Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "Democracy" wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów

Dostawca treści

Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 1361
Tytuł:
Japońska demokracja - tatemae czy honne?
Japanese democracy – tatemae or honne?
Autorzy:
Karolczak, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2035508.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Spoleczeństwo japońskie
demokracja w Japonii
Japanese society
democracy in Japan
Opis:
Some elements of the political system of the country are analysed as a contradiction between an official appearance and social reality. Assuming that the democratic system works as a political facade the author puts it on the side of the appearance i.e. tatemae. That contradiction results from different cultural patterns between the East and West, while political democracy standard belongs to the latter. It was introduced in a non-democratic way and is so implemented to a certain extent due to the domination of a vertical system of social dependencies, existing in all aspects of life. It is threated not as a direction how to run and organize their society, but rather as an instrument for settlement of disputes which, by the very nature of the Japanese society, should not exist. The results from the network of group interdependencies, based on the clientelism and from the network “an iron triangle” emerges: the ruling party, bureaucracy and financial elites. The lack of full democracy is also demonstrated by the existence of big discriminated groups of population as burakumins, Koreans and women. The inequality hurts also the others, though it does not result from imperfect law but rather from social practice determined by the cultural values.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 1998, I; 67-76
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Idea wolności w filozofii grecko-rzymskiej
Ideas of Freedom in Greco-Roman Philosophy
Autorzy:
Kowalczyk, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1858031.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
anarchia
człowiek
demokracja
dyktatura
wolność
wolność woli
wolność społeczno-polityczna
państwo
państwo totalitarne
anarchy
man
democracy
dictatorship
freedom
freedom of will
socio--political freedom
State
totalitarian State
Opis:
Ancient philosophy distinguished three meanings of the notion of freedom: an individual man's freedom of choice and decision, freedom of social-political life and freedom (sovereignty) of the state. This latter meaning was considered the most important form of freedom. In his conception of an “ideal state” Plato advised abolition of private property and monogamy for the political élite (the so called “guards”), which is a feature of a totalitarian state. He distinguished three models of state: monarchic, aristocratic and democratic. He accepted the latter model, but he warned against maximising individual freedom, as it leads to anarchy in social life, which in turn is a source of tyranny. Aristotle appreciated democracy more, as it best puts into effect the postulates of freedom, equality and justice. The other form of freedom, according to his approach, is freedom understood as enabling a man to choose rationally, which should be preceded by reflection. His conception of man's existential freedom (proaíresis) is close to the theory of free will (liberum arbitrium) in the Christian thought. The Stoics concentrated their attention on inner-moral freedom that they identified with the attitude of keeping a distance to man's existential vicissitudes. Some of them (Marcus Aurelius) joined the idea of inner freedom with philosophy of naturalistic pantheism, others (Epictetus) considered God as the source of moral freedom. Plotinus was also mainly interested in man's inner freedom, which he explained in the context of the pantheistic conception of the absolute.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 1999, 27, 1; 17-31
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Mistrz i uczeń w czasach nauki masowej i skomercjalizowanej
Master and pupil at the time of mass and commercial science
Autorzy:
Goćkowski, Janusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857687.pdf
Data publikacji:
2001
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
mistrz–uczeń
przełożony–podwładny
patron–klient
nauka akademicka
wychowywanie uczonych
nauka masowa
człowiek masowy
demokracja masowa
biurokratyzacja nauki
komercjalizacja nauki
master–pupil
superior–subordinate
patron–customer
academic science
rearing scholars
mass science
mass man
mass democracy
bureaucratisation ofscience
commercialisation of science
Opis:
The character of the master–pupil arrangement was discussed as the elementary microstructure of the world of participants in the game whose aim is the scientific truth. A model of master and pupil's “contract” that is consistent with the essence of that game, and especially a list of rights that both sides of such a “contract” have were presented. University was pointed to as a typical institution that creates and perfects “master–pupil” arrangements. It was also pointed that such an arrangement is a little school of ethics, etiquette and epistemic, characteristic of the circles of participants in the game played for scientific truth. Threats were also discussed for the “master–pupil” arrangement that come from the “great science”, as well as from the “mass democracy”, “mass man”, “mass thinking”, “mass production” and “mass organisation” with inclinations for a “gardener's” understanding and treatment of social problems. Harmfulness of the advantage of the “superior–subordinate” arrangement over the one of “master–pupil” was mentioned as well as the threat to identity of the process of “rearing scholars” under the conditions of replacing the “master–pupil” arrangement with the one “patron–customer”. Finally, reasonableness of playing for maintaining the identity of chosen fields of the academic science was discussed, since what is called science is divided into those fields (also greatly corroded by now) and great areas of technology sensu largo. The presented considerations were linked to the question of crisis of the Western civilisation.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2001, 1; 49-67
