Temat: The political transformation - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Zasady prawa rolnego – stabilizacja czy ewolucja?
Principles of agricultural law – stabilization or evolution?
Autorzy:: Czechowski, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531053.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Temida 2
Tematy:: principle of agricultural law
political transformation
evolution of the principles
Opis:: It has been more than thirty years since, in the pages of “Państwo i Prawo” (State and Law), together with Professor Andrzej Stelmachowski, who is not with us anymore, we formulated the principles of agricultural law for the young, developing discipline of Juridical Science, i.e. for the agricultural law. Dynamic development of the agricultural law in the previous political formation (also continued in the free–market economy) required the formulation of specific guiding principles of this discipline of Juridical Science. The passage of time, the political transformation that took place in Poland after 1989 as well as Poland’s membership in the European Union require verification of the formulated principles of agricultural law. Existing agricultural law as well as the legislation of the European Union and national legislation allow the formulation of new principles of agricultural law and ranking them according to the importance of legal regulation. They include: 1. The principle of intervention impact on agriculture and rural areas by the European Union and nation states in accordance with the objective of the EU Common Agricultural Policy. 2. The principle of productivity including the stimulation of technical and agricultural as well as biological progress by the state. 3. The principle of protection of the productivity of land within the frameworks of the protection of natural resources in conjunction with development of spatial rural areas. 4. The principle of protection of the farm as a farmer’s workshop and of the protection of other forms of land management.
Źródło:: Studia Iuridica Agraria; 2011, 9; 107-114
1642-0438
Pojawia się w:: Studia Iuridica Agraria
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Liturgia między teologią a polityką
Liturgy between Theology and Politics
Autorzy:: Migut, Bogusław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32069150.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: Liturgia
Eucharystia
polityka
teologia polityczna
dobro wspólne
eucharystyczny styl życia
przemiana świata
Eucharist
politics
political theology
common good
Eucharistic lifestyle
transformation of the world
Opis:: Kościół przyjmuje rozumienie polityki jako służby człowieka i społeczności ludzkiej na rzecz, zadanej przez Boga, celowości poszczególnych ludzi w relacji do całej społeczności ludzkiej oraz celowości poszczególnych grup społecznych i całej ludzkości. Dodaje jednak od razu, że troska o dobro wspólne nie może wykluczać wpływu na władzę polityczną, czyli zdobycia i posiadania jej, a co więcej – wyraźnie do niej zobowiązuje. Ta odpowiedzialność za świat wpisana jest w liturgię kosmiczną i w konkretną celebrację liturgiczną, zwłaszcza eucharystyczną. W niej bowiem człowiek obdarowany życiem Bożym jest nieustannie wzywany do przemiany świata w duchu Ewangelii na drodze osobistego nawrócenia. Jak stwierdził Jan Paweł II: „«Głoszenie śmierci Pana aż nadejdzie» (1 Kor 11, 26) zakłada, iż wszyscy uczestniczący w Eucharystii podejmą zadanie przemiany życia, aby w pewnym sensie stało się ono całe eucharystyczne” (EdE 20). Chrystus, stając się pokarmem w Eucharystii, umocnienia wiernych w uczynieniu ich całego życia, osobistego i społecznego, liturgią, czyli miejscem uwielbienia Boga. Celebracja liturgiczna nie jest jednak miejscem i sposobem walki o władzę polityczną, co więcej – czynienie z niej trybuny politycznej, sprowadzanie do roli narzędzia konkretnej partii, niszczy całkowicie jej wymiar nadprzyrodzony i eschatologiczny. Liturgia, podobnie jak Kościół, jest miejscem i sposobem miłowania każdego człowieka przez Boga niezależnie od jego przynależności partyjnej.
