, not only against Polish Jews but also others, including the 150,000 civilians butchered during the Warsaw Uprising in 1944, will forever remain a disgrace and an unforgettable injustice. It is all the more so given that hardly any of those Germans responsible for the deeds were ever brought to account. In 2004 a special commission estimated that damages incurred by the Polish capital alone during WW II amounted to more than $45 billion (38 billion dollars). The commission was convened by Lech Kaczynski, then Warsaw’s mayor. The topic has routinely strained German-Polish relations since the national-conservative party PiS returned to power in 2016. On 23 August 1953, the Communist People’s Republic of Poland under pressure from the Soviet Union announced it would unilaterally waive its right to war reparations from the German Democratic Republic on 1 January 1954, with the exception of reparations for III Reich oppression and atrocities. The GDR in turn had to accept the Oder-Neisse border, which gave around 1/4 of GDR’s historic territory to Poland and the USSR. Poland’s former communist government, agreed in 1953 to not to make any further claims on GDR. Poland’s former Communist government waived its right to German post-war compensation back in 1953, as part of its commitment to “contribute to solving the GDR question in the spirit of democracy and peace.” However, many argue that the agreement was unlawful since the government at the time was under pressure from the Soviet Union, and following the reunification of the GFR in the 1990s the matter has faced new scrutiny. As to the GFR the federal government has claimed that its duty to compensate Poland was denounced in the 1950s but insists that it continues to stand by its moral and financial duties to the victims of the war. The GFR hadn’t paid reparations to non-Jewish recipients for the damage inflicted in Poland. The agreement signed by Mr. Gierek and Mr. Schmidt in 1975 in Warsaw, stipulated that 1.3 billion DM will be paid to Poles who, during Nazi occupation, had paid into GFR’s social security system without receiving pension. After German reunification, Poland demanded reparations again, as a reaction to claims made by German refugee organizations demanding compensation for property and land repossessed by the new Polish state that they were forcibly deported from as a stipulation of the Potsdam Agreement and the mentioned Oder-Neisse border. In 1992, the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation was founded by the Polish and GFR governments, and as a result GFR paid Polish sufferers ca. 4.7 billion PLN. There is still an ongoing debate among international law experts if Poland still has the right to demand war reparations, with some arguing that the 1954 declaration wasn’t legal. According to a statement made by the German government in 2017, the reparations issue was resolved in 1953 as Poland declined receiving any payments from the GFR. However, it’s worth remembering that in 2004, the Polish government reaffirmed that decision when, in return, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder promised that the GFR’s government would not support demands for damages lodged by expellees against the Polish government. The decision came about dueto the fact that the GFR had relinquished former eastern territories to Poland as compensation for III Reich war crimes. Poland’s ruling officials are stepping up calls to demand compensation from the GFR for damages caused in WW II, potentially deepening a divide between the European Union’s largest eastern member and the bloc’s biggest economy. Between the collapse of communism in 1989 and 2004 when Poland joined the EU, subsequent governments declared the issue of war reparations from the GFR closed, based on a declaration of the 1953 communist administration in Warsaw and treaties from 1970 and 1990 with the GFR. Presently the Polish parliament’s research office is preparing an analysis of whether Poland can legally make the claim and will have it ready by Aug. 11, 2017 according to Deputy Arkadiusz Mularczyk, a lawmaker with the ruling Law and Justice party who requested the report. One of the reasons that the government is reopening the question may be to demonstrate it isn’t intimidated by the EU’s criticism for democratic backsliding. The bloc has opened an unprecedented probe into Poland over the rule-of-law that’s centered on a government push to strip the judiciary of its independence by giving politicians greater control over the courts. In response to the Poland’s new demand Ulrike Demmer, deputy spokeswoman for the GFR government, said that, while the GFR assumed political, moral and financial responsibility for the WW, the question of restitution was closed. The deputy spokeswoman added, that the GFR has made significant reparations for general war damage, including to Poland, and is still paying significant compensation for III Reich wrongdoing. Further it is stated that the federal government has paid billions over the years in compensation, namely to Polish survivors, for war crimes committed during WW II. The country has also acknowledged its responsibility for keeping alive the memory of atrocities committed by the III Reich. As far as German lawyers and scholars are concerned, the issue was resolved years ago and are not afraid of any possible lawsuit in the International Court of Justice. In 2004, Jochen Frowein, an expert on international