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Arystoteles a idea demokracji
Aristotle and the Idea of Democracy
Autorzy:
Kowalczyk, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857537.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
państwo
demokracja
dobro wspólne
system polityczny
rząd
state
democracy
common good
political system
goverment
Opis:
Aristotle regarded the state as a natural and self-sufficient society, its aim being common good of all citizens (except slaves and foreigners). This kind of good contains non only economic good, but also moral good including a group of virtues: equality, justice, obedience, and prudence. The work entitled Politics distinguishes three positive political systems: monarchy (the reign of one), aristocracy (the reigns of elites), and politeia (the reigns of many or all). Once these systems aiming at common good are deformed, they become systems carrying out particular interests: tyranny cares about the good of one, oligarchy about the good of elites, and democracy about the good of a people exclusively. An ideal system is politeia characterized by the government of all citizens for the good of the whole population of the country. Aristotle separated many forms of democracy, bering in mind a twofold criterion: juridic-procedural (the number of the roles and a technique of holding the power) and axiological (whether the aim of the state is the good of all, or only the good of some, e.g. the poor). The ancient-Greek thinker valued moderate direct democracy which he understood of the rule of all for the good of all. He was critical, however, about the radical form of democracy, such that assumed the primary role of law before ethics, and considering only the good of the people, that is a part of the citizens of the state.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2002, 30, 1; 13-23
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Eksperci, laicy i światli obywatele a problem dystrybucji wiedzy społecznie uprawomocnionej
Experts, Laymen and Well-Informed Citizens: Some Problems of the Socially Approved Knowledge Distribution
Autorzy:
Wierzchosławski, Rafał Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2015624.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
demokratyczne państwo prawa
neutralność światopoglądowa (politeizm aksjologiczny)
M. Weber
wiedza społecznie uprawomocniona
społeczna dystrybucja wiedzy
ekspert
„światły obywatel”
laik
obywatelstwo
A. Schütz
S. P. Turner
liberal democracy
state neutrality (value polytheism)
socially approved knowledge
social distribution of knowledge
expert
well-informed citizen
layman
citizenship
Opis:
It can be argued that the notion of the ‘axiological polytheism’ is a key concept which characterizes liberal society (democracy) in late modernity. We can observe its significant presence in I. Berlin’s concept of two liberties, and in J. Rawls’s concept of the social contract under the veil of ignorance, to recall some crucial examples where state neutrality is developed and defended. I have earlier proposed that in spite of the acceptance of the ‘value polytheism’ premise, it can be still claimed that on the ground of the ‘autopoiesis’ mechanism a political community as a body can legitimately prefer a comprehensive model of citizenship in order to keep the system on track. This is supported by the ‘social distribution of knowledge’ argument. In my paper I try to develop this argument and to examine some obstacles it can face when possible implementation in the fabric of social and political institutions is concerned. In particular I consider some problems which are posed by the uncontrolled professional activity of some types of experts which in consequence (may) influence decisions of those who are equipped with discretionary power (like civil servants and the state apparatus); and by that token they actually may lead to shift of the whole system with regard to the above mentioned premise which seems to be constitutive of the liberal democracy. In other words, do experts qua experts possess the privileged position among other fellow-citizens as far an access to the government procedures are concerned and do they change the power system by their backstage influence and through turning the democratic system into grotesque show and manipulative facade.
Źródło:
Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2004, 52, 2; 365-390
0035-7685
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Filozoficzne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Społeczeństwo obywatelskie i demokracja lokalna w Tychach
Civil Society and Local Democracy in Tychy
Autorzy:
Geisler, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/414421.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Ameryk i Europy. Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych (EUROREG)
Tematy:
społeczeństwo obywatelskie
demokracja lokalna
społeczność lokalna
civil society
local democracy
local community
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest analiza postaw i opinii mieszkańców jednego ze śląskich miast Tych na temat społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz demokracji lokalnej. Na podstawie badań socjologicznych przeprowadzonych wiosną 2003 roku oraz reinterpretacji dotychczasowych wyników badań socjologicznych w tym mieście artykuł przedstawia aktywność obywatelską, przejawy świadomości społecznej na temat funkcjonowania społeczności lokalnej w warunkach demokracji i gospodarki wolnorynkowej. Przykład jest o tyle specyficzny, że Tychy w analizach socjologów w okresie realnego socjalizmu stanowiły przykładowe miasto socjalistyczne. W pierwszych latach transformacji ustrojowej podkreślano zdezintegrowany charakter miejskiej społeczności oraz konieczność zbudowania więzi społecznych przekładających się na rozwój gospodarczy. Autora interesuje szczególnie zmiana, jaka dokonuje się w ostatnich latach w tym mieście.