The Church defines politics as service for the good of man and mankind. The goal is to integrate the teleological dimension of the lives of individuals, as assigned to them by God, within the functioning of mankind as a whole, as well as the teleological dimension of community life in relation to mankind as a whole. The Church also adds that care for common good cannot preclude exerting influence on political power, that is on gaining and sustaining it. Moreover, the Church expresses an overt obligation that the faithful participate in political activities. This kind of responsibility for the world is part of cosmic liturgy and of each concrete liturgical celebration, especially that of the Eucharist. It is through the Eucharist that man is granted a chance to participate in the life of God and is constantly called to engage in changing the world in the spirit of the Gospel through individual metanoia. As stated by John Paul II: “Proclaiming the death of the Lord “until he comes” (1 Cor 11: 26) entails that all who take part in the Eucharist be committed to changing their lives and making them in a certain way completely ‘Eucharistic’” (EdE 20). Christ, making his presence in an Eucharistic meal, empowers the faithful to make their whole lives – personal and social—a liturgy, that is a meeting space for God and man. Nevertheless, liturgical celebration can never be an arena and a means of political strife. When liturgy becomes a tool in the hands of a particular political party its supernatural and eschatological dimension is completely destroyed. Similarly to the Church, the liturgy is a space and a method of God's granting His love to each man, irrespective of their political orientation.
Źródło:: Roczniki Liturgiczno-Homiletyczne; 2013, 4; 121-138
2082-8586
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Liturgiczno-Homiletyczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: PRAWO WYBORCZE I SYSTEM PARTYJNY BUŁGARII 1990–2009
SUFFRAGE AND THE POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM IN BULGARIA BETWEEN THE YEARS 1990–2009
Autorzy:: MAKSYMOW, KRZYSZTOF
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513148.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:: political and suffrage transformation
changes of running the cabinet
unconsolidated
d’ Hondt method
Opis:: The article presents the contemporary debate about political and suffrage transfor-mation in Bulgaria. Bulgarian political and electoral system evolved between 1990–2009. It is worth noting that it is still characterized by minimal political and party stabil-ity. The swing of the electoral preferences is large, which results in changes in the run-ning of the cabinet. It means that the political system is unconsolidated. By contrast, the Bulgarian electoral system is multimandate and underwent a number of reforms. A great deal of attention in legislation is given to the financial support for election campaigns and to complement it with the d’ Hondt method.
Źródło:: Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2013, 11, 2; 25-39 (15)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:: Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Ostateczność orzeczeń Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w regulacjach obowiązujących przed 1997 r. oraz koncepcje ostateczności orzeczeń Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w trakcie prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego i w projektach Konstytucji
The finality of judgments of the Constitutional Court in the regulations before 1997 and concepts of finality of judgments of the Constitutional Court during the work of the Constitutional Commission of the National Assembly and in the drafts of Constitution
Autorzy:: Orzechowska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/524966.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015-02-28
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: ostateczność orzeczeń
Komisja Konstytucyjna Zgromadzenia Narodowego
sądownictwo konstytucyjne
transformacja ustrojowa
projekty konstytucji
finality of judgements
Constitutional Commission of the National Assembly
constitutional judicature
political transformation
drafts of the constitution
Opis:: Celem publikacji jest omówienie zagadnienia ostateczności orzeczeń Trybunału Kon-stytucyjnego. Dostrzegalną datą w historii tego zagadnienia jest 1997 r., co związane jest z uchwaleniem Konstytucji. W okresie od początku sądownictwa konstytucyjnego (czy-li od 1982 r.) aż do uchwalenia Konstytucji RP dominował, uwarunkowany systemem politycznym, pogląd o braku potrzeby ustanowienia wszelkich pozaparlamentarnych (a tym bardziej niezależnych od parlamentu) form kontroli konstytucyjności stanowio-nego prawa. Skutkowało to tym, że orzeczenia Trybunału o niezgodności ustaw z prze-pisami konstytucyjnymi poddane zostały kontroli władzy ustawodawczej. W wyniku zasadniczych zmian ustrojowych po 1989 r. rozpoczęły się prace zmierzające do uchwa-lenia nowej konstytucji. Formalny początek prac datowany jest na dzień 7 grudnia 1989 r., kiedy to powołane zostały do życia Komisje Konstytucyjne każdej z izb Par-lamentu, a później Komisja Konstytucyjna Zgromadzenia Narodowego. To właśniepodczas prac KKZN dyskutowano nad zagadnieniem ostateczności orzeczeń. W pracy omówię właśnie tę dyskusję i przedstawię koncepcje ostateczności orzeczeń Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w projektach konstytucji, by w końcu przedstawić model ostateczno-ści orzeczeń przyjęty w Konstytucji RP z 1997 r.