law and the former director of the Max Planck Institute in Heidelberg, along with a Polish historian, came to the conclusion that no such demand by Poland had any chance of being upheld in a court of law – and that remains the case today. In his opinion the question has been “legally resolved and definitively settled.” He also points to the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to the GFR, known also as the Two plus Four Agreement. The agreement, signed in 1990, paved the way for German reunification and also made clear that the GFR would not be responsible to pay any further reparations stemming from WW II. Frowein refutes Polish Defense Minister Senor Antoni Macierewicz’s claim that Poland’s 1953 waiver is invalid because communist Poland was not a sovereign state. “Poland’s 1953 renunciation of reparations claims against the GFR remains valid even today. The fact that the constitutional situation in Poland has changed and that it is no longer a communist state does nothing to change the validity of that declaration. Many other treaties that Poland signed at the time have also remained in effect.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2017, 4(27); 81-115
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
History as a Weapon: Second World War Imagery in the Ongoing Russian–Ukrainian Cyberwar
Historia jako broń: obrazowanie drugiej wojny światowej w trwającej cyberwojnie rosyjsko-ukraińskiej
Autorzy:
Pidkuĭmukha, Liudmyla
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/49100369.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
poster
propaganda
“friend/foe” opposition
WWII images
historical past
hate speech
Opis:
The article focuses on the characteristics of military posters employed as an element of the ongoing Russia–Ukrainian hybrid war in the Donbas region. The paper also examines the functions which posters fulfil in times of military conflict and analyses the role which posters play in persuading and mobilizing society, recruiting soldiers, and maintaining high morale among troops. The research material includes posters that were exhibited in 2014–2017, when the most significant battles took place. The article focuses on the verbal aspects of the posters as well as on the visual constructions of “friends” and “foes”. Furthermore, this investigation analyses the Second World War (WWII) images and symbols that have been used in both pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian posters.
Autorka koncentruje się na charakterystyce plakatów wojskowych wykorzystywanych jako element trwającej w regionie Donbasu rosyjsko-ukraińskiej wojny hybrydowej. Bada również funkcje, jakie pełnią plakaty w czasie konfliktu zbrojnego oraz analizuje rolę, jaką odgrywają w przekonywaniu i mobilizowaniu społeczeństwa, rekrutacji żołnierzy oraz utrzymywaniu wysokiego poziomu morale wśród wojska. Materiał badawczy obejmuje plakaty, które były eksponowane w latach 2014–2017, kiedy rozegrano najbardziej znaczące bitwy. W artykule autorka skupiła uwagę na werbalnych aspektach plakatów, a także na wizualnych konstrukcjach „przyjaciół” i „wrogów”. Ponadto analizuje wizerunek drugiej wojny światowej, motywy i symbole z przeszłości, które zostały wykorzystane zarówno w plakatach proukraińskich, jak i prorosyjskich.
Źródło:
Cognitive Studies | Études cognitives; 2021, 21
1641-9758
2392-2397
Pojawia się w:
Cognitive Studies | Études cognitives
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozwój miast a wybrane rozwiązania prawne i kwestie kulturowe
Autorzy:
Kozak, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023556.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
conservation of monuments
culture
legal regulations
physical planning
Poland after WWII
Źródło:
Studia komitetu przestrzennego zagospodarowania kraju PAN; 2017, 178; 32-46
0079-3507
Pojawia się w:
Studia komitetu przestrzennego zagospodarowania kraju PAN
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Niemieckie życie teatralne w Toruniu podczas II wojny światowej
German theatrical life in Toruń during WWII
Das deutsche Theaterleben in Thorn während des 2. Weltkriegs
Autorzy:
Grochowina, Sylwia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/529467.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Miłośników Torunia
Tematy:
Teatr
Toruń
II wojna światowa
theatr
WWII
das Theater
Thorn
2. Weltkrieg
Opis:
The aim of the article is to outline general rules determining the organisa-tion and functioning of German theatrical life in Toruń during WWII in the context of the nationalistic policy carried out by the Nazi authorities in the Gdańsk-Western Prussia Reich District. Apart from discussing organisational issues, the author analyses the repertoire of Toruń’s theatres. It reflects the policy of the Third Reich conditioned by political-ideological factors. The picture of German theatrical life in Toruń during WWII presented he-re allows us to discover general rules determining the organisation and func-tioning of theatres in the Third Reich. Theatres not only provided entertain-ment, but also satisfied the cultural needs of the German population creating the illusory sensation of stability and normality. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the German authorities, theatres were a means of political and ideo-logical indoctrination. The choice of appropriate repertoire and staging helped theatres to play an advocatory role for the idea of the national socialism.