The purpose of this article is to analyse opinions and attitudes of inhabitants of a Silesian town of Tychy toward the civil society and local democracy. Basing on sociological research done in the spring 2003 and reinterpretation of sociological research of the town, the article shows an activity related to and awareness of these issues among the local community in times of democracy and free market economy. The example of Tychy is specific because during the socialist period sociologists emphasised the fact that it was a socialist town. After political transition, scientists and researchers have pointed that urban community has a disintegrated character and that social bonds must be created in order to cope with regional development. The present article is especially focused on changes which have taken place over the past few years in Tychy.
Źródło:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne; 2004, 4(18); 127-143
1509-4995
Pojawia się w:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demokracja bezpośrednia w Polsce lokalnej – błędny model, zła praktyka
Direct Democracy in Local Poland – Wrong Model, Bad Practice
Autorzy:
Piasecki, Andrzej K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/414289.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Ameryk i Europy. Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych (EUROREG)
Tematy:
demokracja bezpośrednia
referendum lokalne
samorząd lokalny
Polska
direct democracy
local referenda
local government
Polska
Opis:
Referenda lokalne w Polsce stanowią specyficzną formę demokracji bezpośredniej. Zarówno zapisy ustrojowe i ustawowe, jak i kilkunastoletnia już praktyka przyczyniły się do tego, że referenda te nabrały cech populistycznych. Dotyczy to przede wszystkim referendów w sprawie odwołania władz lokalnych (rady miasta i burmistrza). Pozostałe referenda, w sprawie samoopodatkowania mieszkańców oraz w tzw. innej ważnej sprawie dla gminy, mają marginalne znaczenie (jest to ok. 10-15% wszystkich referendów). Praktyka referendów lokalnych w Polsce obejmuje ok. 500 głosowań. W pierwszych trzech kadencjach samorządu terytorialnego (1990-2002) w 347 referendach starano się odwołać rady gminy. W tej liczbie tylko 37 referendów miało charakter rozstrzygający, tzn. frekwencja w głosowaniu przekroczyła 30%. Skuteczność instytucji referendum, z powodu niskiej frekwencji, ograniczona jest głównie do małych miast (do 20 tys. mieszkańców).
Local referenda are a special form of direct democracy in Poland. As a result of some legal solutions and in the light of practice, now reaching back for over ten years, they must be considered as a populist and ineffective instrument. This refers primarily to the referenda on recalling local authorities such as city council and mayor, accounting for 85%-90% of all such events. The practice of local referenda in Poland embraces approximately 400 cases. During the first three terms in office of the territorial self-government (1990-2002), 347 referenda concerned recalling the communal councils. Such referenda may be initiated only by the residents of the commune. Only 37 of these referenda proved to be decisive, as their attendance turnout exceeded 30%. The effectiveness of referenda is limited mostly to small towns (up to 20 thousand residents), where the threshold turnout is usually reached.
Źródło:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne; 2005, 3(21); 67-84
1509-4995
Pojawia się w:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Edukacja wobec wartości życia politycznego. Problemy wybrane
Education Towards Political Life Values: Selected Problems
Autorzy:
Kolarzowski, Jerzy J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/468882.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii PAN
Tematy:
Politics
Rationality
Justice
Democracy
Individual freedom
Tolerance
Secularity
Opis:
Tzvetan Todorov in conclusion of his book “A New World Disorder. An European’s Reflections” indicates six values, which should determine the future of our continent. These are: rationality and justice, democracy and individual freedom, tolerance and secularity. These values function in the social – political life as mutually dependent things. There exists a need for an enormous effort to think and act in a rational way in the unjust environment. At present the freedom of an individual cannot be realized without guarantee from democracy. Tolerance has the guarantee of its realization when secularity, along with religious attitudes, becomes a rightful outlook on life, binding mainly in public life. The relationships between these notions are neither simple nor parallel. This also concerns relationships between unequal ideas being subject to evolution.