The aim of this publication is to discuss issues of finality of judgments of the Constitu-tional Court. Noticeable date in the history of this matter is year 1997, which is asso-ciated with the enactment of the Constitution. From beginning of the constitutional ju-diciary (since 1982) until the enactment of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, a view of lack of need for any extra-parliamentary (and even more independent of par-liament) forms of the constitutionality of legislation dominated the scene. And it was conditioned by the political system. This meant that the Constitutional Tribunal’s ru-ling of non-compliance with the provisions of the constitutional laws have been subjec-ted to the control of the legislature. Work towards adoption of the new Constitution be-gan as a result of a major political changes after 1989. Actual beginning of the work is dated on 7 December 1989, when Constitutional Commissions of each of the houses of the Parliament were appointed, and later on the Constitutional Commission of the Na-tional Assembly. It was during the work of the Constitutional Commission of the Na-tional Assembly when issue of finality of judgments was discussed. In this article I will discuss that discussion and introduce concepts of finality of judgments of the Constitu-tional Court in the drafts of Constitution, to finally present a model of finality of judge-ments adopted in the Constitution of 1997.
Źródło:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2015, 1(23); 49-69
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Poles in the Face of the Political and Social Changes. Quarter of a century after gaining independence in Poland
Autorzy:: Stala, Józef
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/668065.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie
Tematy:: Polska
socio-political transformation
changes of the society
public opinion
Opis:: Financial, political, ideological, sociological, cultural and existential transitions in Poland are experienced as a far more complex process than what it seemed in the beginning. The challenges Poles are facing in a new, democratic society, in some ways, are more demanding than those in a socialist one. In this article, the author presents sociological data, gathered by the Public Opinion Research Centre in Poland, showing the public opinion about the change in the system since 1989. The evaluation of the social consequences of transformation is not unequivocal. 37 % believe that the post-1989 changes brought more benefits than losses to the people. On the negative side, Poles note the increase in individualism and weakening of interpersonal ties. Negative public sentiment grew in Poland especially after 2009, five years after Polish accession to the European Union when the average salary of Poles accounted for about 25-30% of earnings in Western Europe, many people could not find employment in Poland and so they had to migrate to Western Europe.
Źródło:: The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II; 2015, 5, 1
2391-6559
2083-8018
Pojawia się w:: The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Przekształcenia własnościowe Szczecińskiej Stoczni Remontowej „Gryfia” po 1989 roku
Ownership Transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA after 1989
Autorzy:: Kamola-Cieślik, Małgorzata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1595753.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:: the Sejm of the Republic of Poland
the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland
economic policy
political transformation
shipyard
policy of ownership transformation
Sejm RP
Rada Ministrów RP
program gospodarczy
transformacja systemowa
stocznia remontowa
polityka przekształceń własnościowych
Opis:: Przekształcenia własnościowe przedsiębiorstw państwowych były jednym z założeń transformacji systemowej w Polsce. Przebieg ich zmian był uzależniony od zaangażowania rządu RP, kierownictwa przedsiębiorstw, związków zawodowych, a przede wszystkim od sytuacji ekonomicznej poszczególnych przedsiębiorstw.Celem artykułu jest przedstawianie działalności Rady Ministrów RP w zakresie zmian własnościowych Szczecińskiej Stoczni Remontowej „Gryfia” w latach 1989–2015. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy materiału badawczego zaprezentowano uwarunkowania instytucjonalno-prawne tego procesu. Dążono do uzyskania odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: Jakie decyzje podjął rząd polski w sprawie przekształceń własnościowych SSR „Gryfia”? oraz Jakie były efekty działalności kierownictwa stoczni w zakresie zmian własnościowych SSR „Gryfia”? Przeanalizowano w związku z tym wpływ decyzji ministra przekształceńwłasnościowych (następnie ministra Skarbu Państwa) na przebieg przekształceń własnościowych SSR „Gryfia”. Ponadto ukazano współpracę kierownictwa stoczni remontowej w Szczecinie i związków zawodowych z organem założycielskim stoczni. Ważnym aspektem przy analizowaniu przebiegu przekształceń własnościowych SSR „Gryfia” było ukazanie kierunków restrukturyzacji stoczni w celu poprawy jej trudnej sytuacji finansowej i możliwości jej prywatyzacji.
