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Tytuł:
Semantic Networks Analysis of Political Party Platforms.: Coalition Prediction Based on Semantic Distances in Scottish Elections 1999–2011
Autorzy:
Myślik, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489751.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
coalitions
Scotland
Scottish political parties system
Opis:
This paper conducts a semantic network analysis of Scottish political party manifestos from the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections to predict coalition formation. A manifesto is a tool of political communication that represents a party’s ideology and discusses issues considered crucial for each election. Semantic analysis of party manifestos represents an innovative method for examining the relations among political parties. Parties that are closer in the semantic network have a greater potential to form political coalitions. Semantic distances and two-mode semantic network analysis also proved to be a viable method for describing a country’s political climate and power structure, without requiring prior knowledge of country’s political makeup, and without pre-conceived notions. The results indicate that a semantic analysis of political party manifestos can be used to predict coalitions, but factors other than semantic similarity must be considered. Semantic network analysis provides an accurate picture of the distribution of power and centrality of issues for any given election.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2014, 13; 134-153
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy społeczne i praca socjalna w programach polskich partii politycznych
Social problems and social work in acting papers of Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Sawa-Czajka, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/501375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
social problems
social work
political parties
political parties programmes
Opis:
The paper analyses political parties’ programmes. Special attention is paid to these elements of their programme, which are strictly connected with social work and social policy. Social problems with different density are presented in the programmes of all political parties. An important task in the after voting period is the realization of political parties’ electoral promises in social matters, including different political and economic considerations.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne; 2012, 1(9); 261-273
1898-0171
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Decline of Political Party Elite
Autorzy:
Zuba, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790647.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-26
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political parties
elites
leadership
elite decline
power distribution within political parties
Opis:
In this article, the author presents a claim that, in parallel to the end of mass parties, it is possible to observe the progressing decline of elites within political parties. This phenomenon manifests itself on the following three levels: 1) a theoretical level-less and less attention is paid to elites in the theory of political parties as their place is being taken over by other approaches, in particular leadership theory; 2) a terminological level-the notion of elites is being removed from analyses devoted to political parties and supplanted by other terms such us “leaders.” They are sometimes considered as the synonyms of the word “elite”; 3) a factual level-there are strong reasons to presume that the decline in the importance of elites within political parties is an objective phenomenon related to the general revaluations taking place in contemporary political parties. Such revaluations cause changes in the distribution of power within political parties-party leaders and narrow groups of decision makers gain in importance at the expense of elites.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2019, 205, 1; 3-17
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wewnątrzpartyjne konflikty w głosowaniach sejmowych w PO i PiS w latach 2001–2014
Conflicts within PO and PiS in parliamentary votings in the period 2001–2014
Autorzy:
Stolicki, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489688.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
voting
opposition
Opis:
The aim of the article was to analyze the inconsistent votings from the period 2001–2014, that is those votings which revealed inner conflicts or disharmonies in the two biggest Polish political parties – Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). The notion has never been analyzed before, therefore the research presented was of exploratory nature. Inconsistent votings were analyzed according to categories (legislative, personal, control, supervisory, resolution-making, etc.) and, in the case of votings on lawmaking bills, also according to the matter of a proposed bill. Inconsistent votings other than lawmaking were analyzed through a simplified case study in order to determine the reason for the lack of consistency. The most important results of the analysis were the significant drop in the number of inconsisten votings after 2005 both in PO and PiS; the clear division into the governing party and the opposition (however, inconsistency within the former is less common; and the most vital areas of inconsistency. Said areas include personal and ideological issues, European affairs (in PO up until the fourth term of office, whereas in PiS mainly due to ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon), as well as budget amendments (yet only in opposition parties). The analysis of correlation of inconsistencies within PiS and PO shows that the more those parties grow apart politically, the less often there is dissonance within them occurring at the same time.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 134-164
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie formacje liberalne (1905–1989)
Autorzy:
Matuszek, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519672.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
liberalism
political parties
Polska
Opis:
The aim of this article is to draw attention to the issue of the tradition of liberalism in Poland. However, because the history of Polish liberal thought is an extremely broad and capacious issue, the article focused only on liberalism in a political understanding, which takes the form of a social force or a political formation. Strictly speaking, the article reviews the ideological assumptions of Polish liberal groups which, better or worse organized, functioned (or formed) in the period between 1905 and 1989. Despite its descriptive and general character, the elaboration should compel to reflect on the issue of the liberal tradition in Poland.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2019, 27 (34); 9-21
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Book review: Jarosław Zbieranek (ed.), “Subwencje z budżetu państwa dla partii politycznych. Jawność i kontrola” [Subsidies for Political Parties from the State’s Budget: Transparency and Control], Warsaw 2008, pp. 112
Autorzy:
Marszałek–Kawa, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028023.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Jarosław Zbieranek
Political Parties
Opis:
In 2008, a very interesting and modern work published by the Institute of Public Affairs, could be noticed, entitled Subwencje z budżetu państwa dla partii politycznych. Jawność i kontrola [Subsidies for Political Parties from the State’s Budget: Transparency and Control]. As the editor of the book, Jarosław Zbieranek, states in the introduction, the ISP [the Institute of Public Affairs] has been initiating research for years, as well as organizing academic sessions, whose core is an analysis of the Polish solutions as to the financing of political parties passed by an amendment of the political parties act of 12 April 2001. Resultingly, the reviewed work constitutes an outcome of these activities. It is a conclusion from the research project Transparentność finansów partii politycznych [Transparency of Finances of Political Parties] of 2008, whose members devoted their research predominantly to the evaluation of two, considerable from the point of view of proper and clear functioning of democracy, issues, namely the case of transparency of the parties’ use of financial means from the state’s budget, as well as the control of their expenditure.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2009, 38; 245-248
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA
Autorzy:
Misiuna, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Political parties   Political party financing   Election campaign
Opis:
The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 203-221
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Financing Political Parties in France, Germany and The United Kingdom
Autorzy:
Misiuna, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630122.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Political parties, Political party financing, Election campaign
Opis:
The paper compares the systems of financing political parties in France, Germany and the UK. The analysis concentrates on effectiveness of collecting contributions, dependency on large donors for providing funds for financing election campaigns and daily operation of political parties, and the level of transparency of finances of political parties. The final conclusion is that only introducing limits on expenditures on election campaigns allows to keep the costs of election campaigns and political parties at a low level, while mandatory common accounting standards and public access to financial information is necessary to preserve transparency of finances of political parties.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2016, 1; 91-110
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Some thoughts about the interplay between welfare attitudes and populism
Autorzy:
Saxonberg, Steven
Sirovátka, Tomáš
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/473271.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-07-16
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
populism
welfare attitudes
political parties
Opis:
This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties. It notes that although much has been written about populism, much less has been written about the interplay between populism and welfare attitudes. In addition, populism has tended to concentrate on rightwing populism while devoting less attention to leftwing populism. Meanwhile, centrist populist parties have been has been even more neglected than leftwing populism. We need to develop a more nuanced view and conduct comparative analyses of the differences in welfare attitudes among leftwing, centrist and rightwing populist voters. Our article also notes that the current databases that have both voting and welfare attitudes often do not include the countries with the most important leftwing populist parties. Another problem is the need to take into account the country context. For example, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece and Smer in Slovakia are all three normally considered to be leftwing populist parties, but only Smer has promoted an anti-immigrant and anti-Roma agenda.
Źródło:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje; 2020, 48; 27-40
1640-1808
Pojawia się w:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucja rządu republiki Czarnogóry w systemie organów władzy
Autorzy:
Wojnicki, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/629995.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Constitution; Government policy; Political parties
Opis:
The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 47-62
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
О некоторых вопросах зарождения и деятельности политических партии Казахстана конца ХIХ и нач. XX-го века
Autorzy:
Nurpeissova, Bakyt
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2074607.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
Kazakhstan
political parties and movements
political exiles
history of political parties
party programs
social democrats
Opis:
The article highlights the history of the origin and activities of various political parties in Kazakhstan that came to the political arena in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. On the basis of archival documents and other sources, the program provisions, goals and objectives of their activities have been studied. The article describes and analyzes the composition of the participants in political parties and movement. The forms, methods of struggle are described, the reasons and conditions for the emergence of political parties and movements that existed at that time are analyzed. Also important in the political life of Kazakhstan at the beginning of the twentieth century, the history of the origin and activities of the national party ‘Alash’. The article devotes a special place to political exiles who deserve an assessment of their tireless activity, who, despite the strict and secret surveillance of the gendarmerie, continued the struggle against the tsarist autocracy. The political exiles of the beginning of the 20th century, who found themselves in a foreign land in captivity and cut off from their own living environment, already in the new conditions are organized into political unions and continue to fight
Źródło:
Historia i Świat; 2021, 10; 301-315
2299-2464
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Świat
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The idea of situational leadership in political parties
Autorzy:
Stręk, Natalia Urszula
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647808.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
situational leadership
political parties
political leadership
Opis:
The results from the Polish parliamentary elections in 2015 showed a significant change in the behaviour of the electorate. Two completely new political groups have entered the Sejm. For the very first time in the history of the Third Polish Republic, a new balance of power emerged, which excluded the left-wing parties from political discourse without assigning them a parliamentary mandate [Dudek 2016: 687]. In the face of this turn of events, it is difficult to maintain the thesis concerning the "freezing" of the circulation of political elites in the current political system. The Modern political party was established on 31 May 2015 [Kim jesteśmy?] while the Kukiz'15 political movement formed only three months before the parliamentary elections [O stowarzyszeniu – władze krajowe i okręgowe]. These two political organisations were able to overcome the electoral threshold and achieve unexpected success in such a short period of time and without an extensive party structure or significant financial base. The mobilisation of the electorate took place outside the parliamentary structures. In view of this, is the phenomenon of 'over-parlamentisation' [Żukiewicz 2011: 343] involved in the creation of political leaders still valid? Is it to be believed, that in the face of ever more frequent grassroots social initiatives, the real political struggle still only takes place within the parties and political leaders who are not traditional participants of political party games but who appear as activists associated with other areas of public life?On the other hand, the changes that take place in the electorate do not directly translate into the reorganisation of party structures. The tendency to block political advancement by the already established political elite still persists. Traditional political parties are afraid of this new situation, which can significantly harm their interests. Impeding these changes may seem to be an obvious reaction, inscribed in the rules of political struggle [Żukiewicz 2011: 345]. However, the constant increase in tension between the demands and expectations of the electorate and the offer of these parties may indicate that the current balance of power will not last for long. Upcoming transformations cannot be avoided however attempts should be made to control them. For this reason, leaders of traditional political parties should decide on utilising such a mechanism for selecting leaders as it would not exclude them from the political space while at the same time be a guarantor of power.Being part of the 21st century, we have all witnessed and participated in the intensification of globalisation processes as well as the generational change and the popularisation of ideas related to the information society. The significant increase in the importance of the phenomenon of mediatisation of politics causes a reversal of the hierarchy of attributes and predispositions which are desired by society [Schulz 2004: 87-101]. The image of political leaders on social media begins to outweigh their actual leadership skills. There is a danger that the new mechanism responsible for creating party structures will indeed facilitate the circulation of the elite, but unfortunately at the expense of the quality of potential leaders. That is why it is so important that the transformation process of the political power system proceeds as designed, and not in a chaotic manner, succumbing to bottom-up trends.In addition, external factors of an international nature make it difficult to conduct research on the latest political phenomena. The changes currently occurring in society require new research perspectives and approaches. Traditional theories concerning the political system and the understanding of party structure may turn out to be insufficient.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2018, 25, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Facebook a polityka. Wykorzystanie serwisów społecznościowych przez polskie partie polityczne
Facebook and politics. The use of social networks by Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Porębski, Leszek
Karasek-Kędzior, Kinga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953248.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
social networks
political communication
Opis:
The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 45; 176-190
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties
Autorzy:
Michalak, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
protest parties
party politics
political parties
political theory
Opis:
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2011, 40; 110-121
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy legalności partii politycznych w Etiopii
The legal problems of political parties in Ethiopia
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567158.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Ethiopia
