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Tytuł:
Kobietobójstwo - kryminologiczna charakterystyka zjawiska
A Criminological Description of Femicide
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698588.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kobietobójstwo
kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
femicide
criminology
Opis:
The Polish word for “femicide”, kobietobójstwo, is a composite of two concepts and words, viz. the English word femicide and feminicidio, a term used in the Spanish-speaking world. Femicide was initially a gender-neutral term and essentially referred to the killing of any woman regardless of circumstances, i.e. it did not need to be related to the social and cultural gender role of women or be driven by misogyny or contempt for the female condition. There is an ongoing debate as to whether the term “femicide” denotes any instance of a woman being killed or whether it should be limited to cases where the perpetrator is a man and/or where being a woman is a contributing factor. As the term “femicide” was introduced into academic discourse by feminists in the 20th century, it would seem obvious that the connection between a woman’s death and her sex and status is a fundamental component of the concept of femicide in a given community. Feminists proposed the term as an alternative to the neutral “homicide”, so as to emphasize the hateful and/or misogynistic nature of certain killings of women. Femicide was meant to be an example of a hate crime. Structural inequality and the inferior social standing of women are salient factors in any analysis of the cultural phenomena and practices that can be classified as femicidal. Femicide is not so much a separate manifestation of gender-related violence as an extreme one. It is a reproductive mechanism of the oppression of women and takes the form of various practices. As with all violence against women, femicide is deeply rooted in the historically unequal relations between the sexes and the systematic discrimination against women. Femicide should therefore be defined as the killing of women because they are women, but not necessarily by men. This definition is close to the views that Rashida Manjoo, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, expressed in her report of May 2012. Manjoo enumerates femicidal practices that she refers to as “gender-related killings of women.” The list includes both intentional (direct) killings of women committed by specific perpetrators and practices that indirectly cause women to die because they are women. These practices stem from the unequal relations between men and women and the oppression of women. Femicide, then, denotes both murder and manslaughter. It could be said that in international and feminist discourse, femicide is regarded as a set of cultural practices with a common denominator around the world, viz. they all cause women to die because they are women. These practices are not limited to voluntary and involuntary killings of women, but include practices that often cause women to die because of their social and cultural conditions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2014, XXXVI; 75-107
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Równość płci i przemoc wobec kobiet. Próba wyjaśnienia tzw. paradoksu nordyckiego
Gender Equality and Violence Against Women. Understanding the So-called Nordic Paradox
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698786.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc wobec kobiet
równość płci
„paradoks nordycki”
badania wiktymizacyjne
hegemoniczne męskości
odmiany patriarchatu
Bourdieu
violence against women
gender equality
“Nordic paradox”
victimisation survey
hegemonic masculinities
varieties of patriarchy
Opis:
According to the prevailing assumption, the main cause of violence against women isa structural inequality between men and women. That idea is common in internationalhuman rights discourse, widely accepted on political level and enforced by severalscientific studies. The structural nature of violence against women means that it isgender-based violence and one of the crucial social mechanisms by which womenare forced into a subordinate position compared with men. It is a manifestationof historically unequal power relations between men and women which have led todomination over, and discrimination against, women by men, and have prevented fulladvancement of women.Logically thinking, achieving gender equality would lead to the elimination ofviolence against women. Respectively, in societies with greater gender equality, wherewomen enjoy better rights, have a better footing towards men, greater legal protectionand access to power, they also should be less vulnerable to violence based on theirgender. The most gender-equal countries in the world are Scandinavian countries –Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark and Finland.Yet, the recent EU-wide victimisation survey on violence against women (FundamentalRights Agency 2014) produced startling results. It turned out that the highestrates of violence against women (in almost every single aspect, intimate partner violenceand non-partner violence) were reported in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden,whereas countries considered traditional and conservative, e.g. the Mediterraneancountries or Poland, revealed a lower prevalence of violence against women. The FRAresults on Scandinavian countries were coined the “Nordic paradox”.The main problem is this: is really gender equality a factor reducing or increasingthe likelihood of violence against women’s victimisation? Is the subordinate positionof women typical of more conservative societies a protective factor against violenceagainst women? And are actually the FRA study results sufficiently reliable to drawsuch conclusions?The first section of the paper discusses the FRA results regarding the Scandinaviancountries and presents it against a larger picture of gender equality indicators. Thenext section examines the possible explanations for differences between countriesoffered by the authors, which are mainly methodological and contextual ones, such as:cultural acceptability to talk with other people about experiences of violence againstwomen, higher levels of disclosure about violence against women in more gender-equalsocieties, patterns of employment or lifestyle or levels of urbanisation, differencesbetween countries in the overall levels of violent crime and drinking habits in particularsocieties.The third section reviews the previous research findings, looking at the relationshipbetween gender equality or women’s status and violence against women. There are twochief hypotheses tested in the studies: the ameliorative hypothesis (violence againstwomen will fall along with greater gender equality) and the backlash hypothesis (ifwomen remain in their subordinate position, men are less threatened and less likely toresort to violence against them). Overall, the studies showed mixed results, dependingon the used measures. Furthermore, most of the them were conducted on the US data,and their application to the European context is doubtful.The final section presents some theoretical explanations from the critical sociologyfield. The three most relevant theories suitable to explain the “Nordic paradox” andthe relationship between gender equality and relatively high rates of violence againstwomen include the variety of patriarchy theory of G. Hunnicutt, the hegemonic masculinities of R.W. Connell and J. Messerschmidt and the symbolic violence ofP. Bourdieu. All of these theories critically frame the use of violence by men as a meansof upholding their superior position towards women.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 221-261
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zielona kryminologia
Green cryminology
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698997.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zielona kryminologia
ochrona środowiska
przestępczość przeciwko środowisku
green cryminology
Opis:
The article outlines the issue of green criminology – a new branch of critical criminology. Green criminology is one of variations of critical criminology based on neo-Marxist notions of class conflict between the oppressed and the oppressing classes. Green criminology aims not so much to analyse and explain the types of crimes or the social consequences of neoliberal market economy for the society but rather ecological consequences for the whole planet and the participation of the dominating classes in the production of ecological damage. By focusing on criminal actions of the states and corporations and dialectical understanding of social processes, in my opinion green criminology draws more on leftist idealists than realists focused on more traditional objects of criminological studies. The article presents the origin of green criminology, including separate definition of crime (understood broader than the legal one) as well as three main approaches which present different relation between the human being and the environment and define ecological dam-age in different way: anthropocentric, biocentric and ecocentric. The author subsequently lists the tasks of green criminology which are: to examine the ecological damage, to investigate the functioning of legislative mechanisms and the institution of informal social control of ecological damages, and to see into the relationships between the changes in particular environments and criminalization processes. Other authors quoted by the author present different task lists, that is: to document existing crimes against environment and to create it typology and differentiation criteria such as primary and secondary, to outline ways of development of ecological legislation