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Tytuł:
Strategia polityki zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej w czasach II smuty
Strategy of Russian Federation foreign policy in the time of second smuta
Autorzy:
Skrzypek, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2164860.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-15
Wydawca:
Ostrołęckie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
Rosja – polityka zagraniczna 1992–1999
Russia – Foreign Policy 1992–1999
Opis:
Koniec ubiegłego stulecia był dla Rosji wyjątkowym okresem. Powstała na gruzach ZSRR Federacja Rosyjska, brzemienna klęską imperium i wstrząsana wewnętrznymi kryzysami, musiała znaleźć odpowiadające jej miejsce w społeczności międzynarodowej. Priorytetem nie mogło być już dłużej bezpieczeństwo militarne oparte na olbrzymiej armii. Pierwsze próby skoncentrowały się na utrzymaniu jedności obszaru poimperialnego w postaci stworzenia Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. Rozbieżność interesów byłych republik związkowych okazała się nie do pokonania. Próbowano ułożyć sobie stosunki z Unią Europejską, a zwłaszcza z RFN. Nie powiodła się opcja prozachodnia z uwagi na plany NATO poddania swojej kontroli większego niż wcześniej obszaru. W rosyjskiej klasie politycznej kurs prozachodni miał swoich zwolenników, ale także przeciwników, którzy dowodzili, że ciężar interesów rosyjskich leży w Azji. W słowniku politycznym pojawiły się terminy – euroazjatyzm, bliska zagranica. Zmiany linii polityki zagranicznej Kremla dokonało nowe pokolenie polityków, którzy postrzegali świat w odmiennych realiach, dążąc do nadania mu wielobiegunowości.
The end of the previous century was an exceptional period for Russia. The Russian Federation, which had been elevated on the ruins of the USSR, continued suffering from the implications of the empire’s defeat. On one hand, it was challenged by numerous internal crises that caused its domestic imbalance. On the other, it had to seek an adequate space within the international community. The top priority could no longer be related to the military security, which would be ensured through a giant army. Consequently, the initial attempts derived from an ambition to sustain territorial integrity of the post-imperial reminiscences. This concept was embodied in efforts aiming at creation of a Community of Independent States. Diversity of respective interests of the former Soviet republics appeared however to be impossible to overcome. Furthermore, there were ambitions to settle relations with the European Union and particularly with the Federal Republic of Germany. This pro-Western orientation has failed because of to the contradictory plans of NATO, which aimed at subordinating under its control an area larger than ever before. While within the Russian political class, the pro-Western current had its supporters, it also had many opponents. The later ones claimed that the Russian strategic interests are rather connected with Asia. In that period, the political dictionary became enriched with new terms such as „euro-asiatism” and „close neighbourhood”. Certain changes within Kremlin’s foreign policy were finally accomplished by a new generation of politicians. They perceived the world in a different manner, hoping to pave the way towards a multi-polar order.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego; 2012, Zeszyt, XXVI; 331-344
0860-9608
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wykorzystanie quasi-państw w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej
Using the quasi-States in the Russia’s Foreign Policy
Autorzy:
Legucka, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832875.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-05-05
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
quasi-państwa
zamrożone konflikty
polityka zagraniczna Rosji
quasi-states
de facto states
frozen conflicts
Russia's foreign policy
Opis:
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, w jakim celu Rosja wykorzystuje quasi-państwa w swojej polityce zagranicznej. W teorii polityki zagranicznej państwa dążą do realizacji czterech podstawowych celów: 1. wzrostu bezpieczeństwa państwa, 2. wzrostu prestiżu i pozycji międzynarodowej, 3. wzrostu siły państwa, 4. optymalizacji reguł funkcjonowania środowiska międzynarodowego. Rosja pomaga przetrwać quasi-państwom takim, jak: Abchazja, Osetia Południowa, Naddniestrze i (za pośrednictwem Armenii) Górskiego Karabachu, gdyż dzięki nim kontroluje strefę swoich wpływów w regionie b. ZSRR. Od 2014 r. w Doniecku i Ługańsku na Ukrainie budowane są nowe quasi-państwa, co potwierdza tezę o efektywności tego instrumentu w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej.