Political parties
Legal problems
Opis:
This article investigates and assesses the legal problem of political parties in Ethiopia. Ethiopian rulers have denied a legitimate role of political party and saw it as the threat to their power. The evolution of party system in Ethiopia can be divided into three periods: 1. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign 2. The period of military rule 3. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led Government from 1991 up to the present. The first constitution of Ethiopia (1931), banned the presence of any political organization in Ethiopia. The Emperor was the head of the state, head of the government, and commander-in-chief of the Empire. He had absolute authority over the Imperial Military and bureaucracy. The Emperor had sole power to appoint and dismiss the regional governors and members of parliament. In 1974 the military government brought the absolute monarchical rule to an end. During the military junta all civilian opposition groups had been destroyed or forced underground. In most cases, political opponents were systematically targeted; there were human rights abuses, tens of thousands of people disappeared or were murdered in what was known as the „Red Terror" and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned. After the military government was overthrown by rebel groups in 1991, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), created the coalition of EPRDF by involving several ethnic based political parties. During 1990s, a lot of political parties based on ethnic background, were formed. Many of them are delegalized. Those registered legally also cannot run their programme for political power, because of systematic restriction on them. Security forces of the ruling party commit politically motivated arbitrary killings, detention, torture and other forms of human rights abuse on political opponents. Ethiopia is de facto single-party sys- tem in which a dominant single political party forms the government and no other parties are permitted to run candidates for election; unfair laws and practices of the present minority government pre- vent the opposition from legally getting power.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 167-185
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza despotyczna czy demokratyczna? Partie i wyborcy wobec demokracji i „rządów silnej ręki”
Despotic or democratic rule? Parties and voters regarding democracy and “strong-arm government”
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514497.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
democracy
authoritarianism
Polish political parties
Opis:
The article concerns the attitudes of parties and their voters towards democracy and support for a “strong-arm government”. The research included the five largest Polish civil parties Platforma Obywatelska RP (Civic Platform RP), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Twój Ruch (Your Movement) and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party). The results confirmed that, on the one hand, voters acknowledge democracy as the best political system for Poland; however, on the other hand, a substantial part of them longs for strong authorities. Supporting democracy, they advocate a “strong-arm government”. Among left-wing voters, there is three times more proponents of such governments than persons acknowledging another political system as better than democratic one. In the case of political scene centre voters, the number of “strong-arm government” proponents amounts to over four times the number of democracy critics. Nearly half of the right-wing voters supported the “strong-arm government”, and every fifth of them did not acknowledge democracy as the best political system. Proponents of democracy dominate in electorates of all parties. Groups in which their advantage over opponents is clearly the smallest include: PiS-voters, persons who declared the will to vote for another formation, and persons who did not want to participate in the elections. Among the PiS-voters, nearly three times more supported “strong-arm government” than opposed it. Among the voters of PO, SLD, and Your Movement, there were more opponents of a “strong-arm government” than its proponents. One may assume that a formation critical towards democracy and favorable towards reinforcement of authority of a strong, charismatic leader could gain among the right-wing voters. It may partially explain why did the Kongres Nowej Prawicy (Congress of the New Right) receive substantial support in the elections to the European Parliament. KNP criticizes the modern democracy and its leader favorably talked about activities of politicians who apply the methods of a “strong-arm government”. On the left side of the political scene there are no premises for the emergence of a political force based on similar views and having greater support.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 85-98
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Evolution of Hungarian Electorate Preferences toward Bidimensional “Left – Right” Structure (1990 to 2013)
Autorzy:
Kubas, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514759.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Hungarian electorate
preferences
political parties
Opis:
The article presents Hungarian electorate’s preferences in the time of transition and democratic consolidation beginning in 1990. The preferences are confrontated with results of parliamentary elections held in 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010. Author tries to show how the left and right preference division developed on the basis of socioeconomic cleavages. The evolution of Hungarian electorate preferences has moved toward bidimensional “left – right” structure since the elections in 1998, yet first symptoms appeared in 1994 when post-socialis party MSzP won the elections. Since then only this party and rightist Fidesz were able to succeed and create Hungarian governments.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 4; 53-76
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political parties and national integration in Nigeria: a historical perspective
Autorzy:
Omamuyovwi, Afonughe Irikefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375693.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Międzynarodowy Instytut Innowacji Nauka – Edukacja – Rozwój w Warszawie
Tematy:
Political Parties
Integration
Democratization
Nigeria
Opis:
In a democratic environment, Political Parties are the fulcrum and focal instrument because it set the foundation or the platform for representation in government and politics of a people. As an institution that continuously seeks the control of state power and authority it then behoove on it to set the agenda of integration so as to synergize the strength of bonding for national achievement. However, this can only be achieved through its policy templates, true process of democratization and a more nationalistic outlook instead of sectionalism amidst others. Nigeria, as a country have been persistently challenged with the problem of achieving a common front due to the myriad of factors that continuously bifurcate every of its fiber or fabrics. Hence, this paper examines the role of political parties in achieving National integration in Nigeria. After using the primary and secondary sources of data collection analysis it was obvious that political parties have continuously failed in integrating the society due to a strong hold on ethnic divides, corruption, unfulfilled promises, thuggery among other negative portraits. Thus, the paper recommends that political parties should reflect a national outlook instead of been primordial, therefore the independent national electoral commission should not register parties with parochial ideology more so, citizens should be encourage to massively participate in politics so as to enclose the possibility of election rigging.
W środowisku demokratycznym partie polityczne są punktem odniesienia i głównym instrumentem, ponieważ stanowią podstawę lub platformę reprezentacji narodu w rządzie i polityce. Jako instytucja, która nieustannie poszukuje kontroli władzy i autorytetu państwa, zobowiązuje się następnie do wyznaczenia programu integracji, tak aby synergicznie zwiększyć siłę więzi dla narodowych osiągnięć. Można to jednak osiągnąć tylko dzięki szablonom politycznym, prawdziwemu procesowi demokratyzacji i bardziej nacjonalistycznym poglądom zamiast sekcjonalizmu pośród innych. Nigeria, jako kraj, nieustannie stawiała czoła problemowi osiągnięcia wspólnego frontu ze względu na niezliczone czynniki, które nieustannie rozszczepiają każde z jej „włókien”. Dlatego niniejszy artykuł analizuje rolę partii politycznych w osiąganiu integracji narodowej w Nigerii. Po skorzystaniu z pierwotnych i wtórnych źródeł analizy gromadzenia danych było oczywiste, że partiom politycznym nieustannie zawodziła integracja społeczeństwa ze względu na silne trzymanie się podziałów etnicznych, korupcję, niespełnione obietnice, przestępczość i inne negatywne czynniki. W artykule zaleca się, aby partie polityczne odzwierciedlały poglądy narodowe. Niezależna krajowa komisja wyborcza nie powinna rejestrować partii tylko „o ideologii zaściankowej”. Należy zachęcać obywateli do masowego udziału w polityce, tak aby ograniczyć możliwość fałszerstw wyborczych.
Źródło:
International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences; 2020, 11(1); 223-230
2450-2146
2451-1064
Pojawia się w:
International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Issue of Ideological Changes in the Context of the Polish Political Parties - Theoretical Models and Their Exemplifications
Autorzy:
Niebylski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2015893.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
ideologies
ideological change
Opis:
The article aims to present and discuss five theoretical models explaining the issue of ideological changes in Polish political parties. The paper is to shed light on an ideology’s dynamic nature and the process of building ideology in the political parties’ environment. The article features a discussion on the circumstances favoring the implementation of ideological changes and the methods used by parties to implement changes in their ideologies. The paper adopts two research hypotheses: 1) party ideologies are developed and modified by political parties in response to the changing (social, political, economic) circumstances in the inter-party rivalry. 2) The process of ideological changes serves political parties to lead an effective inter-party rivalry. The paper establishes that the factors with scientifically documented impact on party behavior in ideological terms are as follows: electoral result (parties that achieved a result below their expectations are more eager to revise their ideologies), political competition’s activity (parties react to ideological changes of their direct rivals), electorate preferences (political forces can change their approach in crucial issues to reflect the dominant views in their electorates) and acceptance of free-market principles by the main political actors. An analysis of Polish parties’ behaviors and the gathered source material also demonstrates that the parties’ inclination to implement ideological changes depends on organizational factors.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 4 (49); 166-182
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy polskie partie są demokratyczne?
Are the Polish parties democratic?
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953218.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
democracy
party leader
Opis:
The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland). The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 47; 84-97
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kilka uwag o ustawie o partiach politycznych
Autorzy:
Uziębło, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/523777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-04-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
partie polityczne
ustawa o partiach politycznych pluralizm polityczny
political parties
act of political parties
political pluralism
Opis:
Polska regulacja problematyki partii politycznych ma swoją specyfikę. O ile szczegółowo regulowane są zasady finansowania tych podmiotów, to jednak pozostałe kwestie normowane są w ustawie stosunkowo ogólnie. Dotyczy to także sfery tworzenia partii politycznych oraz ich likwidacji. W artykule Autor zwraca uwagę na problemy, które pojawiają się w tym kontekście. Problemem takim jest brak wyraźnie zarysowanych granic pomiędzy partiami politycznymi i stowarzyszeniami, co szczególnie widoczne jest w odniesieniu do ugrupowań o lokalnym charakterze. Zresztą godne podkreślania jest też to, że uczestniczenie w wyborach nie jest, w świetle prawa polskiego, wyznacznikiem, który mógłby takie wyróżnienie stanowić. Świadczy o tym brak konieczności wykreślenia z ewidencji partii politycznych tych z nich, które permanentnie nie biorą udziału w procedurach wyborczych. Ponadto istotną kwestią jest też brak możliwości zrzeszania się w stronnictwach politycznych osób, które nie posiadają obywatelstwa polskiego, co jest niezwykle istotne w kontekście praw wyborczych obywateli Unii Europejskiej zamieszkujących na terenie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.
The Act of 27th June 1997 on Political Parties has its own characteristics. While the rules for the financing of these entities are regulated in detail, however, other issues are regulated relatively general in that Act. The a author draws attention to the problems that arise in this context. One of that problems is the lack of well-defined boundaries between political parties and associations, which is particularly evident in relation to groups of local character. Besides, it is also worth emphasizing that participation in elections is not, in the light of Polish law, the determinant, which could constitute such a distinction. No need for removal from the register of political parties, which are permanently not participate in the procedures for the election is the best proof. In addition, an important issue is also the inability to associate in political parties people who do not have Polish citizenship. It is extremely important in the context of electoral rights of the people, who are the EU citizens and who are living in the territory of the Republic of Poland.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2014, 2 (18); 309-325
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Między romantyzmem a realizmem – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość o polityczności
Between romanticism and realism – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość on the political
Autorzy:
Paruch, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489875.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
political
political parties
politics
Opis:
The main object of analyses found in the paper are ideological concepts of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) with particular emphasis on the description and explanation of “the political” in accordance with political beliefs of the party. PiS is a political party which based their ideology-creation function on two political criteria: projection of means in order to reshape the reality according to their own political thought and differentiating between national and international opponents and allies. The two criteria mentioned have their roots in four assumptions. First, political goals may be realized only as long-term commitments. Second, each political entity strives for securing their access to new resources strengthening their potential. Third, political thinking has been strongly determined by geopolitics. Fourth, the division into allies and opponents cannot be reduced to rivalry of other kinds, e.g. economic or social.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 78-88
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Level of Political Party Activity: Study of the Elections of Presidents in Cities with Poviat Rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018
Autorzy:
Kaczmarczyk, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2106285.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-19
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
local elections
local politics
political parties
Opis:
Since 2002 in Poland voters in the local government elections can directly elect the head of the rural municipality, mayor and city president. Local elections, in Polish conditions, are treated as an arena favourable for local committees, often non-party. However, it should be noted that many analyses show that the higher the level of self-government, the more important the committees of political parties are. The increase in the participation of political parties in the election competition is also noticeable in medium and large cities. The author decided to check whether the cities with poviat status of the Silesian Voivodeship favour party committees or rather a committee unrelated to any political parties. For this purpose, the participation and effectiveness of these committees in local elections of cities presidents with poviat rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018 was analysed. The study confirmed that the level of politicization in elections is increasing, however, the effectiveness of party committees in the election of city presidents is lower than the effectiveness of local committees. In addition, political parties are more active and influential in larger cities.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2022, 30, 1; 35-48
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Electoral Corruption in the Reality of Unconsolidated Democracy
Autorzy:
Bil, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1836647.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
corruption
elections
crime
politics
political parties
Opis:
The article is devoted to the problem of corruption in politics. The author presents the risks of corruption for the democratic system of the state and describes the anticorruption legal regulations. Mechanisms of electoral corruption are presented and the involvement of the state and political parties in the anti-corruption programs is showed. It shows the necessity of anti-corruption education of society.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2016, 20(20); 81-94
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
WYBORY DO SAMORZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO W SŁOWENII – KONIEC UPARTYJNIENIA SCENY LOKALNEJ?
LOCAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVENIA – THE END OF PARTY POLITICS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL?