Transformation of the ownership structure of state-owned companies was one of the key principles of the political transformation in Poland. The way the changes were implemented depended on the motivation of successive Polish governments, the executive management of companies concerned, trade unions and most of all on the economic situation of respective companies. The aim of the paper was to present the policies of the Council of Ministers ofthe Republic of Poland in terms of ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA between 1989 and 2015. Based on the analysis of research data, the determinant institutional-legal factors of the process were presented. The main objectives were to seek answers to the following questions: What decisions were made by the Polish government about ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA? and What were the effects of the policies implemented by the management of the shipyard in terms of its ownership transformations? Accordingly, analysis was conducted on the effect of decisions made by the Minister of Privatization (and then by the Minister of Treasury) on the course of ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA Furthermore, the cooperation between the management of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA, trade unions and the founding bodyof the shipyard was presented. An important aspect in the analysis of ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA was to identify the trends of restructurization of the shipyard in order to improve its difficult financial situation and to enable its privatization.
Źródło:: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica; 2015, 32, 2; 85-104
0867-0617
Pojawia się w:: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Rola porozumienia „Solidarność” – ZSL – SD z 17 sierpnia 1989 roku w dążeniu Polski do demokracji
The Role of the agreement between „Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats in Poland’s striving for democracy
Autorzy:: Żebrowski, Waldemar
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11236622.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: transformacja polityczna
„Solidarność”
reforma polityczna
Okrągły Stół
political transformation
„Solidarity”
political reform
the Round Table
Opis:: A modification of Polish political system without undermining the predominant role of Polish United Workers’ Party was declared in the resolutions of the Round Table agreement. However, the election of June and following agreement between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats changed this situation. The coalition between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats was above all realistic and played a key role in the process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
Źródło:: Cywilizacja i Polityka; 2015, 13; 114-125
1732-5641
Pojawia się w:: Cywilizacja i Polityka
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Casus KLD. Dzieje jednego środowiska
The Case of KLD. A History of a Community
Autorzy:: Wojnicki, Jacek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2168169.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: polski liberalizm
Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny
transformacja ustrojowa
myśl polityczna
system polityczny
Polish liberalism
the Congress of the Liberal-Democratic
political transformation
political thought
political system
Opis:: The article is an attempt to scratch environmental portrait „of Gdansk liberals” who founded the Congress of the Liberal-Democratic. KLD came from Gdansk Social Economic „Congress Liberals”, an informal organization set up two years earlier, a grouping of opposition from environmental Donald Tusk, Janusz Lewandowski and Jan Krzysztof Bielecki – the creators of the magazine „Political Review”. National conference founder held on 29 and 30 June 1990, the group formally registered on October 9 of the same year. His program KLD described as „pragmatic liberalism”. He preached the need for privatization and extension of the scope of the free market. He advocated the Polish integration with Western structures, carefully carried decommunization and the ideological neutrality of the state.