The aim of this article is to address the question: how is Russia using the quasi-states in its Foreign Policy? Generally, country’s foreign policy is focused to achieve four main  goals 1) to increase its security; 2) to increase its international position and prestige; 3) to enhance its strength; and 4) to optimize the rules in the international environment. Russia helps to survive such quasi-states as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and (through Armenia) also the Nagorno-Karabakh because thanks to them Russia controls its sphere of influence in the post-Soviet area. Since 2014 in Donetsk and Lugansk (Ukraine) Russia is creating another quasi-states, what confirms the effectiveness of the quasi-states as an instrument in the Russia’s foreign policy. 
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2016, 44, 1; 11-29
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Heterogeneity of the Notion of Interest in Accordance with the International Relations Theory: A Study of Russia’s National Interests
Autorzy:
Sadłocha, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648340.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
national interest
theory of international relations
Russia’s foreign policy
the annexation of the Crimea
Opis:
The category of a national interest is one of the most popular notions used in international relations. It has a polysemic character and is differently interpreted by various scientific perspectives. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief analysis of selected approaches of the theory of international relations to defining interests and correlating the interpretations of national interests of the Russian Federation performed on their bases. The choice of case study concerning the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is not accidental because in countries aspiring to gain world power the concept of national interest is raised while explaining the motives of decisions taken by their leaders exceptionally often. In this article, Russia’s interests will be discussed in reference to the annexation of the Crimea and Russia’s actions towards Ukraine. Those events vividly show the specificity of defining the national interests, based on one hand on the pursue to being a powerhouse and understanding the interests in the category of power and, on the other hand, resulting from the political identity of Russian elites. As a result, an assessment of the scientific utility of selected theoretical paradigms and their use in the analyses of Russia’s foreign policy will be outlined.
Źródło:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal; 2019, 23, 1; 235-259
1641-4233
2300-8695
Pojawia się w:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area
Autorzy:
Kwietniewski, Karol
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521467.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:
omnipotence of the Russian Federation
post-Soviet area
Russia’s foreign policy
neo-imperialism
political transformation
Opis:
The following article deals with the issue of the influence of the Russian Federation on countries located in the European part of the post-Soviet area. Due to the diversity of vectors of Russia’s influence, from which article indicates the four most important: economic, military, related to the Russian minority and frozen conflicts. The article answers the question about the omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area, which subsequent stages of the evolution of internal and external policy led to the stabilization and in consequents rebirth of neo-imperial tendencies towards the so-called „Close abroad”. It draw the genesis of the argument from the historical premises of the USSR and the 1990s, as well as the existing links between the former republics of the USSR and Moscow as the center. The article was created using the research desk method on the basis of government documents, the latest studies of that topic, analyzes of leading think-thanks, as well as documents and press releases.
Źródło:
Wschodnioznawstwo; 2018, 12; 205-213
2082-7695
Pojawia się w:
Wschodnioznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka zagraniczna Polski wobec Rosji po aneksji Krymu
Autorzy:
Legucka, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687118.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Russia, Poland, foreign policy, security dilemma
Rosja, Polska, polityka zagraniczna, dylemat bezpieczeństwa
Россия, Польша, внешняя политика, дилемма безопасности
Opis:
The aim of this study is to broaden knowledge about the conditions/factors, priorities and effectiveness of Polish foreign policy towards the Russian Federation. After 2014, this policy is characterized by a classic security dilemma, in which the continuation of Russia's aggressive policy in Ukraine caused the need to increase the defense potential of the Polish state. The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in March 2014 contributed to changes in Polish security policy, economic policy (including energy) and social contacts aimed at limiting relations with Russia.