Ziel des vorliegenden Artikels ist es nachzuzeichnen, unter welchen allge-meinen Bedingungen das deutsche Theaterleben im besetzten Thorn organi-siert war und funktionierte. Dies geschieht im Kontext der Nationalitätenpoli-tik der Besatzungsmacht im Reichsgau Danzig-Westpreußen. Außer der Erör-terung organisatorischer Fragen wird das auf den Bühnen in Thorn gespielte Repertoire analysiert. Es spiegelt die Repertoire-Politik der Staatsmacht des Dritten Reiches wieder, die von Maximen politisch-ideologischer Natur be-stimmt war. Das im vorliegenden Artikel gegebene Bild des deutschen Theaterlebens in Thorn während des 2. Weltkriegs erlaubt es gewisse allgemeine Gesetzmäßig-keiten aufzuzeigen, die die Organisation und die Arbeit der Theater im Dritten Reich bestimmten. Theater boten nicht nur Unterhaltung, befriedigten die kulturellen Bedürfnisse der deutschen Bevölkerung und schufen ein Gefühl von Stabilisierung und Normalität, sondern sie waren vor allem ein Instrument der politischen und ideologischen Indoktrination im Interesse der deutschen Staatsmacht. Durch ein entsprechend ausgewähltes Repertoire und passende Inszenierungen erfüllten die Theater die Rolle von Sachwaltern der Idee des Nationalsozialismus.
Źródło:
Rocznik Toruński; 2014, 41; 93-120
0557-2177
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Toruński
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Tutaj jest bardzo zimno…”. Życie codzienne niemieckiej urzędniczki w Poznaniu opisane na widokówkach z lat 1941-1944
“It’s cold round here…”. Everyday life of a German office worker in Poznań as described in her postcards sent home between 1941 and 1944
Autorzy:
Mazurczak, Dorota
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/911653.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Everyday life
WWII
Poznań
Picture postcards
Życie codzienne
Druga wojna światowa
Widokówki
Opis:
W jednej z największych w Polsce kolekcji pocztówek, znajdującej się w ikonograficznych zbiorach Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Poznaniu, znalazło się prawie sto kartek od jednego nadawcy, Wery V. – niemieckiej urzędniczki Stowarzyszenia Rolników Kraju Warty (Landesbauernschaft Wartheland), do tego samego odbiorcy – jej matki zamieszkałej w Hamburgu, wysyłanych z Poznania w latach 1941-1944. Początkowo Poznań był dość atrakcyjnym i spokojnym miejscem pracy w porównaniu z często bombardowanym Hamburgiem – pensja bez podatku, niektóre artykuły reglamentowane w Rzeszy tu bez kartek dla urzędników niemieckich, trzy naloty alianckie. W miarę upływu wojny pogarszały się warunki życia i pracy Wery. Prawdopodobnie obawa przed cenzurą i autocenzurą sprawiły, że nie ujawniła swego stosunku do narodowego socjalizmu. Jej postawę wobec Polaków trudno uznać za wrogą. Czas wolny przeznaczała przede wszystkim na korespondencję, poszukiwanie artykułów trudnych do zdobycia w głębi Rzeszy, wysyłanie paczek ze zdobyczami lub praniem czy ubraniami do przerobienia. Rzadko bywała w kinie, kawiarni, teatrze i operze – jeśli tak, to często z powodu zimna. Dużo pisała o pogodzie, niewiele o swej pracy. Dopiero od sierpnia 1944 roku, kiedy zapanował chaos, informowała o zmianach w jej biurze i o zamykaniu oddziałów zamiejscowych.Pisane przez nią widokówki były uzupełnieniem listów do matki. Lektura całej ko-respondencji pozwoliłaby na pełniejsze odtworzenie życia codziennego Wery V.w Poznaniu.
One of the largest postcard collection in Poland, housed in Poznań University Library iconographic collection, includes a set of nearly a hundred postcards written by just one person, Wera V., a German clerk working for the German administration of the occupied region in Poznań, in the Agricultural Workers’ Association (Landesbauernschaft Wartheland), and sent to the same recipient – her mother in Hamburg in the years 1941-1944. Initially, the new town , Poznań, turned out for the woman to be fairly attractive and a peaceful working place as compared to frequently bombed Hamburg, with such advantages as a tax-free salary, or certain commodities that were rationed in the Reich here obtainable for the German state service office workers without coupons, and just three air raids. However, in the course of the war, the living and working conditions for the Germans began to deteriorate considerably. Wera’s choice of law with which to comply, most likely the fear of the Nazi censorship regulations and, plainly, her self-censorship, made her not reveal her true feelings towards the National Socialism. However, her attitude towards the Poles can hardly be called hostile. Wera V. spent her free time mostly on writing letters, searching for commodities hard to obtain back in the Reich, and sending home parcels with trophies, dirty linen and clothes to be redone. She hardly ever went to the cinema, a cafe, the theatre or the opera – the reason being, more often than not, the cold she found hard to endure. She wrote much about weather, much less about her work. It was only from August 1944, when chaos started to prevail, that she started to write about the changes going on in her office and about shutting down of non-Poznań-based departments. The picture postcards written by Wera V. complemented the letters written to her mother. A closer inspection to Wera’s epistolary output could make it possible to reconstruct her everyday life in Poznań more fully.