Autorzy:
Radzik-Maruszak, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513060.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Slovenia
local government
elections
political parties
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present the theory and practice of elections to local government bodies in Slovenia: above all, the formal conditions of elections as well as the results of the voting carried out so far. The analysis is based on quantitative data retrieved from the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia and the State Election Commission, as well as qualitative research – interviews with councillors – conducted in selected Slovenian municipalities. The results of the research indicate a relatively high dynamics of changes in Slovenian local politics, including a systematic increase in support for candidates without party affiliation.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2019, 17, 4; 122-138(17)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Positioning Strategies of Polish Political Parties in the 2014 European Parliament Election
Autorzy:
Cichosz, Marzena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514385.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
positioning
political parties
elections
European Parliament
Opis:
The article concerns an analysis of the types of positioning an electoral agenda adopted by the Polish political parties during the political campaign before the elections to the European Parliament in 2014. Positioning the electoral offer has been treated as one of the main elements of the electoral strategies of political parties, as the way of defining their electoral goals and identifying their strengths and weaknesses as well as opportunities and threats. The scope of analysis assumes main Polish political parties represented in the Polish parliament in the years 2011 - 2014 and additionally the party that managed to cross the entry barrier into the parliamentary market in the EP election in 2014.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 167-179
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spain`s Party System at Times of the Economical Crisis after 2008
Autorzy:
Myśliwiec, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514541.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political parties
party system
economical crisis
Opis:
In reality of representative democracy, the economic situation of the state is one of the most important factors determining the stability and durability of a political system. In 2008 an intense economic crisis affected whole Europe. One of consequences of this situation were serious changes in composition and functioning of political systems and its subsystems in almost all countries belonging to the region. This phenomenon has also occurred in contemporary Spain. The main aim of this paper will be to show how the Spanish party system has changed after the outbreak of the economic crisis of 2008.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 125-162
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Subcarpathian Voivodship on the Electoral Map of Poland (1989-2014)
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Dominik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514795.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Subcarpathian Voivodeship
elections
electoral
political parties
Opis:
The aim of the article was to present electoral activities diversification as well as political preferences of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in years 1989-2014. The measure of the conducted analyses were the results of parliamentary and European Parliament elections, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political sympathies of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, as well as noticable, with regards to the whole country, election turnout. The primary part of the conducted analysis was an attempt to answer the question of what determined the change of political preferences and if contemporary electoral activity and political sympathies reflect historical and cultural determinants.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 173-186
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Idea równości kobiet w kontekście praw człowieka oraz polityki równościowej polskich ugrupowań politycznych
The idea of women’s equality in the context of human rights and equality policies of Polish political groups
Autorzy:
Zawadzka, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/38185678.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
equality
human rights
political parties
women
Opis:
This article analyzes the idea of women’s equality in the perspective of human rights. Starting from the definitional formulation of human rights, through the inclusion of women’s rights to human rights, the legal and social aspects of equality has been indicated and human rights, in the context of the socio-political situation of women in Poland, has been presented. The main research question is whether women’s equality is achieved and to what extent. Are we talking about a practical dimension (implemented) or only a declarative one? To answer this key question, the programs of political groups in Poland and their equality policy were subjected to a comparative analysis. For the purpose of the research, the programs of those groups that obtained parliamentary mandates in the 2019 elections, i.e., Law and Justice, Civic Coalition, and Polish People’s Party, were analysed.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2024, 1(41); 45-62
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Retoryczne strategie i taktyki wywierania wpływu na wyborców w programach rosyjskich partii politycznych
Rhetorical Strategies and Tactics of Influencing Voters in the Election-related Programs of Russian Political Parties
Autorzy:
Szymula, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/444968.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
Tematy:
Russian political discourse
political parties
influencing recipients’ beliefs
Opis:
The main aim of politicians’ actions (a struggle for power and retaining it) is connected with forming voters’ convictions, achieved, inter alia, with particular rhetorical strategies. Research demonstrated that in the analyzed material (programs of 11 Russian parties) three rhetorical strategies are employed: the lowering strategy, the elevation strategy and the theatricality strategy, implemented with the help of various tactics. The most frequently used strategy is undoubtedly the theatricality strategy, verbalized through the following tactics: encouraging, cooperating, separating, promising, anticipating and warning.
Źródło:
Acta Neophilologica; 2020, XXII/1; 31-44
1509-1619
Pojawia się w:
Acta Neophilologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish-Norwegian cooperation in the field of energy security in the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO)
Autorzy:
Paszkowski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2152172.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
political thought
Baltic Pipe
energy security
political parties
Opis:
The large share of natural gas supplies that are sent to Poland from the Russian Federation has been heavily criticised by many Polish political parties. Politicians from several political groups have emphasised the need to diversify the sources and directions of this commodity. In this respect, cooperation with Norway was to play a key role in ensuring the implementation of this scheme. The goal of this article is to analyse the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS, the Law and Justice) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO, the Civic Platform) parties in the construction of the Baltic Pipe gas pipeline. The main research paradigm applied in the text is the analysis of testimonies and traces of political thought. Taking up the topic is important due to an overall lack of studies that show original findings of the standpoint of various political parties in Poland on the idea of building this specific type of energy infrastructure.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka; 2022, XLVI, 1; 101-114
1899-6264
2451-0718
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ruch społeczny jako element procesu politycznej legitymizacji, socjalizacji i organizacji
Autorzy:
Radziszewski, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2007450.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
civil movements
legitimization
political socialization
political management
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyze the activities of the social movements, as an important part of current political events. Author is of the opinion that social movements are crucial political tool, which is used by political parties. They allows politicians to ensure a political recruitment, drum up political support and create new political elites within the party. The main questions that need to be indicated are: if social movements are tools used by political parties in order to enhance an influcence on legitimacy of their activities, if social movement are a part of a process of political socialization for their activists, if social movements have an influence on abilities and experience of the group to conduct political activity?
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2016, 21; 79-93
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Attitude of New Political Parties in Poland towards Religion and the Catholic Church Based on the Example of Left-Wing Parties
Autorzy:
Kancik-Kołtun, Ewelina
Wallner, Michał
Michalczuk-Wlizło, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411100.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
new political parties
left-wing parties
religion
Catholic Church
Opis:
In recent years, the issue of the relationships between the state and the Catholic Church has been increasingly present in public discourse in Poland. New political parties have become embroiled in the debate, taking diverse stances. The paper discusses the attitude of new political parties in Poland towards religion and the Catholic Church, using three groupings as examples: the Palikot Movement [Ruch Palikota], Robert Biedroń’s Spring [Wiosna Roberta Biedronia] and the Together Party [Partia Razem]. The authors, using content analysis as the research method, reviewed the party policies and media statements made by politicians on the topic. The aim of the article is to investigate the positions taken by selected political parties towards religion and the Catholic Church and to verify the hypothesis that the new left-wing parties advocate a strict separation of church and state.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2022, 42 (49); 81-95
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Electoral Defeat and Party Change: When do Parties Adapt?
Autorzy:
Pacześniak, Anna
Bachryj-Krzywaźnia, Maciej
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-10
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
electoral defeat
political parties
party change
Europe
Opis:
Electoral defeat has sometimes been called the mother of party change, but is this reputation warranted? In this paper we investigate whether party characteristics such as government status, party systemic origins, or ideological family affect how parties respond to defeat. Examining 73 parties in 28 countries, considering party efforts to change their leadership, their programs and their organizations, we conclude that only systemic origin (post-communist vs. West European countries) is a relevant factor affecting depth of party change. Parties take some corrective actions after electoral defeat, however, they are not likely to be a wholesale reforms. Thus, it would be more accurate to describe electoral defeat as a midwife of a party change, not as its mother.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2020, 27; 63-78
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
CZY ISTNIAŁA INSTYTUCJA OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ W DEMOKRACJI BEZPOŚREDNIEJ? (ANALIZA DEMOKRACJI ATEŃSKIEJ I REPUBLIKI RZYMSKIEJ)
DOES THE INSTITUTION OF OPPOSITION EXIST IN DIRECT DEMOCRACY? (AN ANALYSIS OF THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY AND ROMAN REPUBLIC)
Autorzy:
Nieć, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513138.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
electoral system
political parties
Ancient World
democracy
Opis:
The article, based on works Ancient historian and Classicists, presents direct democracy in the Ancient World. The author is looking for an example institution of oppositions in con-temporary political system, especially the electoral system. In his opinion, the institution of oppositions was hidden within the electoral systems of Athens and Rome.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 38-46 (9)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
EWOLUCJA POLITYCZNEJ RELEWANCJI LIGI POLSKICH RODZIN (2001–2010)
THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL RELEVANCE OF THE LEAGUE OF POLISH FAMILIES (2001–2010)
Autorzy:
Koziełło, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513720.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
League of Polish Families
political parties
election
Opis:
League of Polish Families (LPR) achieved great political success against other na-tional parties in 3rd Republic of Poland. The party had representatives in the Polish parliament and government, European Parliament and Voivodeship sejmiks. This success was a result of their political programme, exposing sovereign national policy and consol-idation of different parties of Polish national right. Defeat of LPR was caused by ideolog-ical and personal conflicts amongst the party’s leaders and between central management and local structures. Those problems led to internal divisions in party and decrease influ-ence of LPR in Polish society.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 45-57 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Party system and media in Poland after 1989
Autorzy:
Sula, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471123.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-09
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
Polska
political parties
party system
media
cartelization
Opis:
The importance of the media for the party system formation in Poland in the transforma- tion is unarguable. This signifi cance resulted from the lack of developed party structures that could be involved in process of communication between party elites and electorate. Hence, media became the only possible instrument that might have been used in arousing electorate’s interest. However, the interdependence between party system and media means also that the parties had their influence on the legal framework of the media and sometimes ideological profile as well.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2008, 1, 1; 145-155
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Názvy ceských politických stran jako součást marketingové strategie
The names of Czech political parties as part of the marketing strategy
Autorzy:
Srpová, Hana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615225.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Opolski
Tematy:
Czech political parties
marketing strategy
advertisements
chrematonym
Opis:
The objective of this text is a linguistic (mostly lexical) characteristic of the individual names of Czech political parties that participated in the elections to the Parliament of the European Union in 2014. First, the electoral political propaganda is specified as original, and yet the typical kind of marketing communication. Each of the names (chrematonyms) is subsequently classified in terms of their form, but also the content, i.e. according to their key words. Through quantitative and qualitative analysis, the motivation of the naming process is specified in connection with its objective, i.e. to influence potential voters (similarly as a producer or trader are trying to persuade the consumer to buy a commercial product).
Źródło:
Stylistyka; 2015, 24; 87-99
1230-2287
2545-1669
Pojawia się w:
Stylistyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
National Liberals and their Progeny. Approaching the Peculiar Developments in Central European Liberal Party Traditions, 1867–1918
Autorzy:
Mulej, Oskar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/601517.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
liberalism
nationalism
Austria-Hungary
political parties
political traditions
Opis:
This paper addresses patterns of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century structural and ideological transformations of liberalism in Central European party politics that might be perceived as region-specific. Focusing on the Czech, German, and Slovene speaking lands of the Cisleithanian half of the Habsburg Monarchy, it also shortly discusses the Imperial German, Hungarian and Polish Galician contexts. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the complex interplay between ideologies, organized political movements, and political languages within the context of rapidly changing political cultures during the last third of the nineteenth century and first quarter of the twentieth was the changing relationship between the national and liberal components within the national liberal traditions. By 1900 the national came to visibly prevail over the liberal: nationalism was gaining in strength and intensity and was adopting new, more aggressive and integralist forms. From the turn of the century onwards it is therefore more proper to talk about heirs of liberalism in terms of party politics rather than simply liberals. The nationalist turn of the Central European national liberals and their political heirs, reached its peak by the turn of the century and continued to develop further into the interwar period. Partial abandonment of classical liberal tenets largely distinguished the contemporary organized liberalism to the West as well. What makes the Central European developments specific in this regard is their direction, which unlike the emergence of currents of new or social liberalism in the West, to a notable degree led towards adoption of anti-liberal and radically nationalist positions and therefore partial vanishing of liberal traditions.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2015, 111
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Factores de mediano y largo plazo para el análisis del proceso electoral de 2014 en Uruguay
Autorzy:
Buquet, Daniel
Piñeiro, Rafael
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/683220.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
elections
political parties
Uruguay
elecciones
partidos políticos
Opis:
This article analyzes the 2014 Uruguayan electoral process, based on the medium and long-term patterns of continuity and change observed in the Uruguayan party system. In the first place, the evolution of the party system in the last 40 years is discussed. This perspective allows to understand the changes and continuities in the distribution of votes among the parties, regarding the 2009 elections. Moreover, it explains which parameters can be associated with the little variations that the October 2014 elections have shown, in comparison to what occurred five years earlier. In the second place, primary party elections are examined in order to analyze the levels of electoral turnout and the difficulties to extrapolate these results to the national election, both between and within parties. Finally, the article explores the institutional factors that determine the characteristics of the legislative supply of the main internal fractions of parties.
Este artículo analiza el proceso electoral uruguayo de 2014 a partir de las pautas de continuidad y cambio – de mediano y largo plazo – que se observan en el sistema de partidos uruguayo. En primer lugar, se discute la evolución del sistema de partidos en los últimos 40 años. Desde esta perspectiva se puede entender dentro de qué márgenes se producen los cambios y continuidades en la distribución de votos entre los partidos respecto a las elecciones de 2009 y a qué parámetros se pueden asociar las variaciones mínimas de la elección de octubre de 2014 respecto a lo que ocurrió cinco años antes. En segundo lugar, se examinan las elecciones internas de los partidos, se analizan los niveles de participación electoral y las dificultades de extrapolación de esos resultados hacia la elección nacional, tanto entre como dentro de los partidos. Por último, se indaga en los factores institucionales que determinan las características de la oferta legislativa de las principales fracciones internas de los partidos.