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest poszerzenie wiedzy na temat uwarunkowań, priorytetów i efektywności polskiej polityki zagranicznej prowadzonej wobec Federacji Rosyjskiej. Po 2014 r. politykę tę charakteryzuje klasyczny dylemat bezpieczeństwa, w którym kontynuacja agresywnej polityki Rosji na Ukrainie wywoływała potrzebę zwiększenia potencjału obronnego państwa polskiego. Aneksja Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w marcu 2014 r. przyczyniła się do zmian w polskiej polityce bezpieczeństwa, polityce gospodarczej (w tym w energetyce) oraz w zakresie kontaktów społecznych ukierunkowanych na ograniczenie relacji z Rosją.
Целью данного исследования является расширение знаний об условиях / факторах, приоритетах и эффективности польской внешней политики в отношении Российской Федерации. После 2014 года эта характеризуется она классической дилеммой безопасности, в которой продолжение агрессивной политики России в Украине вызвало необходимость увеличения оборонного потенциала польского государства. Аннексия Крыма Российской Федерацией в марте 2014 года способствовала изменениям в политике безопасности Польши, а также экономической политике (включая энергетику) и социальных контактах, направленным на ограничение отношений с Россией.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2019, 5, 1
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
GUARDIAN OF (IN) SECURITY: THE RUSSIAN ACTION IN SYRIA
Autorzy:
de Andrade Gama, Isabela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/484021.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu i Przedsiębiorczości w Ostrowcu Świętokrzyskim
Tematy:
Foreign Policy
Russia
Security
Syria
Opis:
Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria, the Russian Federation has had a role of great importance. Even it is considered sometimes controversial, given that the Russian Federation at the beginning of the conflict has blocked some drafts of resolutions to the conflict preventing, especially that Western powers acted in Syria. Later, with the worsening of the conflict added to the migratory crisis and the establishment of the Islamic state in Syria, the Russian government decides to act incisively in Syria to slow down migration and grounded in the narrative of the "war on terror ". Thus, it can be questioned whether this attempt to bring the narrative of "war on terror" seemed an experiment to test a coalition with the US, with a view to approach history of these two actors previously under the umbrella of terrorism, or even a movement of Russian foreign policy to show that the post-Cold War moment no longer exists, and that this is not a time to see Russia as a defeated country anymore, but a US nemesis.
Źródło:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem; 2017, 1(8) Moldova on the geopolitical map of Europe; 237-249
2353-6306
Pojawia się w:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Concept of Russian Federation Foreign and Security Policy by Eugene Primakov
Autorzy:
Delong, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375016.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
Primakov
Russia
the security policy
the foreign policy
Opis:
The aim of this article is to analyze the concept of Russian foreign and security policy by Eugene Primakov, one of the most eminent Russian politicians of the twentieth century. The article applies research methods and techniques appropriate to science about politics. These include a comparative analysis and a method of historical analysis that enabled the presentation of political events and factors shaping the foreign and security policy of the Russian Federation. In 1996, President Boris Yeltsin appointed Primakov to the post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. The goals and assumptions of foreign and security policy have undergone a thorough redefinition, related to the tendencies noticeable in Russia in 1993–1995. Before, foreign policy had been dominated by neoliberal and Euro-Atlantic options, whose representative was predominantly Primakov’s predecessor as the minister of foreign affairs, Andrei Kozyrev. After the fall of Sergei Kirijenka’s government, Primakov assumed the office of Prime Minister on September 11, 1998 and held it until May 12, 1999. It was a cabinet of political compromise, which was supposed to facilitate agreement with the opposition and the continuation of reforms, although not on the same principles as before. Primakov criticized his predecessors for the wrong political line, the lack of effectiveness of the stabilization policy, which resulted in a fall in production. He stressed that his government did not give up market reform, but called for the state’s participation to be increased. Yevgeny Primakov claimed that Russia should strive to formulate a multipolar system of international relations that truly reflects the multifaceted nature of the present world with the diversity of its interests. Primakov exerted a huge influence on the Russian foreign and security policy of Putin’s day. His political line was carried out by his successors, and above all Igor Ivanov and Sergey Lavrov. The main directions and assumptions of his concepts are still repeated in official documents articulating the Russian doctrine of security and defense, and nothing indicates that this state of affairs has changed, and this in turn carries the threat of destabilization in Central and Eastern Europe.