Źródło:
Biblioteka; 2009, 13(22); 19-54
1506-3615
2391-5838
Pojawia się w:
Biblioteka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Motywy faustyczne w twórczości Czesława Miłosza
Faustian Motifs in the Works of Czesław Miłosz
Autorzy:
Ćwiklak, Kornelia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/29432363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Miłosz
Goethe
Faust
Faust warszawski
Warsaw Faust
Faustian motifs
Polish post-WWII literature
Opis:
The article discusses the references to Faust by Johann Wolfgang Goethe present in the works of Czesław Miłosz. They appear in his poems, as well as in essays and non-literary texts, e.g. interviews. The references to Goethe in Miłosz’s work are also of interest, especially included in autobiographical statements. The article attempts to indicate certain regularities concerning the occurrence of intertextual references to Goethe’s tragedy, related to the poet’s worldview, his aesthetic choices and biographical context. The considerations included in the article lead to the conclusion that the hero of the tragedy symbolises the content which, after World War II, made it possible to name and understand the processes that led to the catastrophe of war and the rejection of humanity. Faust can be a tool for self-characterisation or an accusation against German culture and the cult of science and progress, leading to the alienation of the individual.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka; 2023, 44; 227-250
1233-8680
2450-4947
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Gunter Scholze, “Wir hatten Glück!”
Gunter Scholze, "We were lucky!"
Autorzy:
Matuszyk, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634845.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
Tematy:
oral history
źródło historyczne
Opole
II wojna światowa
uchodźcy
historical source
WWII
refugees
Opis:
In his narrative, Professor Gunter Scholze talks both about the escape and relocation from the Silesia region to the British Occupation Zone of Occupation in Germany after WWII, and about his family’s difficult beginnings in North Rhine-Westphalia, which after the war became a new Heimat for him and his family. The Scholze family began their exodus in January 1945, when little Gunter was evacuated from Oppeln together with his mother and brother. Till the end of the war the three of them wandered all over Silesia searching for a safe place to stay. When the war ended, they found themselves in Bad Kudova, a place where many Silesian refugees found shelter. This was also the place where they were rejoined with the father. On 9th June, 1945, in accordance with the Potsdam agreement, the whole family were resettled to the British Zone of Occupation in Germany. Professor Scholze often underlines how lucky his family were throughout this time.
Źródło:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej; 2015, 5; 229-257
2719-7522
2084-0578
Pojawia się w:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Skrawki, notatki, drobiazgi, relikwie. O poezji buchenwaldzkiej Zygmunta Lubicz-Zaleskiego
Scraps, notes, trifles, relics. About Buchenwald’ poetry by Zygmunt Lubicz-Zaleski
Autorzy:
Sacha, Magdalena Izabella
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648772.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
-
German concentration camp Buchenwald
poetry
cultural life during WWII
French–Polish cultural connection
Opis:
The subject of the study focuses on the poetry of the Polish-French literature historian Zygmunt Lubicz-Zaleski (1882–1967). The reason for my research was the Polish edition (2016) of his poetic cycle Relikwiarz buchenwaldzki (Reliquary of Buchenwald) which was created in the Nazi concentration camp Buchenwald (Germany) between 1943–1945 and until now was not widely known among the readers in Poland. Lubicz-Zaleski’s concentration camp poetry is presented within the context of looking at the nuances that the Polish and German prisoners’ of war collection of poetry shared about their ordeal while in Buchenwald. I also point out the domination of the German former communist prisoners in access to publishing within the German Democratic Republic after 1945 and because of this the lack of availability of French and Polish publications in East Germany. The main aim of the study was looking at Lubicz-Zaleski’s war poetry and its reception in a broader historical-political context.
-
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica; 2018, 47, 1
1505-9057
2353-1908
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A flawed portrait. The image of Zofia Kossak in the accounts of former Birkenau female internees
Autorzy:
Kowalska-Leder, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/649651.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
KL Auschwitz-Birkenau
Zofia Kossak
post-WWII accounts by female internees
Tadeusz Borowski
Opis:
The article indicates how the figure of Zofia Kossak has been recorded in the unpublished accounts by former KL Auschwitz-Birkenau female internees who during their internment came into contact with the famous writer and activist of the Polish Underground State. Their testimonies diverge from the hagiographic tone which has dominated the known stories of Kossak’s camp experiences, rather resembling Tadeusz Borowski’s infamous post-WWII article entitled Alicja w krainie czarów.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica; 2017, 46, 8
1505-9057
2353-1908
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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