Źródło:: Polish Biographical Studies; 2016, 4; 143-164
2353-9291
Pojawia się w:: Polish Biographical Studies
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Der Einfluss der politischen Transformation auf das Familienleben
The Influence of Political Transformation on Family Life
Autorzy:: Pyźlak, Grzegorz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1018421.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016-12-01
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: political transformation
marriage
family
community of people
service for human life
society
the Church
transformacja polityczna
małżeństwo
rodzina
wspólnota
służba życiu
społeczeństwo
Kościół
Opis:: Transformacja polityczna 1989 roku znacząco wpłynęła także na życie rodzinne. Spowodowała w konsekwencji pogłębienie kryzysu małżeństwa i pojawienie się nowych problemów egzystencjalnych. Kryzysy doświadczane przez małżonków znajdują odzwierciedlenie w rosnącej liczbie rozwodów, w społecznej akceptacji tego zjawiska oraz w tymczasowych formach wspólnego życia, w tzw. małżeństwach na próbę. Polityczne przemiany doprowadziły do przekształceń w tradycyjnym rozumieniu życia rodzinnego opartym na: głębokiej więzi rodzinnej, na szacunku dla rodziców i dla osób starszych, na pamięci o przodkach i kulcie zmarłych. Artykuł stanowi próbę opisania zarówno kulturowo-społecznych i politycznych skutków transformacji ustrojowej 1989 roku, jak i ich wpływu na życia małżeńskie i rodzinne.
Political transformation has significantly influenced family and married life. It resulted in deepening of the crisis of marriage and in the appearance of new existential problems. The crisis experienced by married couples is reflected in the growing number of divorces, in the liberal social attitude towards divorce and in the practice of “trial marriages”. The political transformation in 1989 resulted in the change which consisted in the loss of the traditional nature of the family: based on a deep family bond, on respect for parents and for the elderly, on memory of the deceased, on keeping in memory genealogy and on the cult of the dead. Starting a family used to be the most appropriate way of regulating one’s life and of achieving life satisfaction. Social changes of the recent decades caused deepening of the crisis of the traditional marriage through: increasing expectations of the contemporary man towards life, moving from the country to the city, professional careers of women, growing sexual freedom, the hedonistic attitude in life, moral permissiveness, unemployment and emigration. Among other problems which are experienced by married couples and families there are: contracting marriage late in life, introducing the model of a family with only one child, contraception, divorces, unemployment, difficult material and living condition and emigration for money.
Źródło:: Teologia Praktyczna; 2016, 17; 147-160
1642-6738
Pojawia się w:: Teologia Praktyczna
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: The Uncompleted Revolution? The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Post–Communist Reality
Autorzy:: Czyżniewski, Marcin
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594396.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: political transformation
the Czech Republic
communist parties
Central Europe
the Velvet Revolution
Opis:: The change of the political regime in Czechoslovakia, called the Velvet Revolution, is considered as a success story of transformation after 1989. However, in nowadays Czech Republic, the Communist Party still exists – this is the only such case among democratic countries of Central Europe. It makes us ask the question: is the Velvet Revolution completed? The author treats the activities of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a criterion for the assessment of changes in the Czech Republic after 1989 and wonders how strong for the assessment of the transformation influences the relics of the former regime. He stresses that transformation in the Czech Republic can’t be assessed on a comparative scale, because pace and effects of changes were different in different countries, as different was the nature of the previous regimes. The author concludes that the existence of the Communist Party is the natural element of contemporary political reality of the Czech Republic, which negates the achievements of transformation in no way.
Źródło:: Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 60-72
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
Autorzy:: Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine
democratic transformation
political power
technologies of the legitimation
of political power
the electoral process
Opis:: The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Aleksander Koj in the memories of his alumni and co-workers
Autorzy:: Bereta, Joanna
Rokita, Hanna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/702986.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:: Aleksander Koj
biochemistry in Poland
acute phase proteins
regulation of acute phase response
Jagiellonian University
political transformation in Poland
The Polish Community Association
Conference of Rectors of Academic Schools in Poland
Campus of
Opis:: The article presents personal memories of Professor Aleksander Koj’s alumni. Professor Aleksander Koj was a world-class biochemist of significant scientific achievements, a renowned authority in the field of acute-phase response regulation and acute-phase proteins. He was an excellent academic, a true Master, admired and followed by many Polish biochemists. Thrice he served as the Rector of the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. He navigated the University through a difficult time of political transformation in Poland, modernized the management system of the University and led to the commencement of the construction of the new University campus. He was the co-creator and the first Chairman of the Conference of Rectors of Academic Schools in Poland. He will be remembered as a devoted community worker aiming at strengthening the bond between the Polish community abroad and our homeland, propagating knowledge, promoting the concept of European integration, democracy and tolerance, as well as the collaboration between scientists, artists and men and women of culture. He was wise, righteous, and noble. Many had the honor of calling him their friend, and a great many saw in him a moral authority.
Źródło:: Nauka; 2017, 1
1231-8515
Pojawia się w:: Nauka
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:: Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:: We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area
Autorzy:: Kwietniewski, Karol
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521467.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: omnipotence of the Russian Federation
post-Soviet area
Russia’s foreign policy
neo-imperialism
political transformation
Opis:: The following article deals with the issue of the influence of the Russian Federation on countries located in the European part of the post-Soviet area. Due to the diversity of vectors of Russia’s influence, from which article indicates the four most important: economic, military, related to the Russian minority and frozen conflicts. The article answers the question about the omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area, which subsequent stages of the evolution of internal and external policy led to the stabilization and in consequents rebirth of neo-imperial tendencies towards the so-called „Close abroad”. It draw the genesis of the argument from the historical premises of the USSR and the 1990s, as well as the existing links between the former republics of the USSR and Moscow as the center. The article was created using the research desk method on the basis of government documents, the latest studies of that topic, analyzes of leading think-thanks, as well as documents and press releases.
Źródło:: Wschodnioznawstwo; 2018, 12; 205-213
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:: Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: Tygodnik „Motor” jako najstarsze współczesne polskie czasopismo motoryzacyjne . Analiza za lata 1952–1991
“Motor” as the oldest contemporary Polish automotive magazine Analysis for the years 1952–1991
Autorzy:: Ślaski, Robert
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685253.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:: prasa motoryzacyjna
prasa PRL
polskie czasopisma motoryzacyjne
tygodnik „Motor”
historia
PRL
transformacja ustrojowa
automotive press
the press of the PRL
Polish automotive magazines
“Motor” weekly
history
Polish People's Republic
political transformation
Opis:: “Motor” weekly is the oldest contemporary Polish automotive magazine. The periodical in over 65 years of existence has permanently inscribed in the canon of the Polish automotive press. The article describes the outline of “Motor” weekly presence in the press market since the release of the first issue in 1952 until taking over by the new publisher at the end of 1991. Due to the modest number of scientific publications on automotive literature, the author primarily examined the year’s issues of “Motor”. The research part was supplemented by an attempt at theoretical analysis and assessment of the impact of the political and economic situation in Poland in the years 1952–1991 on the content and the situation of the magazine on the press market.
Tygodnik „Motor” jest najstarszym współczesnym polskim czasopismem motoryzacyjnym. Periodyk w ciągu ponad 65 lat istnienia na stałe wpisał się do kanonu polskiej prasy motoryzacyjnej. Celem prezentowanego tekstu jest przedstawienie losów tytułu, poprzez analizę zmian, którym podlegał, zaczynając od numeru pierwszego z 1952 r. do chwili przejęcia pisma przez nowego wydawcę w 1991 r. Badaniu poddano wybrane roczniki periodyku, zaś część badawczą uzupełniono o próbę analizy teoretycznej i oceny oddziaływania sytuacji politycznej w Polsce w latach 1952–1991 na zawartość treściową i obecność tytułu na rynku prasowym. Do przeprowadzenia badań wykorzystano metodę analizy zawartości prasy oraz metodę historyczną.
Źródło:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Librorum; 2018, 2, 27; 87-107
0860-7435
2450-1336
Pojawia się w:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Librorum
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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