Źródło:
Internal Security; 2020, 12(1); 307-318
2080-5268
Pojawia się w:
Internal Security
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geostrategic situation of Latvia in relation to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Stańczyk, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31341142.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
security
cyberattacks
geostrategy
Latvia
foreign policy
Russia
Opis:
The work addresses the issue of the geostrategic situation of Latvia in relation to Russia’s foreign policy, which is important for security in the Baltic Sea region. The work uses literary, historical and systemic methods of analysis. The aim of the work is to present the geostrategic position of Latvia. A historical analysis was undertaken indicating the causes of the current geostrategic situation of the country. The conditions and goals of the Russian foreign policy in the Baltic Sea basin and the strategic goals of actors involved in the region of NATO, the EU, the Russian Federation and Latvia were indicated. The main problems of the geostrategic location include cyber-attacks, disinformation campaigns conducted by the Russian media and a real threat to the integrity of the state posed by the Russian inhabitants of the country. It was decided that the Russian population could be used as a tool of pressure on the country’s authorities, especially since the Russian minority, constituting approximately 26% of Latvia’s population, can create its own parties and demand its rights, including demands for autonomy. The forecast of changes assumes that this problem will increase as Latvia struggles with demographic complications. It can be concluded that the smaller the numerical ratio of Latvians to Russians, the more difficult it will be for them to maintain their own statehood in a potential conflict situation with Russia. This is currently the most serious issue in Latvia’s security policy.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2023, 13, 3; 55-62
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Refleksje o historycznych reminiscencjach i podstawowych celach polityki międzynarodowej Rosji w przemówieniu Władimira Putina z 18 marca 2014 r.
Reflections on historical reminiscences and fundamental aims of Russia ’s international politics in Vladimir Putin’s speech of 18 Mar ch 2014
Autorzy:
Marciniak, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901706.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
Tematy:
aneksja Krymu
upadek ZSRR
polityka zagraniczna Rosji
the annexation of Crimea
the collapse of USSR
foreign policy of Russia
Opis:
Rosyjska agresja na Ukrainę w 2014 r. wywołała kryzys międzynarodowy i skutkowała sankcjami Unii Europejskiej przeciw Federacji Rosyjskiej. 18.03.2014 r. w Moskwie podpisano układ o włączeniu Republiki Krym (wraz z miastem Sewastopol) do Rosji. Tego dnia prezydent Władimir Putin wygłosił przemówienie, w którym uzasadniał aneksję fragmentu terytorium Ukrainy. Odniósł się w nim także do międzynarodowej pozycji Rosji po upadku Związku Radzieckiego po kryzys ukraiński. Wydarzenia ostatnich kilku dekad Rosji wypełniły dużą część przemówienia prezydenta. Punktem odniesienia do ich interpretacji zdaje się być teza Putina z 2005 r. o upadku ZSRR jako „największej geopolitycznej tragedii XX w.”. Jego zdaniem od 1991 r. narastał konflikt państw Zachodu z Rosją, spowodowany ekspansją polityczną państw NATO (głównie USA) na Wschód. Rosja nie może zaś dać się zepchnąć na margines stosunków międzynarodowych. Celem rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej jest zatem odzyskanie miejsca, jakie w relacjach z Zachodem zajmował niegdyś Związek Radziecki.