Źródło:
Prakseologia; 2005, 145; 95-109
0079-4872
Pojawia się w:
Prakseologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryzys konsocjonalnej demokracji. Studium przypadku
Crisis of the Consociational Democracy. The Case Study
Autorzy:
Jelonek, A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2138981.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
consociational democracy
consociationalism
Lijphart
political system
Malaysia
demokracja konsocjonaln
konsocjonalizm
system polityczny
Malezja
Opis:
Based on empirical observations and theoretical assumptions Arendt Lijphart introduces the consensus and then consociational model of democracy. The argument for consociationalism is grounded in the assumption that democracy and majority rule might be found incompatible. The important fundamental assumption of Lijphart is that in the so called plural societies (deeply divided along racial, ethnic, religious or cultural lines), the stakes of politics are usually much higher than in homogenous societies. The consequent assumption is that political leaders of all significant segments of the plural society cooperate in a grand coalition to govern the country. Although such political behavior was recommended by Lijphart to the all plural societies as the optimal one, in the most cases the attempt to create the consociational model of democracy has appeared to be a total failure. In this paper the author tries to analyze one of such cases: of multi-ethnic and multi-racial Malaysia.
Opierając się na obserwacjach i wnioskując na podstawie założeń teorii demokracji Arendt Lijphart wprowadza model tzw. demokracji konsocjonalnej, opartej na szerokim porozumieniu elit politycznych. Według Lijpharta podstawowa idea konsocjonalizmu wynika z założenia, że idea demokracji i rządy większości nie zawsze są do pogodzenia. Lijphart zauważa, że w tzw. społeczeństwach pluralnych (głęboko podzielonych według kryteriów rasowych, etnicznych, religijnych czy kulturowych) napięcia pojawiające się na scenie politycznej są zwykle znacznie silniejsze niż w społeczeństwach homogenicznych. W konsekwencji tego Lijphart przyjmuje, że przywódcy polityczni wszystkich znaczących segmentów społeczeństwa pluralnego powinni współpracować ze sobą w ramach wielkiej koalicji dla efektywnego rządzenia państwem. Choć takie zachowania polityczne były modelem zalecanym przez Lijpharta dla wszystkich społeczeństw pluralnych, w większości przypadków próby stworzenia konsocjonalnego modelu demokracji zakończyły się niepowodzeniem. W niniejszym artykule autor stara się przeanalizować jeden z takich przypadków: wieloetnicznej i wielorasowej Malezji.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2005, 1(176); 93-116
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Legitymizacja systemu politycznego w dwudziestu jeden krajach
Legitimization of Political System in Twenty One Countries
Autorzy:
Domański, H.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137722.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
legitimization
trust
political class
democracy
legitymizacja
zaufanie
klasa polityczna
demokracja
Opis:
Analyses on sources of legitimization bear, mostly, on theoretical reflection. The author aims to assess underpinnings of legitimacy in a quantitative way. This is an empirical study which examines determinants of subjective legitimization of government and social system in 21 European societies. Data comes from the first edition of European Social Survey carried out on national random samples in 2002. Legitimization is defined in terms of support for government, democracy, and economic policy of a given state. He aims, first, at assessing relative “levels” of legitimization throughout analyzed societies. Second, various sets of individual measures of social characteristics and attitudes are employed in order to establish some universal requirements of legitimacy. Third, an attempt is made to define macro-structural determinants of variations in legitimacy related to economic development, political system, degree of corruption and social structure. Finally, these findings are discussed in reference to most recent hipotheses concerning the relations between legitimization, welfare state and decreasing confidence and trust.