Źródło:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales; 2015, 2
2449-8483
2392-0343
Pojawia się w:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Crisis Communication Tactics of Polish Political Parties
Autorzy:
Kubisz-Muła, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642957.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
communication tactics
crisis situation
Polish political parties
Opis:
The article contains an analysis of types and effectiveness of crisis communication tactics utilized by Polish political parties from September 2006 to October 2013. The content analysis of statements which were created by Polish politicians allowed to identify 10 types of crisis communication schemes. The statistical analysis of the public opinion polls reveals that only one kind of tactics, named the expiation tactics, did not prove to be successful in solving the crisis situation in the covered period.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Direction of Slovak Party System After the Parliamentary Elections in 2016
Autorzy:
Kováčová, Natália
Jankurová, Andrea
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832644.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
voters
elections
coalition models
political parties
government
Opis:
The aim of this paper is in the context of the main specifics of the Slovak parliamentary elections in 2016 to highlight the party development in Slovakia and to predict its future direction. Parliamentary elections due to electoral instability and fluctuations determined the configuration of the parliamentary political scene. The proportion of new, nonsystem parties was increased and output was to create surprising ruling coalition which has dissolved the existing ideological and ethnic line. The ambition of the paper is tho highlight the political situation that followed the elections and significantly modified the distribution of political forces existed previously.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2017, 22(22); 152-164
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obszary aktywności członków polskich partii politycznych z perspektywy zadań partii i aspiracji jej działaczy (grassroots)
Activities of the members of Polish political parties from the perspective of the functions and aspirations of the grassroots
Autorzy:
Wincławska, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616352.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
members of political parties
functions of the members of political parties
expectations of the members of political parties
party organization
członkowie partii
funkcje członków partii
oczekiwania członków wobec partii
organizacja partyjna
Opis:
Members of political parties perform different functions within and for their organizations. Political parties impose upon their members certain tasks and expect them to fulfil them for the common good of the party. The members at the same time have their own image of what do the parties expect of them, but they also have their own expectations towards the parties. The problem I raise in this article is the concurrence of these mutual expectations and activities: (1) perceptions of the tasks the party impose on the members, (2) actual tasks that are performed by the members, and finally their (3) expectations of what forms of activities they would like to undertake within and for their parties. The research was conducted among the members of: the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Modern (.N), the Polish People’s Party (PSL), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Party Together (Razem). Members of these parties filled in questionnaires. As the result of the research it can be stated that the perception of the party expectations towards the members and the tasks they actually fulfil are considerably diverged from the activities they would like to perform. Most of all, the given and performed tasks do not satisfy their ambitions as to be the subjects of the party’s activities and decisions, but only individuals who perform instrumental and legitimising functions for their organizations.
Działania członków partii politycznych w interesie ich macierzystych organizacji należą do ich najważniejszych funkcji. Z jednej strony partie nakładają na członków określone zadania i oczekują ich wypełnienia. Z drugiej strony członkowie będąc uczestnikami życia partyjnego mają swoje wyobrażenia na temat tego czego partie od nich oczekują oraz mają swoje oczekiwania wobec partii. Problem, który stawiam w tym artykule dotyczy zbieżności między: 1) postrzeganiem zadań stawianych członkom przez ich partie, 2) zadaniami rzeczywiście przez nich wykonywanymi oraz 3) oczekiwaniami żywionymi przez nich wobec partii odnośnie wypełnianych w partiach funkcji. Badaniem zostali objęci członkowie polskich partii politycznych: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej, Nowoczesnej, Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej i Partii Razem, którzy odpowiadali na pytania zawarte w kwestionariuszach ankiet. W wyniku badania ustalono, że postrzeganie oczekiwań partii oraz wykonywane rzeczywiście zadania na rzecz swoich ugrupowań rozmijają się z oczekiwaniami członków. Przede wszystkim nie zaspokajają one ich ambicji bycia podmiotami działań partyjnych, wpływającymi na podejmowane decyzje, a nie tylko jednostkami wykonującymi zadania instrumentalne oraz legitymizacyjne na rzecz swoich ugrupowań.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2020, 1; 119-130
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nastawienie do imigrantów a mechanizm powstawania nowych partii politycznych – przypadek Polski
The attitude to immigrants and emerging of new political parties – the case of Poland
Autorzy:
Marmola, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514737.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
new parties
political parties
party system
immigration
attitude to immigrants
Opis:
The immigration is recently the most important issue influencing the fates of European Union member states. Presented article diagnoses the attitudes to immigrants arriving to EU among Polish citizens and examines how the migration crisis can affect the Polish party system according to emerging of new parties approaches. The conducted empirical research shows that majority of Polish voters are against hosting immigrants in their country. However, in contrast to the West European party systems, there is also plenty of relevant Polish parties with negative stance to immigration. Therefore, the immigration cannot be considered as a factor of party system change.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2016, 12; 89-104
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nowe partie polityczne w Polsce, Czechach i na Słowacji z perspektywy geografii wyborczej
New parties in Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia – electoral geography perspective
Autorzy:
Marmola, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514743.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
new parties
political parties
electoral geography
Polska
Czech Republic
Slovakia
Opis:
The aim of presented article is to examine regularities in the geographical distribution of support for the new political parties in Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia. At the beginning of the study, nationwide results of analyzed parties were compared with results achieved in territorial units. On this basis, the author created an indicator showing the average profit (or loss) of a new grouping in relation to the share of votes at the national level. Subsequently, the author calculated the Pearson's correlation coefficients to evaluate the relationship between results of new political parties in the first elections they gained parliamentary seats. The results of the analysis show that only in case of Czech Republic, it is possible to distinct the territorial units where citizens are more likely to vote for new parties. Nevertheless, most of differences in the geographical distribution of support for new parties in analyzed countries arise from three interrelated factors: the specificity of the territorial unit, ideological autoidentification of population inhabiting a particular territorial unit and popularity of party leaders.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 57-72
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
EWOLUCJA STRATEGII MARKETINGOWYCH POLSKICH PARTII POLITYCZNYCH 1989-2011 – OD STUDIA WYBORCZEGO DO REKLAMY INTERNETOWEJ
THE EVOLUTION OF MARKETING STRATEGIES OF POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES BETWEEN 1989 AND 2011 – FROM ELECTION STUDIO TO INTERNET ADVERTISING
Autorzy:
OLSZANECKA, AGATA
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
electoral TV ads
television spots
political parties
political marketing
Opis:
The Round Table Agreement led to the opening up of the Polish political scene and initiated the free competition of political parties. From this moment on we have dealt with permanent professionalization of the campaign, especially political TV advertising. Analyzing TV spots from the election campaigns we can subdivide three phases, at-tributable to periods: 1989–1995, 1995–2001 and 2001–2011. The first of these is char-acterized by a low degree of professionalization and poor use of political advertising. The second phase involves the personalization of the campaign and gradual expansion of advertising formats. The third phase, initiated by parliamentary elections in 2001, is characterized by a significant increase in spending on paid advertising and benefiting from patterns of U.S. political campaigns (shorter and more dynamic spots, domination of image content and the use of negative advertising). Parliamentary elections in 2011 may herald the beginning of the next phase. It can be assumed that in the era of technological progress Polish parties will gradually move their advertising messages to the Internet.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 131-140 (10)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
INSTYTUCJONALIZACJA FORM RYWALIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ W WYBORACH DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO W WOJEWÓDZTWIE PODKARPACKIM W 2014 ROKU
THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE FORM OF POLITICAL COMPETITION IN THE 2014 ELECTION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN THE SUBCARPATHIAN VOIVODESHIP
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Dominik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513697.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
political competition
European Parliament
elections
political parties
Subcarpathian Voivodeship
Opis:
The purpose of the article is to present institutional forms of political competition treated as arbitrational issue of the authorities based on the election. The analysis was conducted on the basis of the three forms of political competition; namely conflict, public order and the configuration between the ruling party and the opposition. The direct background to the above-mentioned forms was the election to the Euro-pean Parliament in the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in 2014. Analysis was also carried out taking into consideration specifics of this Voivodeship, when treated as a specific region on the electoral map of Poland.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 1; 46-57 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rywalizacja wyborcza na Ukrainie w 2012 roku
Autorzy:
Baluk, Walenty
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647577.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political parties
election
political competition
partie polityczne
wybory
rywalizacja
Opis:
Amendment of electoral law and procedure to appoint government conduced to keep power by The Party of Regions. Parliamentary election of 2012 did not fill full democratic standards. Political parties had not equal access to the mass media, source of finance and electioneering. Counteract of changeover was observable especially in single-member districts. In spite of many infringements of electoral law, the Ukrainian parties system is still diverse. But Ukraine has made a step back in the path of strengthening democracy standards.
Zmiana prawa wyborczego i  procedury powołania rządu sprzyjały zachowaniu władzy przez Partię Regionów. Elekcja parlamentarna 2012 roku nie odpowiadała w  pełni standardom demokratycznym. Partie rządzące i  opozycyjne nie miały równego dostępu do środków masowego przekazu, takich samych możliwości finansowania kampanii wyborczej oraz prowadzenia agitacji politycznej. Przeciwdziałanie wymianie władzy było szczególnie widoczne w  okręgach jednomandatowych. Pomimo wielu naruszeń prawa wyborczego ukraiński system zachował względną rywalizacyjność. Jednak nastąpił wyraźny regres w  rozwoju demokratycznym, w  tym w  zakresie standardów wyborczych.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2013, 20, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Walka na słowa – analiza sloganów wyborczych z kampanii do Sejmu i Senatu z 2019 roku
Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019
Autorzy:
Guziak, Albert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2011095.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Ośrodek Badawczy Facta Ficta
Tematy:
Persuasion
political communication
political parties
election campaign
election slogans
Opis:
In the paper Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 Albert Guziak conducted an analysis of the official slogans and selected secondary election catchwords used by political parties during the last election campaign to the Polish parliament in 2019. The collected material was examined from the political-linguistic perspective, according to which the author focused on linguistic aspects (used lexis, methods of argumentation, grammatical modifications made) and political science criteria for the evaluation of election slogans (taking into account the effectiveness of the message, assessing the placing of the usage use of election slogans into the context of the ideological profile of a given political group and from the perspective of the social economic reality accompanying the election campaign of 2019). The aim of the paper is to try to define the specificity of slogans used for persuasive purposes in one of the most important domains of political activity i.e. the election campaign. The first part of the title – “Battle for words” – of the chapter was consciously chosen by the author to emphasize the ‘militaristic’ and aggressive nature of the use of language in election campaigns. By selecting and analyzing authentic election slogans, the author wants to capture the most important elements and features that characterize election slogans; to this end, he confronts the collected linguistic material with theoretical studies on political slogans, e.g. Marek Koch's work: Slogany w reklamie i polityce (Slogans in advertising and politics), as well as the study: Język marketingu politycznego w kampanii wyborczej ’97 (The language of political marketing in the '97 election campaign) by Aneta Banasik.
Źródło:
Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media; 2021, 7, 1; 211-226
2719-8278
Pojawia się w:
Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka reform systemów wyborczych w wyborach do rad gmin
The politics of electoral systems in the elections of commune councils
Autorzy:
Sokół, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953212.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
electoral systems
electoral reform
political parties
self-government
Opis:
In this article, I will focus on the evolution of the systems of elections to the commune councils in Poland. Between 1990 – 2014, seven elections to the commune councils were organized in Poland, conducted on the basis of four different voting systems. The most important alterations in the ordinations between 1990 and 2011 included: changing the category of entities qualifying for majority election system, modification of the dimension of the constituencies, changing the mode of distribution of seats, introducing electoral threshold, diminishing the number of councilors, implementing the procedure of “grouping list”. Analysis of changes in the electoral regulations leads to the conclusion that the elections to municipal councils have been politicized.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 47; 162-177
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
GDY MNIEJSZOŚĆ STAJE SIĘ WIĘKSZOŚCIĄ. PARTIE O CHARAKTERZE ANTYIMIGRANCKIM I ICH ROLA W SYSTEMACH POLITYCZNYCH WYBRANYCH KRAJÓW EUROPY ZACHODNIEJ
WHEN THE MINORITY BECOMES THE MAJORITY. ANTI-IMMIGRANT PARTIES AND THEIR ROLE IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN SELECTED COUNTRIES IN WESTERN EUROPE
Autorzy:
Kalinowska-Schneider, Kamila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/418627.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Akademia Marynarki Wojennej. Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych
Tematy:
anti-immigration
radical right
political parties
racism
xenophobia
Opis:
The article attempts to define the role of anti-immigrant parties in the political systems of countries in Western Europe, such as: The Great Britain, Germany and France. The author tries to answer the question, whether the far-right parties are a serious threat to democracy and governance. For this purpose, the author conducted an analysis of party programs, promoted ideas and rhetoric used by members of radical groups as: The British National Party (BNP), Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and The Front National (FN) in comparision with the policy of the ruling parties. Likewise the author tried to show some reasons of anti-immigrant extreme – right occurring in Western Europe and the scale of the problem that is the expansion of anti-immigrant groups. He stressed the need to break with the passivity against extreme – right and the need to take action against its activity.
Źródło:
Colloquium; 2018, 10, 1; 85-104
2081-3813
2658-0365
Pojawia się w:
Colloquium
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish Political Parties towards the Citizen Legislative Initiative
Autorzy:
Skrabacz, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642935.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Polish political parties
direct democracy
citizen legislative initiative
Opis:
Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties’ attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens’ activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens’ engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Mediatyzacja a rozwój kanałów komunikowania partii politycznych w Polsce
Autorzy:
Jacuński, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643241.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
mediatization, media system, political parties, new media, ICT
Opis:
Various studies on the meaning and the scope of mediatization and the relations between media system and political system seem to be insufficient, taking into account of all the transformations that have occurred for the past 6–8 years. The author is concerned how the process of mediatization changed under the influence of new media and ICT. Whether the political parties’ ability to create independent, owned or shared, and mediatized through the world wide web, channels and tools of communication undermined the existing model of political communication? In order to provide a new approach, the author refers to selected aspects of marketing communication and applies media typology based on the PEO(S) model
Źródło:
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze; 2014, 57, 2
0555-0025
2084-3836
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
PROBLEM WOLNOŚCI PARTII POLITYCZNYCH W MATERIAŁACH PRZYGOTOWAWCZYCH „ODRODZONEJ” PPS DO PRAC NAD PROJEKTEM KONSTYTUCJI
THE PROBLEM OF POLITICAL PARTIES’ FREEDOM IN THE PREPARATORY MATERIALS OF THE “REBORN” PPS
Autorzy:
STĘPIEŃ, STEFAN
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512799.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
constitution
freedom
political parties
regulation
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna
Opis:
The politicians of the Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (PPS) believed that the adoption of the Constitution was one of the most important and the most urgent tasks of the Polish Seym (Polish Parliament) elected on 19 January, 1947. Immediately, in the spring of that year, the authorities of the PPS started the inner-PPS works to get ready the party’s politicians for the constitutional debate and to help them to develope a position on important issues of the future of the Polish political system. The party officials asked the theorists of the constitutional law and the practitioners dealing with the social and state problems to prepare elaboration concerning chosen political issues which were part of their interests. Konstanty Grzybowski and Michał Szuldenfrei wrote articles about freedom of founding and functioning of political parties which had key importance in regard to the system existence. The authors of both texts supported the constitutional regulation of the status of political parties what was not positively accepted among the contemporary liberal groups. Both Grzybowski and Szuldenfrei believed that in the situation in Poland in 1947, which was a transitional period characterized by the existence of strong antisystemic opposition, it was necessary to regulate political parties and restrict the freedom of their founding and functioning.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2012, 10; 129-140 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
STOSUNEK POLSKICH PARTII WOLNOŚCIOWYCH DO INTEGRACJI POLSKI ZE WSPÓLNOTAMI EUROPEJSKIMI/UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ
THE ATTITUDE OF POLISH LIBERTARIAN PARTIES TO POLISH INTEGRATION WITH EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES/EUROPEAN UNION
Autorzy:
Matuszek, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512887.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
political parties,
liberalism,
libertarianism,
European integration,
European Union
Opis:
This article concerns the issue of the attitude of Polish libertarian parties to Polish integration with the European Communities/European Union. Included within the politi-cal parties which were the subject of interest for the author are: the Union of Real Politics, the Congress of the New Right Wing, the Libertarian Party and the Renewal Coalition of the Republic of Freedom and Hope. It should be emphasized that the purpose of the elaboration was not only to present the inclination of these parties to the EC/EU, but also to indicate the possible differences between them on this particular issue. On the basis of research methods used in the article (analysis of sources, histori-cal method, comparative method) it has been demonstrated that Polish libertarian parties – propagating the ideas of minimal state and laissez-faire economy – are scepti-cal to Polish integration with EC/EU. Simultaneously it must be noted that the attitude to the European integration process – as shown in the example of the Union of the Real Politics – may, under the influence of changing political situation, succumb to minor changes.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 2; 120-130 (11)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prezydencjalizacja zachowań wyborczych w elekcji parlamentarnej w 2015 roku
Presidentialization of Electoral Face in Polish Parliamentary Election in 2015 year
Autorzy:
Peszyński, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514775.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
presidentialisation
personalization
leader effect
electoral face
political parties
Opis:
In this article the author analyses the process by means of the quantitative and proportional distribution of answers regarding two questions. The first one concerns the leader effect and the second the social approval for television debates participated by the leaders of the two major political parties (the questions can be found next to the tables presenting the results of the study). In the research under consideration were used the same questions as in 2012 and 2013, when no nation-wide election was organized. The comparison of the results gathered in those “election-free” years and in 2015, when two important votings (presidential and parliamentary) took place may bring particularly interesting conclusions.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2016, 12; 37-55
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Działalność partii mniejszości narodowych w Republice Serbii w latach 1990–2008*
Activity of national minority parties in the Republic of Serbia in the years 1990–2008
Autorzy:
Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489883.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties of national minorities
minorities
Serbia
ethnification
Opis:
in Serbia and represent three national minorities: Hungarian, Bosnian, and Albanian. The timeframe of the research covers the period between the first free parliamentary elections that took place in 1990 and the elections in 2008. The aim of the article is to show some common features characteristic for the functioning of national minority parties in Serbia. The analysis focuses on the influence of the activities and strategies undertaken by this type of parties on the electoral system (and its reforms), the engagement of the Serbian authorities in conflicts on the area of the post-Yugoslavian republics in the 1990s and the principles of registering political parties. The article also presents changes in the regulations introduced in this respect based on the novelization of the act of political parties legislated on 12th of May 2009. The changes facilitate creating parties that represent national minorities which in fact favours further fragmentation.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2013, 11; 87-112
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ansätze künftiger deutscher Russlandpolitik in Wahlprogrammen von sechs politischen Parteien zur Bundestagswahl 2017
Approaches for future policy of Germany towards Russia in election programs for the 2017 Bundestag election of six German political parties
Autorzy:
FRANZKE, JOCHEN
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625540.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Germany
Russia
European Union
Political parties
Foreign policy
Opis:
In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany’s future relations with Russia are possible.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2017, 11; 147-156
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Historical Reminiscences in Party Programs and Public Utterances of the Leaders of Polish Political Parties after 1989. The Case of Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)
Reminiscencje historyczne w programach partyjnych i wypowiedziach liderów polskich partii po 1989 roku na przykładzie Prawa i Sprawiedliwości
Autorzy:
Paczos, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616596.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political parties
tradition
political program
partie polityczne
tradycja
program polityczny
Opis:
Tekst ma na celu przeanalizowanie natury stosunku polskich partii do przeszłości. Pokazanie inspiracji ideologicznych, ale również wzorców zachowań, które można dostrzec w polskich partiach działających po 1989 roku, a które bardziej lub mniej świadomie zostały „zapożyczone” od ugrupowań funkcjonujących w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym i w okresie PRL-u. Są to nawiązania zarówno do tradycji demokratycznej, jak i autorytarnej. Przedmiotem analizy zostały nie tylko formalne deklaracje ideowe partii, wypowiedzi polityków, propozycje rozwiązań ustrojowych, ale również szeroko rozumiana praktyka polityczna. Tekst ma pomóc znaleźć odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu tradycja polityczna może być pomocna w kształtowaniu tożsamości politycznej współczesnych partii, do jakich elementów historii nawiązują najczęściej polskie ugrupowania po 1989 roku oraz scharakteryzować podejście partii do tradycji i sposobu jej wykorzystywania w rywalizacji politycznej.
This paper investigates political parties’ attitudes towards the past. It explores the ideological inspirations and patterns of behavior of the parties founded in Poland after 1989, which were more or less consciously ‘borrowed’ from the political groups operating in the interwar and Communist periods respectively. The parties have been found to draw both upon democratic and authoritarian traditions. In addition to examining the ideological declarations and public utterances made by politicians, and proposals for systemic solutions, the paper also looks at political practice in the broad sense. The aim of this work is to determine how political traditions could help to shape the political identities of contemporary parties and to identify the historical references favored by political groups in post 1989 Poland. It portrays the political parties’ stances on tradition and shows how they are used in political rivalry.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2017, 1; 103-114
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Postawy elit politycznych Europy Środkowej wobec integracji z UE w okresie przedakcesyjnym
Attitudes of Central European political elites towards integration with the EU before accession
Autorzy:
Prażuch, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625191.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political systems
political parties
Central Europe
European integration
Visegrad Group
Opis:
This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989–2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: „pro-European”, „anti-European” and „Eurosceptic” – based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2015, 9; 567-591
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola odwołań do historii w deklaracjach ideowych wybranych polskich partii politycznych po 1989 roku
The role of references to history in the ideological declarations of selected Polish political parties after 1989
Autorzy:
Paczos, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2159476.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
partie polityczne
tradycja
program polityczny
political parties
tradition
political programme
Opis:
This paper investigates political parties’ attitude towards the past. It explores ideological inspirations and more or less consciously ‘borrowed’ by parties founded in Poland after 1989 from political groups operating in the interwar and the Communist periods.
Źródło:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis; 2022, 3 (34); 184-205
2084-1213
Pojawia się w:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
About the necessity of scientific research concerning regional and ethnoregional parties in Central and Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Myśliwiec, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514733.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political parties
regional parties
ethnicity
regionalism
Central and Eastern Europe
Opis:
The history of states situated in Central and Eastern Europe in nineteenth and twentieth centuries differs significantly from the history of contemporary than western democracies. In nineteenth century, when the majority of states in Western Europe have shaped their own models of horizontal and vertical division of powers, states in Central and Eastern part of the continent have fought for their political position in the context of larger, complex states or didn`t exist at the map of the world at all. The short period of peace between the First and the Second World War has allowed for some experiments with democratic institutions and procedures, but there was no time for their consolidation. After the Second World War that part of Europe has fallen under the influence of the Soviet Union, losing the chance to implement political solutions known by the Western Europeans for more than 150 years. The democratic transition, started symbolically in 1989, has allowed to undertake new efforts to establish democratic orders in states of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the horizontal division of powers was far more important than the reflection on necessity of vertical organization of the public authority. Mentioned problems have decisively caused difficulties in defining relations between political centres and peripheries in states of the Central and Eastern Europe. But it does not mean that politically significant processes in these states are taking place only in political centres and their only actors are state-wide-parties. For that reason the main aim of this paper will be to justify the necessity of scientific research concerning regional and ethnoregional parties as well as proto-parties in Central and Eastern Europe.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2016, 13; 153-163
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radical Islamic Parties and Movements in Uzbekistan 1990–2012
Autorzy:
Türk, Fahri
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2032364.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
modern Uzbekistan
political parties and movements
Islamist parties
radical Islam
Opis:
Uzbekistan, so as other Central Asian Republics, turned into turbulent times in the beginning of 1990’s. After collapsing USSR, 5 Republics gained its independence. The whole region was very well-known from its religiosity. However, besides the fact that Islamist movements and parties were banned on any political activity and had no right to act as an opposition within the system of Uzbekistan, they have emerged subsequently especiallly in this country. The modern history of Uzbekistan is full of radical Islamic political and social movements. From the very beginning of the Republic, Islam Karimov, its first and the only one till now president, rules though and solidly. He was the biggest opponent of any Islamic initiative which showed up and tried to damp it down immediately. The aim of this study is to explore all the Islamist parties and movements which have been raised in Uzbekistan between 1990 and 2012. Which of them were and still remaining crucial and have the impact on Uzbek political and social life. The Author is trying to investigate the reasons and circumstances that led Islamist movements to arise and effectively influence on Uzbekistan political arena.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2013, 4; 275-298
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
An overeview of attitude towards selected aspects of electoral programs of Polish political groups taking part in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament
Autorzy:
Ganowicz, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647755.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Political Science
party system
political parties
political programmes
Europarliament 2014 elections
Opis:
Elections to the European Parliament (EP), because of its role in establishing the legal order in member states of the European Union (EU), should become increasingly crucial among all the direct elections in which Poles participate in our country’s political system.  But the results of analyses carried out by various research institutions indicate that, in Polish public opinion, the elections to the EP are the least important in terms of the meaning they have for Poles. Since the start of their organization, these elections have consistently come second (in terms of significance) to domestic elections – Presidential, Parliamentary, and local.Yet these elections, for many reasons, were actually the most important of all European elections so far. The following paper is an attempt at answering the question of how important the issues of Polish membership in the EU, EU`s functioning and policy, economic and some selected socio-cultural (especially moral and religious) problems. To answer that question, an analysis was made of the program documents of all parties participating in the 2014 elections to the EP, as well as of party leaders’ statements, mostly posted on the Internet (i.e. on the political groups’ websites). The analysis was conducted taking into consideration three areas:Political: – expansion of the Eurozone into Poland, the possibility of blocking treaties by particular member countries, a common EU foreign policy, the idea of „European solidarity”, the assessment of the integration process, and potential sanctions to be placed by the EU on Russia;Economic: – commercialization and privatization of the health care system, the problem of government interference in the economy, environmental protection at the cost of economic development, decreasing expenses as a means of fighting the economic crisis, and employee redundancies;Moral – Religious: – the possibility of legalizing unions by homosexual couples, the legalization of abortion and marijuana for personal use, the possibility of trading on Sundays and holidays, the introduction of sexual education into schools, the separation of church and state by removing religious symbols from the public sphere, as well as the impossibility of financing churches through public funds. 
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2016, 23, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rytualna partycypacja? Opinie Polaków o polityce i partiach politycznych
Ritual participation? Polish opinions on politics and political parties
Autorzy:
Solarz, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514471.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political participation
political parties
political conflicts
political ritualism
trust in political institutions
Opis:
Poles comparatively low political activity, continued from the first competitive parliamentary election in 1991, leads to take a reflection of the voters perception of politics and political parties. The article focus on the perception of political parties in Poland and the Poles’ attitude to politics. Research has shown that the political sphere of democratic Poland separates from the social life. The activities of political parties, political conflicts and their solutions, are a phenomena that the majority of Poles do not care about. Polish political institutions and democratic procedures act in a specific social void. Poles political behavior (especially the voters one), in the period of democratic system, is characterized by high level of ritualism. This method of adaptation of the citizens of Poland to the democratic political system leads to low level of trust in political institutions.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 6; 13-32
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Perceptron of Security in the Programs of Czech Political Parties
Autorzy:
Czyżniewski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594388.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Czech Republic
political parties
security
perception of security
Opis:
Author analyzed the programs of all Czech political parties which have their representatives in the Chamber of Deputies in the parliamentary term 2013–2017, assuming that political programs are a reflection of the public discourse, and of the public eye. Security is one of the most important categories in the programs of Czech political parties, in some literally the most important, however, this importance is determined through quantitative, not qualitative, perspective. Diagnosis and solutions are similar in all cases, what allows to conclude that security is not a factor differentiating the Czech political scene.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2017, 1 (46); 40-62
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The End of Party Representation? Some Remarks on the Relationships between Parties and Interest Organizations in Contemporary Poland
Autorzy:
Sobolewska-Myślik, Katarzyna
Kasprowicz, Dominika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642950.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
political parties
trade unions
interest groups
alternative politics
Opis:
The main focus of this article is the changing character of relations between political parties and interest groups. The specific aspect of such change is explored, that is the situation when interest groups take over some functions usually performed by political parties. This phenomenon is illustrated by the case of “Solidarity” trade union, as exceptional, border-crossing phenomenon.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Implementation of the Quota System in the Regional Assembly Elections: the Analysis of Electoral Results in the Context of Women’s Epresentation on Electoral Lists
Autorzy:
Cichosz, Marzena
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616934.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
women
quota system
elections
regional assemblies
political parties
Opis:
The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 25-37
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Common Forms of Gerrymandering in the United States
Autorzy:
Keena, Alex
Latner, Michael
McGann, Anthony J.
Smith, Charles Anthony
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1198473.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
gerrymandering
voting manipulation
U.S. congress
political parties.
Opis:
Gerrymandering is a form of voting manipulation whereby electoral district boundaries are drawn to produce a partisan or political bias in elections. In this paper, we study partisan gerrymandering in the United States to understand its undemocratic outcomes and how the design of election institutions can promote or prevent gerrymandering. We begin with a survey of the history of gerrymandering, with a particular focus on partisan gerrymandering. We then consider the normative standards of fairness in democracy that partisan gerrymandering may violate. Next, we present a typology of partisan gerrymandering based upon the district maps drawn in California, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and New Jersey for the 2012 elections. Using the partisan symmetry method, we estimate the seats/votes curves of the congressional maps used in 38 states during the 2012 elections. We find that partisan gerrymanders occur almost exclusively when politicians are given control over redistricting. This analysis implies that a political designer, who wants to minimize gerrymandering, should not put redistricting in the hands of politicians.
Źródło:
Decyzje; 2019, 32; 41-61
1733-0092
2391-761X
Pojawia się w:
Decyzje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Eurosceptycy – nowe wyzwanie dla niemieckiej sceny politycznej?
Eurosceptics: a New Challenge to German Politics?
Autorzy:
Moroska-Bonkiewicz, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140893.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-27
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej
Tematy:
eurosceptycy
partie polityczne
wybory
Eurosceptics
political parties
elections
Opis:
Sukcesy wyborcze eurosceptycznej Alternatywy dla Niemiec w 2013 i 2014 r. zrodziły pytanie, czy i jaki wpływ wywiera ona na niemiecką scenę polityczną. W rozważaniach uwaga zwrócona została w szczególności na liczbę relewantnych partii, uczestniczących w rywalizacji politycznej na poziomie federalnym, krajów związkowych oraz na zachowania partii politycznych, zasady rywalizacji i współpracy międzypartyjnej na arenie wyborczej oraz gabinetowej. Analiza pozwoliła na konkluzję, że partia wpłynęła na układ sił na niemieckiej scenie politycznej, przyczyniła się bowiem do osłabienia pozycji większości ugrupowań politycznych zarówno na poziomie federalnym, jak i związkowym, przyczyniła się do zniknięcia liberalnejFDP z Bundestagu oraz wschodnich parlamentów krajów związkowych, a także – w przypadku landu Saksonia – również skrajnie prawicowej NPD. Pośrednio sukcesy AfD wpłynęły na proces przeformułowania strategii działania innych ugrupowań politycznych, szczególnie chadecji, zarówno w zakresie oferty programowej, jak i porozumień koalicyjnych.
The successful run of the Eurosceptic Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the elections of 2013 and 2014 has prompted questions about whether and how it affects the German political scene. The paper addresses such issues as the number of relevant parties which participate in political rivalries on the federal and federal-state levels and the practices of political parties – principles underpinning their rivalry and inter-party collaboration in electoral and cabinet settings. It is argued that AfD has influenced the composition and distribution of power in German politics by undercutting the position of most political organisations both on the federal level and within particular states and by contributing to the ousting of the liberal FDP from the Bundestag and parliaments of the Eastern states as well as of the far-right NPD from Saxony’s parliament. Indirectly, the AfD success has induced other political organisations, in particular the Christian Democrats, to re-define their strategies, programmes and coalition policies.
Źródło:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego; 2015, 9, 1; 105-121
1896-8848
2450-3436
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland
Autorzy:
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2156608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-13
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
intra-party democracy
electoral defeat
political parties
Polska
Opis:
An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.
Źródło:
Przegląd Europejski; 2021, 4; 191-207
1641-2478
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Europejski
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
UWARUNKOWANIA RYWALIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ PLATFORMY OBYWATELSKIEJ RP I PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI
DETERMINANTS OF THE RIVALRY BETWEEN CIVIC PLATFORM AND LAW AND JUSTICE
Autorzy:
Maj, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513547.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Civic Platform
Law and Justice
political competition
Polish political parties
Opis:
The author presented the determinants of rivalry between PO and PiS. The analysis covered the genesis of both parties, existing and new socio-political divisions created by the parties; party memberships; differences in strategy and paradigms, and the differ-ences of party programmes.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 32-44 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Społeczny odbior Solidarnej Polski Zbigniewa Ziobry
The social reception of United Poland
Autorzy:
Marmola, Maciej
Olszanecka, Agata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514429.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
social reception
political parties
new parties
United Poland
emergence of new parties
Opis:
This article is an attempt to describe the social reception of United Poland (Solidarna Polska) – the new party on Polish political scene founded by former Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro. The authors have tried to answer the question whether this new political initiative can reach the relevant position in Polish party system. The first part of article includes the most popular theoretical models referring to emergence of new political parties and their impact on party system. The other part presents the main issues connected with United Poland: the genesis of this party, the political program and the marketing strategy. It has been an introduction to show the results of our research on the social reception of United Poland. According to the research, only a small number of voters believe in success this new party. The most of Polish electorate think that United Poland cannot develop the coherent marketing strategy and their political program cannot be distinguished from parties with parliamentary representation.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 5; 115-130
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybory do sejmiku województwa zachodniopomorskiego
Elections to the Regional Council of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1831635.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-02-21
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
wybory samorządowe
partie polityczne
local government elections
political parties
Opis:
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań dotyczących rywalizacji w wyborach samorządowych na poziomie regionu. Analiza odnosi się do wyników głosowania i wyborów do sejmiku województwa zachodniopomorskiego w sześciu kolejnych elekcjach. Badaniami objęto między innymi frekwencję, zmiany poparcia dla komitetów wyborczych i podział mandatów. Skupiono się na partiach, które albo samodzielnie, albo w koalicjach uzyskiwały mandaty w sejmiku. W badanym okresie najwyższe poparcie wyborcze osiągał do roku 2006 Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej,a w kolejnych wyborach Platforma Obywatelska RP. Województwo charakteryzowało się niższą frekwencją od średniej krajowej. W wyborach większe poparcie niż średnie w kraju uzyskiwały ugrupowania lewicy oraz Platforma Obywatelska RP.
The article presents the research of the effects of rivalry in local government elections at the regional level. The analysis concerns the results of voting and elections to the Regional Council of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in six subsequent elections. The study includes factors such as: attendance, changes in support for electoral committees and the distribution of seats. The main focus was put on the parties that obtained seats in the Regional Council – either independently or within coalitions. In the analysed period, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) obtained the highest electoral support until 2006, but in the following elections the highest support belonged to the Civic Platform (PO). The West Pomeranian Voivodship noted lower turnout than the national average attendance. Leftist parties and the Civic Platform gained above average support in West Pomerania than on the country level.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2019, 47, 1; 79-92
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
POLSKIE PARTIE POLITYCZNE I ICH WYBORCY WOBEC ZWIĄZKÓW PARTNERSKICH OSÓB TEJ SAMEJ PŁCI
POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR SUPPORTERS WITH RESPECT TO SAME SEX CIVIL PARTNERSHIPS
Autorzy:
Zawadzka, Katarzyna
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
polish political parties
partnership of same – sex
left
right
Opis:
The article concerns attitudes of voters and political parties towards the right to civil partnerships for same-sex couples. Although, over the years, several attempts have been made to introduce draft laws on relationships in Poland, none of them was successful. The following political parties and groupings were analyzed: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Platforma Obywatelska RP, Nowoczesna of Ryszard Petru, KW Kukiz '15 and Koalicja Zjednoczona Lewica. Studies have confirmed that the portioning of support for the right to a same-sex registered partnership divides the Polish political scene. The position of the examined parties on the legalization of same-sex relationships coincides with the beliefs of voters. The majority of parties and voters of the left supported the right to enter into partnerships, right-wing parties and their voters were against.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2018, 16, 1; 132-145 (14)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Macedonian Party System and European Integration Process
Autorzy:
Karadzoski, Mladen
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/557986.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Republic of Macedonia
Political Parties
Foreign Policy
European Union
Opis:
The purpose of this paper is to determine the level of support for the process of accession of the Republic of Macedonia in the European Union by political parties, but also to determine whether that support is only nominal, i.e. declarative, or is it realistic, concrete and active support realized through instruments and mechanisms available to the political parties in the country. Also, in this paper will be analyzed the attitudes of political parties in Macedonia, referring to the name dispute with Greece, fostering good neighborly relations with Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania, but also in respect of certain internal political issues.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2016, 3; 193-209
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Development of the Polish Party System: a Perspective of the Parliamentary Elections Results
Autorzy:
Jaskiernia, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594729.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polska
elections
political parties
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Opis:
The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution – the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. It would be mistaken to portray an emerging situation as a simple rightist win. PiS to some extent represents a social attitude, typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some part of the program including a populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and nationalistic stand on a perception of patriotic mood. The important meaning has a support of PiS by the Catholic Church, especially at the grass-roots level. The victory of PiS and forming of the majority government have an important meaning for the functioning of the political parties’ system in Poland. For the first time since 1989, there were not balancing of power situation which the coalition governments have brought about. The political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must offer a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, especially dealing with challenging the PiS policy to compromise a democratic system based on the 1997 Constitution, e.g. division of power, position of the Constitutional Tribunal and functioning of the judiciary.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2017, 2 (46); 227-246
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Organizacja Monarchistyczna w województwie pomorskim (1925–1927). Geneza – środowisko – formy działania
The Monarchist Organisation in the Pomeranian Voivodeship (1925–1927): Origins – Social Environment – Activities
Autorzy:
Łaszkiewicz, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1059245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-03-31
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
monarchism
conservatism
political life
political parties
second polish republic
pomeranian voivodeship
Opis:
Monarchist ideas after the First World War were introduced to Polish political life by student circles. It took the first years of activity to crystallize the programme, which finally led to its revival and establishing contacts with well-known representatives of conservative circles. These activities resulted in the establishment of the Monarchist Organisation in Poznan in 1925, whose operations soon included the area of the Pomeranian Voivodeship, largely owing to its interim president, Józef Bolesław Robakowski, who came from that region. Considering the leadership and financial background of the new organization, its establishment and development should be connected with the landed gentry’s attempt to counteract the agricultural reform, which was adopted with the support of the National Democracy in summer 1925. The postulate of the restoration of the monarchy was based on the pre-war sense of order, which was very widespread, especially in Western Poland. The right-wing sympathies spread among the inhabitants of this region gave hope for the support of a movement that appealed to nationalism, Catholic faith and royal authority. The Pomeranian landed gentry was, however, divided in the assessment of this political movement, and some influential activists explicitly distanced themselves from such views. These views seemed to be detrimental to the common interests of landowners and owners of smaller farms, which had been developed in the region for years. After two years of activity, the Monarchist Organisation merged with the All-Estate Monarchist Organisation, the Pomeranian leaders of the royalist movement joined the conservatives who had already been supporting the political movement of ‘Sanation’. The Monarchist Organisation turned out to be an anachronistic group and did not gain much public support. Nor did it find unequivocal approval among the Pomeranian landed gentry which had been subjected to social modernization for a long time. With a more pragmatic approach, the organization was able to effectively pursue its political goals in the following years.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2020, 85, 1; 123-140
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od sojuszu do skrajnej wrogości. Ewolucja zachowań parlamentarnych Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2001–2013
From alliance to extreme hostility. Evolution of parliamentary behavior of Platforma Obywatelska and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość in the period 2001–2013
Autorzy:
Sokołowski, Jacek K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489666.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
political opposition
parliamentary behavior
Platforma Obywatelska
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Opis:
The main purpose of the article was to analyze the evolution of parliamentary behavior of Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) in the years 2001–2013. The present paper explains the development of identity of both parties since the election of 2005. The analysis takes into account creating bond with the voters, as well as selected models and rules governing the behavior of politicians. The data presented show that up until 2010 Polish government opposition was of consensual type, i.e. the opposition agreed with the governing party in many cases. At the turn of sixth and seventh term of office was substituted with “hard” opposition, who consistently voted against proposed bills of the coalition. However, it needs to be stressed that a clear dissonance in legislative behavior is correlated with the previously long term of stability of coalition governments, as well as with the increase in coherence of parliamentary clubs. This may be an indicator of the forming of a permanent model of parliamentary rivalry and of an increase in stability of the political system.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 115-133
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Znikająca lewica”. O dyskursie zawierającym diagnozę zmian polskiej sceny politycznej
The case of disappearing Left in Poland
Autorzy:
Mikołajczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489738.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political discourse
discourse analysis
Polish political scene
Left-wing politics
political parties
Opis:
The article is an example of a discourse analysis dedicated to the decreasing relevance of the left-wing politics in Poland. In the course of the article author, first, reconstructs explanatory factors behind the phenomenon of the „disappearing left in Poland” that has been proposed by several authors since the 90s. In the second step, author applies this framework to the field of parliamentary politics, political discourses as well as to wider political context (i.e. media). The explanatory factors has been classified into five groups: adaptation (adjusting the left to the neoliberal order), denial (unsuccessful defense of leftist values and tradition), misrepresentation (consent of the political elites of the left to changing political affiliation of the trade unions that folated towards the conservative right), capture (exploitation of the crucial elements of the doctrine like „welfare state” by the national- Catholic milieus), incoherence (different ideological priorities of the „young” and „old” activists of the Left) and eventually liked with the „vanishing voter” situation in Poland.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 89-114
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Changes in the Party System in the Context of Deconsolidation of Democracy in Poland
Autorzy:
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1991343.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish party system
Polish political parties
functions of political parties
models of competition at the cabinet level
voting behaviors in Poland
Opis:
The party system and the parties within it were ones of the relevant elements of system transformation in Poland. We can identify several significant determinants of the process with regard to this area. The first of them is formal standards and their influence on the course of political competition. The second is the functions attributed to political parties in the political and party system. The third one is connected with the significance of social structure’s specificity and its influence on voting behaviors. The fourth determinant is the models of competition at the cabinet level. The paper presents these four determinants of development of political parties and the party system in Poland in the perspective of democratization processes.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 1 (49); 55-66
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wyborcy wobec sposobu wyboru i zakresu władzy liderów polskich partii politycznych
Voters in the face of election mechanism and scope of leaders authority in Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514648.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party leaders
party organization
party organizational change
political parties
Opis:
The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot’s Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 6; 61-74
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Party leadership in Poland in comparative perspective
Autorzy:
Radecki, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647573.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
party leadership
leaders
intra-party democracy
political parties
Polska
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to analyse leadership in Polish political parties in comparative perspective. In the further parts of this paper, the methods of leader selections, their competitiveness, as well as reasons for their stepping down are discussed. Similarly to the western political parties, the Polish ones have been changing their methods of leadership selection. So far each time it has consisted in a formal increase in the inclusiveness of the selection. The reasons for transferring the rights relating to the leadership selection to party members were brought closer to the premises typical for Westminster democracies rather than the consensual ones. The analysis of the Polish case shows that the internal elections have been characterized by different levels of competitiveness.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism
Zepsuta demokracja, państwo drapieżcze i nacjonalistyczny populizm
Autorzy:
Bozóki, András
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953192.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
system transition
political parties
Hungary
Victor Orbán
Fidesz
democracy
Opis:
The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.
Głównym celem artykułu jest próba analizy funkcjonowania „reżimu” Victora Orbana na Węgrzech w okresie od 2010 roku. Rozważania oscylują wokół takich zagadnień, jak: rozwój demokracji na Węgrzech od 1990 roku, historia i tło funkcjonowania partii Fidesz oraz przebieg sprawowania władzy przez Orbana. W tekście podjęto analizę przyczyn przejęcia władzy przez Fidesz, odwołując się do doświadczeń węgierskiej demokracji od 1989 roku, procesów reformowania kraju i kryzysów ekonomicznych. Artykuł wieńczy analiza pięciu filarów władzy Victora Orbana.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 48; 247-262
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radicals in Central Europe. Real Danger or a Passing Fad
Autorzy:
Marks, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
radicalism
populism
political parties
Central Europe
authoritarianism
democracy
system
transformation
Opis:
The object of this article is to discuss various forms of political radicalism in Central Europe after 1989. This issue is made important by this region’s impact on the Old Continent in its modern history and particular intensification of this phenomenon in countries undergoing dramatic social changes, system transformation in this case. Focusing his attention on Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, the author classifies radical groups as “classic autocrats” and “evolutionary populists.” Differences in ideology, programmes and organization between them as well as their immanent qualities indicate that the popularity of radicals is but a transient phenomenon and poses no threat to the bases of democracy. However, one can consider it a lasting feature of this system, which materializes in the form of changing, disintegrating and yet again reborn groups.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 209-230
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Norweskie partie polityczne wobec problemu zmian klimatu i polityki klimatycznej
The Norwegian political parties’ attitudes towards the problem of climate change and climate policy
Autorzy:
Dośpiał-Borysiak, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1185387.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-01
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Norway
climate policy
political parties
Norwegia
polityka klimatyczna
partie polityczne
Opis:
Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemy polityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Główne podmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F), Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej polityki klimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnym wyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatycznej i ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznej implementacji w minionej dekadzie.
Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People’s Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.
Źródło:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; 2015, 2, 4(8); 141-158
2391-6389
2719-7131
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
External Factors Determining the Electoral Strategies of Political Parties in Multi-Level Systems
Autorzy:
Kosowska-Gąstoł, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
electoral strategies
political parties
multi-level system
party organisation
regionalisation
Opis:
This article identifies the factors which determine the electoral strategies of political parties in multi-level systems and describes how they can influence these strategies. It particularly focuses on the two aspects: regionalisation and “nationalisation” (centralisation) of the strategies. In the first case, state-wide parties allow their regional branches to develop their own strategies, in the second one – the regional strategies are dominated by the strategies of statewide parties. The article shows the features of political systems that foster each of these cases, especially the way in which a multi-layered system is created (bottom-up, top-down), the relations between the state authorities at central and regional levels (connected, separated), electoral systems and cycles.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Politicisation of Regional Authorities and Its Impact on the Development of Civil Society in Slovakia
Upartyjnienie władz regionalnych i jego wpływ na rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego na Słowacji
Autorzy:
Kancik-Kołtun, Ewelina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2048232.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
politicisation
party-dependency
local government
civil society
political parties
Slovakia
Opis:
The paper is an attempt to answer the question to what extent the local government at the regional level in Slovakia is dominated by political parties, and to what extent by independent politicians. The subject of the study are the results of the 2017 local government elections at the regional level and their analysis. The main goal of the paper is to provide a comprehensive, statistical and comparative presentation of the regional election results in Slovakia and show the degree of local authorities’ party-dependency. The secondary objective is to examine how the politicisation of local government influences the development of civil society. An attempt is also made to determine how political competition at the local government level looks like, and whether local entities effectively compete with political parties.
Artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu władza samorządowa na poziomie regionalnym na Słowacji jest płaszczyzną dominacji partii politycznych, a w jakim polityków bezpartyjnych. Przedmiotem badań są wyniki wyborów samorządowych na poziomie regionalnym z 2017 roku i ich analiza. Celem głównym artykułu jest kompleksowe, statystyczno-komparatystyczne przedstawienie wyników wyborów na szczeblu regionalnym na Słowacji oraz ukazanie stopnia upartyjnienia samorządów. Celem drugiego rzędu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób na rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego wpływa upolitycznienie samorządu terytorialnego. Autorka stara się również ustalić, w jaki sposób przebiega rywalizacja polityczna na poziomie samorządowym i czy lokalne podmioty skutecznie współzawodniczą z partiami politycznymi.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2021, 36 (43); 61-78
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przemiany demokratyczne w Polsce: stowarzyszenia a partie polityczne
Democratic transformations in Poland: associations and political parties
Autorzy:
Dębski, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901861.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Gdańska Wyższa Szkoła Humanistyczna
Tematy:
Polska
transformations in Poland
associations
political parties
process of democratization
political system
Opis:
In advancing process of democratization of the political system in Poland, there are more and more recent efforts to its slowdown. Such a course of action is to replace the roles of NGOs in the example of associations in the political and electoral base. This is one-sided direction caused by commercial approach to obtain the position and power. We can recognize that this kind of behavior is dominated by the local environment. Social groups, which often behave like junta play an local important role. Unstable political system in Poland and getting worse and worse ratings in evaluation public opinion for political parties, causes a need to hide their own worldview. Including as member affluent individuals, authorities and popular person, creates a false image and obtains an impact on political-election decisions, not participating in selfless work for the community, which is characterized by non-profit organizations.
Źródło:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość; 2012, 9; 382-401
1731-8440
Pojawia się w:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Współczesny neofityzm polityczny na tle procesu komercjalizacji polityki
Modern-day political zeal and the process of politics commercialization
Autorzy:
Kilian, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489660.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political neophytism
political secularization
political parties articulation
function atrophy
medial hypnosis
civil religion
Opis:
The heuristic layer of the article includes the argumentation of the thesis that going to the opposite party and political reorientation based on an egoistic motive, called political neophytism, is becoming an impulse for the evolution of new political life forms and for the birth of new, hybrid political parties, which in turn are becoming a vivifying force of representative democracy, and which allow for keeping the quality of political life on a higher level, which can also be seen in the choice of legal-institutional solutions. In the public opinion the political conversion phenomenon is not gaining acceptation, for it is contrasting with the commonly accepted party loyalty rule and it bends the idea of political commitment, which is profiling the relations between the electorate and their deputies. Because of this some part of this electorate turns its back to political parties and transfers its expectations (and ruling authorization) to alternative subjects of common interest articulation, most commonly towards mass social movements. Others, in turn, feeling that they have been „cheated” by the neophyte, turn away from active political life completely and resign from taking part in the elections, others still turn to ideologically mutated historical parties which try to adopt the system of values and ideological cannons to the shifting socio-political conditions. In these groups there are the followers of radical parties with a clear ideology presented in the tradition and conservatism categories; the context of the way of thought of such a group can be used to analyze the election success of the Congress of the New Right – Janusz Korwin Mikke in the European Parliament election. It is also an important element of this presentation to prognose the changes in the political system under the phenomenon of political neophytism and similar behaviors, e.g. political mimicry.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2014, 13; 31-42
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kategoria dobra wspólnego jako podstawa dobrego państwa... w refleksji polskich środowisk katolickich
The common good as the basis of a good country in the context of the Polish Catholic enclaves
Autorzy:
Tasak, Agata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489889.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political neophytism
political secularization
political parties articulation
function atrophy
medial hypnosis
civil religion
Opis:
The common good is one of the most important contexts in social and humanistic sciences and also incredibly difficult ones to undoubtedly define. Throughout many centuries, the meaning of this concept has been filled with different definitions. It is also one of the most important concepts to be defined in the Catholic social teachings. Following the Catholic social thought, it also inspires the Catholic secular communities, which are trying to give it a specific meaning in a given socio-political reality. The aim of the article is to explain how the Catholic communities in Poland are defining the meaning of this concept, how different they are in their description, and if their description is compliant with the directions of the Catholic Church. It can be said, all Catholic communities in Poland agree in this, that the notion of common good is one of the most important ones in the life of societies. All Catholic streams indicate that the citizens should be mobilized to define and complete the goals of the community, they also encourage Catholics to actively participate in the public life for the sake of the common good. All the streams underline that the most important goal of the existence of political rule should be to take steps to „take wise care of the common good”. What they are different in, though, is the perception of the gist of this good, and especially the way of its identification. The „open” stream of Catholicism, the dominant approach towards common good is the constructivist one. In the Catholic stream generally called „closed” the common good is described in the absolutistic approach. The understanding of the common good by the Catholic communities in Poland, though not diametrically different, indicates that there is a difference between these communities, and also adds new threads to its characteristic.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2014, 13; 43-61
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformations in second-order campaigning: A German-Finnish comparison of campaign professionalism in the 2004 and 2009 European parliamentary elections
Autorzy:
Tenscher, Jens
Mykkänen, Juri
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471145.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
professionalization
election campaigns
European parliamentary elections
political parties
Germany
Finland
Opis:
In this article, we address the problem of measuring professionalism of political cam- paigns in European parliamentary elections. We use a comparative research design with party-level campaign data from two fairly similar EU member states, Germany and Finland, and two elections, 2004 and 2009. Th eoretically, our analysis is based on the so-called party-centred theory of profes- sionalism, which puts an emphasis on party characteristics in explaining the variance of campaign professionalism. We hypothesize that besides observing increasing party-level campaign professional- ism in time and higher levels of professional campaigning in Germany, professionalism is positively associated with a party’s size, its right-wing orientation and recent change of leadership. We found support for the time-eff ect and party size, whereas evidence in country comparison, ideological orien- tation and change of leadership was inconclusive, suggesting signifi cant diff erences among countries and elections. It also seems that the political left harbours the most professional parties. Th is calls for a re-evaluation of the party-centred theory of campaign professionalism.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2013, 6, 2 (11); 171-187
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Twitter in Communication Strategies of the Leaders of the Polish Political Parties
Twitter w strategiach komunikacyjnych liderów polskich partii politycznych
Autorzy:
Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/522931.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Ośrodek Analiz Politologicznych
Tematy:
social media
Twitter
communication strategy
Polish political parties content analysis
Opis:
The purpose of the article is an attempt to capture the way of using in the communication strategies the potential of social media on the example of the micro blog Twitter by the leaders of the Polish political parties. The main research questions concentrate around the answers to the questions of whether and how the leaders of the Polish political parties use the official accounts on Twitter for the communication with the potential voters. The detailed analysis included the activity (frequency of entries) and type and subject of tweets posted by the politicians (Donald Tusk - PO, Janusz Palikot – TR, Janusz Piechociński – PSL and Leszek Miller - SLD) on their official accounts. The study also highlighted the degree of the involvement of both the Internet users and the politicians into the emerging discussions within the given tweet/account. The detailed empirical study included the randomly selected month – January 2014. It is worth adding that it was a period preceding the official electoral campaign to the European Parliament planned for May 25, 2014. In the study of the collected material the method of the content analysis was used, both quantitative and qualitative.
Celem artykułu jest próba uchwycenia zjawiska wykorzystania w strategiach komunikacyjnych potencjału mediów społecznościowych na przykładzie mikroblogu Twitter przez liderów polskich partii politycznych. Główne pytania badawcze koncentrują się wokół odpowiedzi na pytania o to, czy i w jaki sposób liderzy polskich partii politycznych wykorzystują oficjalne konta na Twitterze do komunikacji z potencjalnymi wyborcami. Szczegółowej analizie poddano aktywność (częstotliwość wpisów) oraz rodzaj i tematykę tweetów zamieszczanych przez polityków (Donalda Tuska – PO, Janusza Palikota – TR, Janusza Piechocińskiego – PSL oraz Leszka Millera – SLD) na swoich oficjalnych kontach. W badaniu zwrócono również uwagę na stopień zaangażowania zarówno internautów, jak i polityków w rodzące się dyskusje w ramach danego tweeta/konta. Szczegółowym badaniem empirycznym objęto losowo wybrany jeden miesiąc – styczeń 2014 roku. Warto dodać, iż był to okres poprzedzający oficjalną kampanię wyborczą wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego planowanych na koniec maja 2014 roku. W badaniu zgromadzonego materiału posłużono się metodą analizy treści, zarówno ilościowej, jak i jakościowej.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"; 2014, 9; 109-131
2084-5294
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
KOŚCIÓŁ ŁOMŻYŃSKI WOBEC PARTII POLITYCZNYCH W II RP
CHURCH OF LOMZA TO POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC
Autorzy:
GUZEWICZ, WOJCIECH
GRYGORCZYK, EWELINA
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne Adalbertinum
Tematy:
Diocese of Lomza
political parties
the Second Republic of Poland
Opis:
The article is the question of the relation of the Church Lomza political parties during the Second Republic. It found that the sympathies of the Diocese of Lomza deposited on the side of the Catholic-national groups. Norma was also that none of the party software struggling with the Church and religion, or not recognizing the principles and norms of Catholic could not count on Catholics. The latter groups were included mainly PSL “Liberation”, PPS and Communist parties. Emphasized the fact that the political options of Catholics should be consistent with the value system of the Gospel. This applies to the fact that Catholics supported the forces and political movements which, in relation to the basic ethical took a position contrary to the moral and social teaching of the Church.
Źródło:
Studia Ełckie; 2015, 17, 1; 19-30
1896-6896
2353-1274
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ełckie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy współczesne partie potrzebują jeszcze członków? Wnioski z badań empirycznych w polskich partiach politycznych
Do contemporary political parties still need members? Conclusions from the empirical study into Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Pacześniak, Anna
Wincławska, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514445.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political parties
membership
grassroots members
party elite and party leadership
Opis:
Research on political party members started on a grand scale at the beginning of the 1990s and it has gone in three main directions: (1) members and activists as a resource for the parties; (2) members as constituting “the party on the ground”; and (3) political participation of the members (van Haute, Paulis & Sierens 2017). In this article we are drawing from all three traditions of the research. The paper is based on empirical investigation from the project “Political Parties and their Social Environment. An Analysis of the Organization and Communication Activities of Polish Political Parties”, in which in-depth interviews with the parties’ leaders and parliamentarians were conducted and questionnaires were collected from the grassroots members and activists. To structure our research we put forward the following theses: (1) The parties’ elites declaratively appreciate the role of rank-and-file members in the organizations, but in practice rarely undertake activities to encourage people to join the parties or to engage the members they already have in party work. (2) The grassroots members would like to have more influence on party decisions. (3) The factor that is more important in differentiating the parties on their roles and expectations towards the organizations is the party age rather than its parliamentary or extra-parliamentary status.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 7-26
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy zrównoważonego rozwoju w programach norweskich partii politycznych
Problems of sustainable development in Norwegian political parties programmes
Autorzy:
Dośpiał-Borysiak, K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/326845.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Politechnika Śląska. Wydawnictwo Politechniki Śląskiej
Tematy:
rozwój zrównoważony
Norwegia
partia polityczna
sustainable development
Norway
political parties
Opis:
Artykuł podejmuje problem miejsca i roli koncepcji zrównoważonego rozwoju w programach norweskich partii politycznych. Norwegia wydaje się szczególnie interesującym przypadkiem badań z racji wpływu, jaki Gro Harlem Brundtland, wieloletnia premier i przewodnicząca Światowej Komisji ds. Środowiska i Rozwoju, odegrała w promocji zrównoważonego rozwoju w kraju i zagranicą. Autorka skupi się przede wszystkim na analizie deklaracji złożonych w partyjnych programach w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2013 r. oraz uwzględni praktykę kolejnych rządów: Partii Pracy (2005-2013) oraz Partii Konserwatywnej (2013-2017).
The article addresses the problem of the place and role of the concept of sustainable development in the programmes of the Norwegian political parties. Norway seems to be a particularly interesting case study because of the impact of Gro Harlem Brundtland, Norwegian Prime Minister and Chair of the World Commission on Environment and Development, has played in the promotion of sustainable development in the country and abroad. The author will focus mainly on the analysis of the declarations made in the party programmes in the parliamentary elections in 2013 and include the practice of successive governments: Labour Party (2005-2013) and the Conservative Party (2013-2017).
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe. Organizacja i Zarządzanie / Politechnika Śląska; 2017, 104; 175-191
1641-3466
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe. Organizacja i Zarządzanie / Politechnika Śląska
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Subjective grounds for expanding the powers of the President of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Nitsevich, Viсtor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628416.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
President
authorities
plenipotentiaries
political parties
public confidence
election of governors
Opis:
The article is devoted to a little-studied side of authority, in particular the authorities of the President of Russia. Exploring the constitutional scope of power, we can say that the President of Russia has a sufficiently large amount of power, backed up by the legal provisions of the Constitution. However, in practice, it has turned out that not only their influence but the power of the President has a wider scope. First of all, the article notes the subjective grounds and mechanisms of power over the chairman of the government and the terms of his appointment. In this case, the key role is played by the political party United Russia, which was created by the President, although the President is outside the party system of Russia. A substantial expansion of the power of the President occurred as a result of the creation of federal districts and the formation of an institution of plenipotentiaries. The rationale is given that the change of legal norms for the election of governors, where the President plays the main role in nominating candidacy, and the procedure for registering them is entirely determined by the United Russia political party under his control, ultimately expanded the scope of authority of the President. In disclosing the subjective grounds for expanding the power of the President of the Russian Federation, so-called “approvals” of candidacy for various senior positions of state and municipal service, as well as of the security and control bodies play a part. The rating of the President was a massive subjective basis that allowed him to expand the scope of his power. The study of public confidence in the President allowed one to see the dependence of the expansion of his power on the level of his support by citizens of the Russian Federation.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 49-62
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Impact of the Media in Election Campaign During the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case of Kosovo
Autorzy:
Fetoshi, Arben
Shahini-Hoxhaj, Remzie
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/20311771.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-10-17
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
media
election campaign
permanent campaign
political parties
COVID-19 pandemic
Opis:
During the COVID-19 pandemic in Spring 2021, Kosovars overthrew the national government, which generated a snap parliamentary election. The pandemic affected the election campaign with the restrictions of movement amid strict lockdowns. The pandemic revealed the significance of media usage for political parties and the impact of the pandemic on the relationship between traditional and social media. This article explores the extent to which new and transitional media shaped the election campaign during the Kosovan pandemic. Drawing on media monitoring and surveying, the article found that media—regardless of the quality and frequency of their use by political parties and candidates—do not have a determining role during the pandemic election campaign. Under the conditions of ever-greater use of social media, the article finds that voting preferences and affinity towards specific political parties and candidates is a long-term process that cannot be changed by the quality of the election campaign. On the other hand, regardless of their use, the potential impact of social media turns out to be conditioned by the usage duration and the ability of political entities to interact with the audience.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2023, 16, 1(33); 59-78
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Marketing Communication of Selected Conservative and Liberal Parties in Slovak Region before Elections
Autorzy:
Jánošová, Denisa
Bundzíková, Renáta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514531.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
marketing communication
marketing communication tools
political marketing
political parties
voters
Trenčín region
Opis:
Through a democratically set system of state functioning, political parties are given space for their establishment and subsequent functioning. Nowadays, registering new parties is not an issue in Slovakia, but another issue arises - most political parties cannot attract voters, and as a result they lose general sympathy and also necessary votes in elections. For a political party to become known to its voters, it needs to address and subsequently implement techniques of political marketing. Reaching and gaining voters is essential for a political party to continue to exist. By using marketing communication in its election campaign, a political party can succeed more than the one that has not used them. Therefore to adequately address its voters, a political party has to know their social, cultural, economic as well as religious background. The political party must also pay attention to the creation of an election program that appeals to voters. However, a political party should choose such proper communication channels through which it will be able to attract its supporters. The presented paper deals with the issue of using / not using marketing communication before the parliamentary elections in 2020 in selected Slovak conservatively and liberally oriented political parties in the Trenčín region. The authors present their findings on the basis of the analysis of marketing communication tools, as well as formuate research questions that helped them meet the research goal, in particular, whether selected political parties used/did not use specific marketing communication tools in their election campaign in 2020.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2020, 26; 27-40
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obywatelskie kompetencje polityczne a wybrane motywy podejmowania decyzji wyborczych
Civil political competency and chosen reasons when taking electoral decisions
Autorzy:
Alberski, Robert
Plecka, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political competences
electoral behavior
electoral decisions
political parties
parliamentary elections
local elections
Opis:
Civil political competency, but especially public trust are the basis of development of the civil society. Level of civil political competency also influence the electoral behaviour. In a research made in the end of 2014 we asked about Polish people civil political competency and about chosen reasons when taking electoral decisions. The group who declares an absence in the election or not taking big care about their electoral decisions and also have lack of skills to determine on which place on the left-right line they are, give evidence of a very low level of civil political competencies. Less important for them are programs and future plans presented by the politicians and political parties and also how they realize them (or not). When taking an electoral decision on the local level, this group take a lesser degree of care then other voters about the local elections candidates (for mayors, council member etc.) memberships to the political parties.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 10; 71-86
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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