The Russian military aggression against Ukraine in 2014 triggered an international crisis and was causing the European Union’s sanctions against Russian Federation. On 18 March 2014 in Moscow the treaty on accession of the Republic of Crimea (including Sevastopol) to Russia was signed. On that day president Vladimir Putin delivered a speech, in which he justified annexation part of Ukrainian territory. He also reffered to international position of Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union until the Ukrainian crisis. Events of the last few decades history of Russia took up a large part of the president’s speech. It seems that a referent point to their interpretation is Putin’s thesis from 2005 about the collapse of the Soviet Union as “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century”. He claimed that since 1991 the conflict between the West and Russia has continued to grow coused a political eastward expansion of NATO countries (mainly the United States). Russia shall not be pushed to the margins of international relations. The aim of the Russian’s foreign policy is to recover a position that the Soviet Union had in relations with the West.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka; 2020, 2(63); 147-164
1733-8050
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka zagraniczna Rosji. Determinanty, interesy i środki
Russia’s Foreign Policy. Determinants, Interests, and Measures
Внешняя политика России. Детерминанты, интересы и меры
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1957308.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Russia
foreign policy
Putin
Россия
внешняя политика
Путин
Opis:
The paper addresses the conditions, objectives, and measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The first part of the paper presents - both in theoretical and practical terms - foreign policy’s determinants. In particular, it addresses their following types: internal objective, subjective internal, objective external, as well as subjective external ones. The second part of the paper uses the example of Russia to present interests and foreign policy goals constituting an extension of these interests. The author attempts to answer the question how to identify the interests, goals, and values of modern Russia. The final part of the paper presents - again both in theoretical and practical terms - the instruments for achieving the foreign policy objectives.
В статье рассматриваются условия, цели и меры внешней политики Российской Федерации. В первой части статьи представлены - как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - внешнеполитические детерминанты. В частности, рассматриваются следующие виды детерминант внешней политики: внутренний объективный, внутренний субъективный, объективный внешний и субъективный внешний. Во второй части на примере России представлены интересы и внешнеполитические цели, являющиеся расширением этих интересов. Автор пытается ответить на вопрос о том, как выявить интересы, цели и ценности современной России. В заключительной части статьи представлены - опять же как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - инструменты для достижения поставленных внешнеполитических целей.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2020, 2(18); 7-31
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Soft Power in the Current Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation: Resources, Possibilities, Limits
Autorzy:
Horemuž, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1861631.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
Foreign Policy
Post-Soviet Space
Russia
Soft Power
Opis:
This paper aims to analyze soft power in the contemporary foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The structure of the present article is based on the basic normative and methodological definition of soft power. The third and also the main part of the text tries through an analytical approach to map and identify resources and real options as well as discern limits of Russia’s current use of soft power.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2016, 18(18); 50-77
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Kaszuba, Malina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642984.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
reintegration
post-Soviet area
CSTO
foreign policy
Russia
Opis:
Paradoxically, the process of reintegration of post-Soviet area has been taking place since the collapse of the USSR. The motive of Russia’s efforts to reintegrate this region is the historically driven belief in Moscow’s role as a leader in this part of the world, and the strong cultural, economic and political ties that connect it with the former Soviet republics. The former republics of the USSR also feel strong ties with Russia. In addition, the ruling elites feared the future after the collapse of the USSR, especially at the beginning of the formation of their independent statehood, which determined the decision to establish strong cooperation with Russia. Today, after nearly thirty years, the reintegration process still continues although its intensity and the number of countries involved have changed. One of its areas is the sphere of security, which is confirmed by the activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, where Russia plays a key role. In this context, the author attempted to answer the question: What role does the CSTO play in Russia’s foreign policy?
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2019, 1
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ansätze künftiger deutscher Russlandpolitik in Wahlprogrammen von sechs politischen Parteien zur Bundestagswahl 2017
Approaches for future policy of Germany towards Russia in election programs for the 2017 Bundestag election of six German political parties
Autorzy:
FRANZKE, JOCHEN
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625540.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Germany
Russia
European Union
Political parties
Foreign policy
Opis:
In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany’s future relations with Russia are possible.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2017, 11; 147-156
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Imperializm w polityce zagranicznej Rosji carskiej oraz ZSRR
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1900834.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Rosja
imperializm
polityka zagraniczna
Russia
imperialism
foreign policy
Opis:
The aim of this article is to take a synthetic look at Tsarist Russia (from the 17th century onwards) and the USSR through ideas and deeds which marked Russian political thinking and action and involved an intent to extend the influence to other countries or territories.
Źródło:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis; 2021, 1 (28); 139-160
2084-1213
Pojawia się w:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020
Autorzy:
Makaradze, Emzar
Makaradze, Beka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411137.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
Turkey
USA
Armenia
Russia
Israel
Iran
foreign policy
Opis:
At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country. The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region. As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology. Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China. Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 46 (53); 121-147
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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