Rozważania poświęcone legitymizacji formułowane są na ogół w języku hipotez. Pewnym krokiem naprzód byłaby próba ich ilościowego ujęcia. Jest to celem analiz, które przedstawiam poniżej. Empiryczną bazą tych ustaleń są wyniki międzynarodowego badania European Social Survey zrealizowanego w 2002 roku w 21 krajach na reprezentacyjnych próbach, dobranych metodą losową. Legitymizacja definiowana jest jako postawa wyrażająca określony stopień poparcia dla polityki ekonomicznej, rządu i demokracji. Opierając się na tych danych spróbujemy ustalić generalne prawidłowości, jeżeli chodzi o poziom i czynniki legitymizacji w tych krajach.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2005, 2(177); 5-39
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
“Education for Tomorrow” in the New Polish Order: Images of the Post-monocentric Global Society
Autorzy:
Radziewicz-Winnicki, Andrzej
Wilk, Teresa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28765679.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
education for tomorrow
transformation
education
democracy and market economy
Opis:
In the past decade, the inventory of concepts from the sphere of educational, social and political writings has been enriched with the new concept of the role of education in the post-communist transformation in Poland and other countries of Middle and Eastern Europe. Polish membership in the European Union has contained a long list of various social, cultural, education and/or political problems related to Polish accession to the European Community. In recent years after the events of 1989, until the Polish accession to the EU, a mismatch between the system of education and the system of market economy has become a universal phenomenon in Poland. Unfortunately, there are also signs indicating that the educational expansion does not mean a superior role of the human factor in the socio-economic development of society. As a result, the young generation manifest dissatisfaction and very often frustration generated by their difficulties in fulfilling their social and professional aspirations. This paper discusses selected social aspects and consequences of increased possibilities of transforming educational and economic reality in Post-communist Poland, at the time of the global asymmetry. Constant search for solutions to the problem of young people’s successful preparation for work and life in the market economy of the 21st century, as well as for their proficiency in maintaining contacts with financial institutions constitutes focal interest of this draft. It includes analyses of the possible development of social infrastructure, which is bound to shape ‘the education for tomorrow’.
Źródło:
The New Educational Review; 2006, 8; 13-27
1732-6729
Pojawia się w:
The New Educational Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Civil Society and its Discontents
Autorzy:
Karolewski, Ireneusz P.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929394.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
civil society
state theory
governance
democracy
Eastern Europe
Opis:
The article departs from the discussion of the sources of the scholar interest in civil society and proceeds to the functional expectations about it. It claims that the concept of civil society, as it is frequently used in scientific and political debates, has specific cultural roots, which makes a trans-cultural analysis difficult or perhaps even impossible. Furthermore, the article addresses three conceptual problems of civil society, namely the issue of what constitutes civil society, its autonomy and impact as well as the challenge of civil society to the state. The central argument of the article is that in order to examine the impact of civil society on governance and democracy, it is recommendable to include three levels of analysis, namely the structure and functions of civil society (including also the possibly negative impact of civil society), the type of state co-existing with civil society as well as the character of the relationship between state and civil society.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 167-186
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Deliberative democracy and citizenship
Autorzy:
Pietrzyk-Reeves, Dorota
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026741.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
citizenship
deliberative democracy
models of democracy
Opis:
The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2006, 35; 43-64
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
I National Congress of “Solidarity” Gdansk 1981 -a contribution to analysis
Autorzy:
Kaliski, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929368.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-03-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
“Solidarity
” democracy
trade union
elites
communism
Opis:
The I National Congress of Delegates of Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity [NSZZ “Solidarnos´c´”] meeting in Gdan´sk in September and Ocober, 1981 is considered the crowning achievement of the “Solidarity’s” organizational and ideological development. No serious and comprehensive monography has yet been written, historical or sociological. The lack of a complete text of the eighteen days of talks was one of the reasons. A shorthand report of the first tour which has been made available recently makes it possible to make some preliminary analyses of the Congress’ topics and dynamics, behaviour of the delegates and mechanisms of their decision-making. It also permits to describe their “union-like” way of thinking as well as understanding and practicing democracy. The author of the article recalls the basic statistics of the community of delegates-a sui generis trade union elite. He moreover poses questions regarding the scale of the secret services’ [SB] controlling the course of the Congress. The author favours the assumption that it was surprisingly negligible.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 153, 1; 99-109
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radicals in Central Europe. Real Danger or a Passing Fad
Autorzy:
Marks, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
radicalism
populism
political parties
Central Europe
authoritarianism
democracy
system
transformation
Opis:
The object of this article is to discuss various forms of political radicalism in Central Europe after 1989. This issue is made important by this region’s impact on the Old Continent in its modern history and particular intensification of this phenomenon in countries undergoing dramatic social changes, system transformation in this case. Focusing his attention on Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, the author classifies radical groups as “classic autocrats” and “evolutionary populists.” Differences in ideology, programmes and organization between them as well as their immanent qualities indicate that the popularity of radicals is but a transient phenomenon and poses no threat to the bases of democracy. However, one can consider it a lasting feature of this system, which materializes in the form of changing, disintegrating and yet again reborn groups.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 209-230
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 1361

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies