Temat: Przywilej - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Constitutional Guarantees Protecting Professional Secrecy in the Practice of an Attorney under US Law
Konstytucyjne gwarancje służące ochronie tajemnicy zawodowej w wykonywaniu zawodu adwokata w prawie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki
Autorzy:: Białkowska, Paula
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2189648.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-02-28
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: guarantees
legal profession
attorney-client privilege
Amendments to the Constitution
gwarancje
zawód prawniczy
przywilej adwokacki
Poprawki do Konstytucji
Opis:: The subject of the article is the types and characteristics of guarantees created to protect legal professional secrecy in the USA. It is inseparable from its character and role in the performance of the legal profession. The right to privacy is not without significance for the subject of the article, which is the fundamental value and the core of the relationship between the lawyer and the client. These guarantees are one of the most important factors in the legal protection of professional secrecy – crucial not only for the client, the lawyer himself, but also for the entire legal protection system. In particular, attention was paid to the main issues concerning legal secrecy in the Amendments to the US Constitution, which indirectly create a protective system for it.
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są rodzaje oraz charakterystyka gwarancji stworzonych w celu ochrony prawniczej tajemnicy zawodowej w USA. Jest to nierozerwalnie związane z jej charakterem i rolą w wykonywaniu zawodu prawniczego. Nie bez znaczenia dla tematu artykułu jest prawo do prywatności, które stanowi podstawową wartość oraz trzon w relacji pomiędzy prawnikiem a klientem. Gwarancje, o których mowa są jednym z najważniejszych czynników ochrony prawnej tajemnicy zawodowej – kluczowej nie tylko dla klienta, samego prawnika, ale także dla całego systemu ochrony prawnej. Zwrócono przede wszystkim uwagę na główne kwestie dotyczące tajemnicy prawniczej w Poprawkach do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych, które pośrednio tworzą dla niej system ochronny
Źródło:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2023, 1(71); 255-267
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Przywilej dla osady pod zamkiem w Piszu z 1367 roku
The privileges of the settlement by the castle at Pisz in 1367
Autorzy:: Białuński, Grzegorz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1365931.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Instytut Północny im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie
Tematy:: Pisz
przywilej lokacyjny
bartnictwo
rybacy
zakon krzyżacki
Pisz (Johannisburg)
location privilege
bee keeping
Teutonic Order
Opis:: This paper discusses, in detail, the content of the privileges for the residents of the settlement by the castle at Pisz from 10 November 1367, which were presented simultaneously by the commander of Balga and the Natangian advocate Ulryk Fricke. The commander provided the right to fish freely, maintain apiaries and hunt, and the inhabitants also received the Kulm law, although this was not mentioned in the document. From the beginning, the community also had a clear role in serving the castle garrison, tasked with the economic exploitation of the forest and wetlands. The inhabitants, however, were free, with the status of gardeners, and were referred to above all as bee keepers or fishermen.
Źródło:: Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie; 2017, 295, 1; 23-34
0023-3196
2719-8979
Pojawia się w:: Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Przywilej Kazimierza Jagiellończyka dla Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego z 1447 roku. Kształtowanie się treści na tle tekstologii aktu
The 1447 Charter of Casimir Jagiellon for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Formation of Its Content Through the Textual Criticism of the Text
Autorzy:: Bierastavy, Hlieb
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832815.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-10-25
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:: Casimir Jagiellon
charters of grand Lithuanian dukes
1447 Charter of Casimir Jagiellon for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
grand dukes of Lithuania Chancery
textual criticism
Kazimierz Jagiellończyk
przywileje wielkich książąt litewskich
przywilej Kazimierza Jagiellończyka dla Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego z 1447 r.
kancelaria wielkich książąt litewskich
tekstologia
Opis:: Celem artykułu jest ustalenie możliwych źródeł, z których korzystali twórcy tekstu przywileju Kazimierza Jagiellończyka dla Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego z 1447 r., a także inspiracji pojedynczych jego części – artykułów, klauzul. Badanie problemu możliwe jest m.in. dzięki metodzie tekstologicznej, której jednym z zadań jest zestawienie badanego aktu z innymi tego typu tekstami. Wykorzystując tę metodę do analiz, możemy ustalić zarówno bezpośrednie zapożyczenia poszczególnych fragmentów w przywileju, jak i wskazać na wzorowanie się na formularzu innych aktów.
The article aims to investigate the possible sources used by the authors of the 1447 charter of Casimir Jagiellon for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and examine the feasible sources of its individual fragments, articles, and clauses. The research is made possible by, among other things, the textual criticism method, which concentrates on comparing the text with the other relevant texts. The method allows us to determine the direct borrowings of the individual articles or clauses to this charter and indicate the forms of other acts used as models.
Źródło:: Rocznik Lituanistyczny; 2021, 7; 7-38
2450-8454
2450-8446
Pojawia się w:: Rocznik Lituanistyczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Odbudowa zabytków Wrocławia: jednofilarowy kościół św. Piotra i Pawła na Ostrowiu Tumskim we Wrocławiu
Autorzy:: Bukowski, Marcin
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/535110.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1953
Wydawca:: Narodowy Instytut Dziedzictwa
Tematy:: kościół św. Piotra i Pawła na Ostrowiu Tumskim
lubiąski przywilej księcia Bolesława
Lubiąscy Cystersi
kaplica Piotrowa
pożar na Ostrowiu Tumskim
budowle jednofilarowe na Śląsku
Źródło:: Ochrona Zabytków; 1953, 4; 192-205
0029-8247
Pojawia się w:: Ochrona Zabytków
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Przywilej cesarza Karola V z 1530 roku nadający zakonowi szpitalników wyspy Maltę i Gozo oraz twierdzę Trypolis
Emperor Charles Vs Privilege of 1530 Granting the Malta and Gozo Islands as Well as the Fortress of Tripoli to the Knights Hospitaller
Autorzy:: Cieślak, Aleksander
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1954352.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2002
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: Zakon
Szpitalnicy
przywilej
Malta
władza ustawodawcza
władza wykonawcza
władza sądownicza
cesarz
the Order
Hospitallers
privilege
the legislative power
the executive power
the judicial power
the emperor
Opis:: This article is a short analysis of the provisions of the privilege given by the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles V on 23rd March, 1530, in which the Emperor granted the Malta and Gozo islands (feudal fiefs of the Kingdom of Sicily) as well as the fortress of Tripoli to the Knights of St John of Jerusalem (also known as the Knights Hospitaller) as a fief. The author of the article characterised the interdependences between the Emperor and the authorities of the Knights Hospitaller, as well as the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the state of the Knights of Malta. In the article some fragments of the Emperor's privilege are cited in Polish and in Latin (in the footnotes). The article contains also a short historical outline of Malta and its political system between the 11th and 16th century. The interdependences between the Kingdom of Sicily and Malta are also mentioned. The relationships between the Maltese Catholic Church and the Order of St John are also described, as well as the way of choosing the Bishop of Mdina.
Źródło:: Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2002, 50, 2; 35-57
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Życie religijne cechu sukienników w Bielsku i Białej
Religious Practices of the Cloth Makers Guild in Bielsko and Biała
Autorzy:: Dąbrowska, Ewa Maria
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31339834.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2012
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: cechy
przywilej cechowy
sukno
sukiennik
postrzygacz sukna
guilds
guild permit
cloth
cloth maker
cloth shearer
Opis:: Bielsko and Biała were once separate towns divided along the banks of the river Biała, which was also a state border. The two towns earned their reputation for woollen cloth produced there by local cloth makers. A permit for the cloth makers’ guild was first issued in 1548 in Bielsko, while the guild in Biała was founded in 1667. An intense development of technology in the 19th century, with the rise of cloth making machines, led to a transformation in cloth making from manufacturing to factory production. This is how a big textile production centre came into being, with one of the most powerful textile workers’ guilds. The towns’ location at a flourishing trade route, in the region of intensive sheep grazing – which provided the towns’ factories with wool – as well as rich water and timber inventories – indispensable for the unbroken production cycle – all added to the long-lasting commercial success. An important aspect of the cloth makers’ life was their participation in religious practices in the two towns. Denominationally, the cloth makers were either Roman Catholic or Protestant. The Protestants came to the region from Silesia and from abroad, in the wake of the Counterreformation movement and persecutions of the Protestant populations that followed. They were looking for a peaceful, decent place to live and work. To be a cloth maker, one needed to complete training and gain respective qualifications. A tripartite system of schooling was in practice: student – apprentice – master. The board of the guild comprised the guild master, assessors and a scribe. Guild masters formed a religious community and they were in charge of official celebrations of all church festivals. The festival that was specially celebrated by both denominations was Corpus Christi. The guild funded altars in the local churches to honour St. Martin – cloth makers’ patron saint. Another religious event celebrated by the Catholic and Protestant cloth makers together was funeral, when any of the guild’s member or any of their family members died. All masters and apprentices were obliged to participate in the celebrations. The guild supported its members and the families of the deceased: the ill, the elderly, the disabled, widows and orphans – victims of their husbands’ and fathers’ tragic death, caused by fires, floods, plague or other acts of God. The guild also supported schools and churches of both denominations, a municipal hospital and orphanages. With the rise of the industrial revolution, when cloth manufacturing became textile production, the guild became obsolete. It lost its status and power and was substituted by other institutions, while its capital was taken over by the town.
Źródło:: Roczniki Historii Kościoła; 2012, 4; 23-49
2080-8526
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Historii Kościoła
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Rzeczowe zabezpieczenie wierzytelności morskich w międzywojennej Polsce
Physical Collateral for Maritime Claims in the Interwar Poland
Autorzy:: Dworas-Kulik, Judyta
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1803652.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-10-28
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: hipoteka morska
przywilej na statku
bodmeria
zastaw na statku
wierzytelność morska
pożyczka morska
maritime mortgage
privilege on the ship
pledge on the ship
maritime claim
maritime loan
Opis:: Koszty budowy, zakupu, remontu czy też eksploatacji statku, w szczególności związane z opłatami portowymi, paliwem, wynagrodzeniem dla załogi oraz jej utrzymaniem w trakcie rejsu były bardzo wysokie, dlatego też właściciele statku celem sfinansowania planowanych działań zaciągali kredyty i pożyczki pod zastaw statku lub ładunku. Niewątpliwie rozwój transportu morskiego na przełomie XIX i XX w. przyczynił się do międzynarodowej unifikacji prawa morskiego w zakresie przywilejów na statku i hipoteki morskiej. Potrzeba ujednolicenia przepisów wynikała bowiem z konieczności realnego zapewnienia wierzycielom zaspokojenia ich roszczeń, bowiem różnorodność przepisów poszczególnych państw, szczególnie ilość przywilejów morskich, która powstała pod rządem różnych systemów prawnych, oraz hierarchia ich stosowania ograniczały znaczenie instytucji hipoteki morskiej. Treść przepisów międzynarodowych stała się podstawą do kształtowania polskich przepisów dotyczących rzeczowych zabezpieczeń wierzytelności morskich w okresie PRL. Dodać wypada, iż prawo morskie okresu międzywojennego w dostępnej literaturze przedmiotu jest jedynie sygnalizowane, zatem niniejsze opracowanie ubogaca publikacje dotyczące wierzytelności morskich.
The costs of construction, purchase, renovation or operation of the ship, in particular related to port fees, fuel, crew pay and maintenance during the cruise were very high, therefore the owners of the vessel to finance the planned activities took loans against the ship or cargo . Undoubtedly, the development of maritime transport at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries contributed to the international unification of maritime law with regard to shipboard privileges and maritime mortgage. The need to harmonize the regulations resulted from the necessity of real assurance for creditors to satisfy their claims, because the diversity of regulations of individual countries, especially the number of maritime privileges that arose under the government of various legal systems and the hierarchy of their application limited the significance of the maritime mortgage institution. The content of international regulations became the basis for shaping Polish regulations regarding tangible security of maritime claims in the period of the PRL. It should be added that the maritime law of the interwar period in the available literature of the subject is only signaled, therefore this publication enriches publications on maritime claims.
Źródło:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2018, 28, 3; 35-48
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: MOŻLIWOŚĆ ROZWIĄZANIA MAŁŻEŃSTWA ZAWARTEGO PRZEZ MORMONÓW NA MOCY PRZYWILEJU PAWŁOWEGO
The Possibility to Dissolve a Marriage Between Mormons by Means of the Pauline Privilege
Autorzy:: Dzierżon, Ginter
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/595228.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Opolski. Redakcja Wydawnictw Wydziału Teologicznego
Tematy:: Kościół mormonów
małżeństwo
Przywilej Pawłowy
chrzest
Opis:: The author of the presented article focused his attention on the question of dissolution of marriage entered into by Mormons by means of the pauline privilege. He proved that such possibility exists as a result of the declaration of Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith published in 2001 concerning the invalidity of baptism conferred in the Mormon Church. Although the decision deals directly with the sacrament conferred in the Mormon Church, it also concern the marriages between the members of this community. Because such marriages are entered into by non-baptized parties, they are not characterized by absolute indissolubility. In this case, the author does not exclude the dissolution of the bond by means of the Pauline privilege assuming the conditions included in can. 1143–1146 CIC are met. The author supports the thesis that the privileges codified in can. 1148 and 1149 CIC are contained in the pauline privilege. Therefore, it does not exclude the possibility to grant these privileges after meeting the conditions codified in can 1148 and 1149 CIC.
Źródło:: Studia Oecumenica; 2013, 13; 149-160
1643-2762
Pojawia się w:: Studia Oecumenica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Nierozerwalność małżeństwa a przywileje wiary w kanonicznym porządku prawnym
Indissolubility of Marriage and the Privilege of the Faith in the Canonical Legal Order
Autorzy:: Dzierżon, Ginter
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/663009.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:: nierozerwalność małżeństwa
przywilej wiary
indissolubility of marriage
privilege of faith
Opis:: The author of the presented study carried out a thorough analysis of theregulations concerning the privileges of the faith functioning in the canonical legal order in the context of the doctrine of indissolubilty of marriage (Pauline privilege, dissolution of polygamous and polyandric marriages, dissolution of marriage because of captivity or persecution – can. 1149 CIC). He proved that the current privileges of the faith are of a much wider range than the Pauline privilege included in the Bible. The author suggests that the source of these institutions is not Pauline privilege itself but rather the conception of substitute papal power exercised in the name of Christ.
Źródło:: Ius Matrimoniale; 2015, 26, 4; 67-82
1429-3803
2353-8120
Pojawia się w:: Ius Matrimoniale
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Privilegium fidei w kanonicznym prawie małżeńskim
Il privilegium fidei nel diritto canonico matrimoniale
Autorzy:: Dzierżon, Ginter
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/662728.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2005
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:: przywilej na korzyść wiary
prawo małżeńskie
privilegium fidei
privilege
faith advantage
canonical marital law
Opis:: Lo scioglimento del matrimonio in seguito all’applicazione del favore della fede (privilegium fidei) costituisce uno degli istituti rivelanti del diritto matrimoniale canonico. In questo studio è stata offerta una panoramica dello sviluppo di questo istituto a partire dai tempi biblici fino a arrivare alle soluzioni previste nel diritto vigente, quali sono: lo scioglimento del matrimonio in forza del privilegio paolino (cann. 1143-1147 CIC), lo scioglimento del matrimonio fra i poligami convertiti (can. 1148 § § 1-3 CIC), lo scioglimento del matrimonio nel caso della prigionia o della persecuzione (can. 1149 CIC), come anche lo scioglimento del matrimonio nelle situazioni non contemplate nel Codice del 1983.Dalle analisi risulta che attualmente la principale ratio della concessione di una tale grazia pontificia è non solo il favore della fede della persona che si converte, ma il bene spirituale quel’è la salvezza dell’uomo.
Źródło:: Ius Matrimoniale; 2005, 16, 10; 85-118
1429-3803
2353-8120
Pojawia się w:: Ius Matrimoniale
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Zasady ustania przywileju ujęte w kan. 82 KPK
Conditions of Privilege Cessation Provided by Can. 82 of CIC/83
Autorzy:: Dzierżon, Ginter
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1845563.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-11-16
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: privilege
prescription
legislator
przywilej
przedawnienie
ustawodawca
Opis:: The presented study provides an interpretation of can. 82 of CIC/83. From the analysis it follows that the hypotheses codified in can. 82 result from positive law. The first hypothesis implies that the legislator does not allow for non-burdensome privileges to cease through prescription. This is due to the fact that a privilege holder can renounce a privilege, and this renouncement is legally valid if it has been accepted by a competent authority (can. 80, §1). The second hypothesis implies that privileges burdensome to others cease through prescription (cann. 197-199). According to the doctrine, prescription is a similar process to a customary practice becoming law.
Źródło:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2013, 23, 1; 81-91
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
Political crime - an outline of the problem
Autorzy:: Falandysz, Lech
Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1989
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość polityczna
czyny zabronione
historia
prawo karne
kryminologia
przywilej
terror
regulacje prawne
political crime
prohibited acts
history
criminal law
criminology
privilege
legal regulation
Opis:: The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Umiarkowane korzystanie z praw przysługujących wiernym (kan. 223 § 2)
Moderation in Exercising the Rights of the Faithful (can. 223 § 2)
Autorzy:: Gałkowski, Tomasz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1804609.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-11-16
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: moderari
common good
favor of freedom
dobro wspólne
przywilej wolnosci
Opis:: Ze względu na różnice w tłumaczeniu na język polski kan. 223 § 2 i wynikające z tego kontrowersje interpetacyjne, Autor opracowania przedstawia interpretację kanonu w oparciu o jego źródła oraz notę wyjaśniającą wydaną przez Papieską Radę Tekstów Prawnych. Wskazuje wątpliwości, które, jego zdaniem, dotyczą zawężenia znaczenia łacińskiego słowa moderari i ujmowania bonum commune jako klauzuli generalnej. Ponadto podtrzymuje wyrażoną w kanonistyce tezę o włączeniu do treści kanonu ostatniego zdania z nr 7 Dignitatis humanae.
On account of differences in translation into Polish of can. 223 § 2 and interpretation controversies resulting from it, the author presents the interpretation of the canon based on its sources and an explanatory note issued by the Pontifical Council for Legislative Texts. He points out at the ambiguities, which in his opinion concern narrowing of the meaning of the Latin word moderari and presenting bonum commune as a general clause. Moreover, he abides by the thesis expressed in the science of canon law of including the last sentence from the 7th issue of Dignitatis humanae in the content of the canon.
Źródło:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2017, 27, 1; 63-79
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Mury obronne miasta Lublina
Autorzy:: Gawarecki, Henryk
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/539348.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1954
Wydawca:: Narodowy Instytut Dziedzictwa
Tematy:: prawo magdeburskie
przywilej lokacyjny Władysława Łokietka
mury obronne Lublina
położenie murów obronnych Lublina
niszczące pożary w Lublinie
przywilej Zygmunta III
fortyfikacje Lublina
zabudowa obronna Lublina
Źródło:: Ochrona Zabytków; 1954, 3; 170-177
0029-8247
Pojawia się w:: Ochrona Zabytków
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: „Regulacje prawne dotyczące eksploatacji Puszczy Piskiej na przestrzeni wieków”
„Legal regulations on utilization of the Piska Forest over the centuries”
Autorzy:: GIiżejewski, Gracjan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2135581.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022-08-18
Wydawca:: Instytut Północny im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie
Tematy:: rybołówstwo
myślistwo
przywilej lokacyjny
bartnictwo
Słowa kluczowe: Pisz
beekeeping
Keywords: Pisz (Johannisburg)
municipal charter
fishery
hinting
Opis:: Na przestrzeni lat Puszcza Piska nie pozostawała zupełnie bezludna i bezużyteczna. Ryby w licznych jeziorach, zwierzyna, pszczoły przyciągały nowych osadników. Przywilej na wolne rybołóstwo, myślistwo i bartnictwo osadzie przed krzyżackim zamkiem Johannisburg (Pisz) został nadany przez komtura bałgijskiego i wójta natangijskiego Ulricha Frickego 10 listopada 1367 roku. W niniejszej pracy scharakteryzowane zostały pozostałe regulacje prawne odnoszące się do wymienionych w tym przywileju form eksploatacji Puszczy Piskiej do 1945 roku. Ponadto zawiera ona opis konsekwencji wprowadzanych regulacji na życie mieszkańców tego kompleksu leśnego, oraz informacje m.in. o sprzętach używanych podczas połowów, administracji rybackiej i leśnej, czy dodatkowych obowiązkach mieszkańców dziczy podczas polowań.
Over the years, the Piska Forest has not been completely uninhabited and unusable. Fish in numerous lakes, game and bees attracted new settlers. The privileges for the residents of the settlement by the castle at Pisz providing the right to fish freely, maintain apiaries and hunt, presented by the commander of Balga and the Natangian advocate Ulryk Fricke on 10th November 1367. This paper discusses other legal regulations, in context of the mentioned privileges, regarding different forms of utilization of Piska Forest up to 1945. Furthermore, this paper describes how these legal changes influenced the local communities inhabiting this forest complex over the centuries. Additionally, it includes information about i.a. equipment used during fishing, fishery and forestry administration, or additional duties of residents during hunting.
Źródło:: Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie; 2022, 317, 2; 235-251
0023-3196
2719-8979
Pojawia się w:: Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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