and evaluate generated political problems, to combine issues of social inequalities and crimes against environment, to assess the role of green movements (and “empire counterstrikes” which accompany them) in the process of changing the perception of ecological problems. Subsequently, types of crimes against environment are enumerated. One typology divides them into primary (basic) and secondary (symbiotic). These include deforestation, air pollution, species extinction and animal cruelty, water pollution, and institutionalized violence against opposition groups and organized crime dealing with toxic waste trade. The other ty-pology divides crimes according to their public perception and the type of damage they cause. Later the author draws readers’ attention to the international character of eco-crime and the difficulties in potential criminalization of actions against environment. The article concludes with problems which are currently the sources of ecological conflicts and which are related to ecological racism. At present conflicts and social protests are concentrated over four areas: renewable resources, effects of global warming, uneven natural resources use, and transfer of ecological damages.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2011, XXXIII; 7-26
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Tożsamość płciowa to nie płeć – refleksje na tle wyroku Sądu Okręgowego w Warszawie z 29.09.2020 r., V Ca 2686/19
Gender identity is not gender – reflections on the judgment of the District Court in Warsaw of 29 September 2020, V Ca 2686/19
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2176248.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Instytut Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości
Tematy:
płeć
gender
transpłciowość
transseksualizm
dyskryminacja
sex
transgenderism
transsexualism
discrimination
Opis:
Artykuł stanowi krytyczne omówienie precedensowego wyroku Sądu Okręgowego w Warszawie z 29.09.2020 r., w którym sąd uznał, że dyskryminacja ze względu na płeć według przepisów ustawy o równym traktowaniu obejmuje również dyskryminację ze względu na tożsamość płciową. Sprawa dotyczyła transseksualnej osoby – płci psychicznej (odczuwanej) żeńskiej – przed sądową zmianą oznaczenia płci. Powódka została zatrudniona do pracy w agencji ochroniarskiej jako recepcjonistka, lecz odmówiono jej możliwości pracy w damskim uniformie. Sąd uznał, że doszło do dyskryminacji i molestowania, gdyż „zwykła” kobieta w analogicznej sytuacji miałaby możliwość pracy w spódnicy. Rozstrzygnięcie jest warte omówienia w czterech ważnych aspektach: po pierwsze, dorozumianego uznania przez sąd zasady samostanowienia płci; po drugie, zrównania tożsamości płciowej z płcią biologiczną, jeśli chodzi o przesłankę dyskryminacji; po trzecie, wpływu tego założenia na funkcjonowanie systemu prawa w odniesieniu do zasady pewności prawa; wreszcie, po czwarte, potraktowanie kobiecego stroju jako wyznacznika kobiecości i uznania zakazu noszenia tego stroju za przejaw dyskryminacji ze względu na tożsamość płciową jest warte analizy w świetle zasady równości ze względu na płeć.
The article is a critical overview of a sentence of District Court in Warsaw from 29 September 2020 in which the Court stated that sex-based discrimination on the basis of Equal Treatment Act of 2010 also embraces discrimination based on gender identity. The case was concerning a transsexual person (male to female) who was hired to work in security company as a receptionist. Upon superiors learnt she was a biological male and before legal gender recognition, she was denied working in a female uniform (a skirt and a jacket). Eventually she did not start working. The Court found that she was discriminated since a biological woman would not have been denied possibility of working in a female suit. The Court compared her situation not to her natal sex (since she was formally still a man), but to her eventual gender. The Court found that both discrimination and harassment had place. The verdict is worth discussing in several aspects. Firstly, the Court implicitly accepted the gender self-identification rule, which might be seen as an overinterpretation of the law. Secondly, the Court equates gender identity with sex as a basis of discrimination. Thirdly, such an approach has serious consequences on rule of law and gender equality rule protected by the Polish Constitution. And finally, the Court took female outfit as an indicator of someone’s gender and gender identity and consequently a prohibition of wearing a female uniform as a manifestation of discrimination based on gender identity, which is a very dubious assumption from the equal treatment and feminist perspective.
Źródło:
Prawo w Działaniu; 2022, 52; 255-271
2084-1906
2657-4691
Pojawia się w:
Prawo w Działaniu
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wymuszone małżeństwa – kryminalizować, czy nie kryminalizować?
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26917619.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przymus
kryminalizacja
Wielka Brytania
państwa członkowskie UE
małżeństwo
coercion
criminalization
United Kingdom
EU member states
marriage
Opis:
Ósmy czerwca 2012 r. był dniem wyjątkowym w Wielkiej Brytanii. Tego dnia rząd Wielkiej Brytanii podpisał Konwencję Rady Europy o zapobieganiu i zwalczaniu przemocy wobec kobiet i przemocy domowej (CAHVIO). Podpisanie Konwencji świadczy o zaangażowaniu rządu i woli politycznej w walkę z przemocą wobec kobiet i dziewcząt, do której zaliczają się takie czyny jak okaleczanie narządów seksualnych kobiet, wymuszone małżeństwa, uporczywe nękanie, psychiczna i fizyczna przemoc oraz przemoc seksualna. Tego samo dnia premier David Cameron zapowiedział, że zmuszanie osoby do zawarcia małżeństwa stanie się wkrótce przestępstwem na terenie Anglii i Walii (jako że w Szkocji jest już nim od 2008 r.).
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2011, 19; 67-85
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Why violence against women is such politically controversial issue? The Polish struggle to ratify the Istanbul Convention
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26917639.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Gender-based violence
Violence Against Women
Istanbul Convention
Opis:
Gender-based violence and Violence Against Women is well known and empirically documented phenomenon that nowadays in criminology and human rights’ discourse does not raises any doubt. Gender-based violence in every of its each manifestation is a good example of cultural violence. Yet it took feminists and human rights advocates several years to have VAW and domestic violence recognized by public authorities as matter of public concern and action.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2013, 20; 74-77
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘We condemn abusing violence against women’. The criminalization of domestic violence in Poland
„Potępiamy nadużywanie przemocy wobec kobiet”. O kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w Polsce
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375553.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-30
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
domestic violence
violence against women
Istanbul Convention
penal law
criminal justice
Polska
przemoc domowa
przemoc wobec kobiet
Polska
prawo karne
konwencja stambulska
Opis:
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.   Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 163-183
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hiszpańska ustawa o przemocy ze względu na płeć. Analiza kryminalno-polityczna
A Criminal and Political Analysis of The Spanish Gender Violence Law
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698674.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc
płeć
ofiara przemocy
kryminologia
Opis:
The Spanish Comprehensive Protection Measures against Gender Violence of 28 December 2004 (Ley Organica 1/2004, de 28 de diciembre, de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género) is considered one of the most advanced and ground-breaking legal acts designed to counter gender violence and is often viewed as a model piece of legislation to be emulated by other countries. The characteristic feature of this law is the introduction of criminal-law protection for women experiencing violence from their partner.Although the Spanish law has been praised in the international arena, it has definitely elicited mixed feelings in Spain itself. It seems a paradox that one of the few laws passed in recent decades with the full consensus of all political parties instantly became one of the most criticized and subjected to judgment. Even before it entered into force, the law encountered significant criticism from the Spanish judiciary, while its application in practice has earned it further opponents and critics – nearly all of them engaged social stakeholders: feminists, legal theorists, criminologists, and victims of violence themselves. Some of the charges probably do not stem from the faulty operation or application of the law as such, but from the dashed hopes and disappointed expectations, grounded in the naïve belief that the new law would quickly transform society and eradicate gender violence.The aim of the article is to sum up ten years of the gender violence law in Spain. The first part outlines the origins of LO 1/2004, its historical and political background, including the fall of Franco’s dictatorship and the later socialist government whose rule led to increased interest in gender equality and the introduction of measures to counter all instances of discrimination in addition to raising public awareness of violence against women starting in the 1990s.The second part discusses the content of LO 1/2004 and explains why the Spanish legislators adopted the gender violence framework (instead of the neutral ‘domestic violence’ model, as referenced in Polish and other national legislations), which recognises that women are disproportionally more prone to certain forms of violence, particularly on the part of relatives and partners, which is due to structural inequality and centuries-old historical discrimination of women. Gender violence is an infringement of human and women’s rights and, as such, should be combated. The ‘gender violence’ approach is also currently the dominant perspective in international human rights discourse and international documents. The third part discusses controversies that have arisen in connection with the law and examines the main charges put against it. The introduction of LO 1/2004 has raised doubts as to its being consistent with the constitutional principle of equality before the law. The Spanish Constitutional Tribunal decided this issue in favour of the law in 2008. The law might also make the situation of certain victims more complicated, as it imposes very strict and punitive solutions, thus stripping them of subjectivity. The law has moreover encountered strong opposition from the judiciary itself, which wasn’t pleased with it from the very beginning. Finally, the Author examines various figures related to gender violence and how they have evolved over the ten years since the law entered into force.Part four is devoted to the amendment of Spanish criminal law in 2015 to take account of gender violence, and discusses the direction of legislative and criminal/political changes.The final part consists of a summary and an attempt to provide a comprehensive assessment of the law since it was passed.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2017, XXXIX; 339-368
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zmiana płci „na słowo”. Praktyczne implikacje hiszpańskiej Ley Trans
Gender change by verbal declaration. Practical implications of the Spanish Ley Trans
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51780118.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Instytut Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości
Tematy:
Ley Trans
Hiszpania
tożsamość płciowa
płeć
transpłciowość
Spain
gender identity
sex
transgender
Opis:
W dniu 1.03.2023 r. w Hiszpanii weszła w życie tzw. ustawa trans (Ley 4/2023, de 28 de febrero, para la igualdad real y efectiva de las personas trans y para la garantía de los derechos de las personas LGTBI). Artykuł stanowi omówienie politycznej genezy i głównych założeń ustawy oraz analizę jej praktycznych następstw społecznych i największych kontrowersji. Najważniejszym punktem ustawy jest wprowadzenie zasady autodeklaracji czy samostanowienia płci prawnej, co de facto zmienia kryterium płci w prawie z fizycznego na czysto subiektywne i niematerialne. Ma to daleko idące implikacje nie tylko dla praw kobiet, ale dla całego systemu prawa.
On 1 March 2023, the so-called Trans Law (Ley 4/2023, de 28 de febrero, para la igualdad real y efectiva de las personas trans y para la garantía de los derechos de las personas LGTBI) came into force in Spain. This paper is a discussion on the political background and main ideas of the bill, and an analysis of its practical social implications and major controversies. The most important point of the bill is the introduction of the principle of self-declaration or legal gender self-determination, which de facto changes the criterion of sex in law from a physical one to a purely subjective and immaterial one, with far-reaching implications not only for women’s rights, but for the entire legal system.
Źródło:
Prawo w Działaniu; 2023, 56; 102-120
2084-1906
2657-4691
Pojawia się w:
Prawo w Działaniu
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Joanna Kic-Drgas / Violeta Jurkovič. Paths of purpose. A journey into LSP teacher development. Göttingen: V&R unipress. 2024. Pp. 150
Autorzy:
Jaszczyk-Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/40054775.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Źródło:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics; 2024, 51, 1; 103-106
0072-4769
Pojawia się w:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Udo O.H. Jung. Investigativer Fremdsprachenunterricht. Norderstadt: BoD – Books on Demand. 2021. S. 474
Autorzy:
Jaszczyk-Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Źródło:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics; 2021, 48, 2; 131-134
0072-4769
Pojawia się w:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ruth Albert, Sylwia Adamczak-Krysztofowicz, Sabine Jentges (Hrsg.). Hochschulen international vernetzen. Internationale Lehrkooperationen in der Germanistik und in Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Baltmannsweiler: Schneider Verlag Hohengehren. 2017, S. 236.
Autorzy:
Jaszczyk-Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/913087.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Opis:
-
Źródło:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics; 2018, 45, 2; 332-334
0072-4769
Pojawia się w:
Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Mowa nienawiści jako przedmiot badań. Praktyki komunikacyjne nacechowane nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnym
Hate Speech as an Object of Research: Hate-Fuelled Communication Practices in Media Discourse
Autorzy:
Jaszczyk-Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/44914123.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
mowa nienawiści
praktyki komunikacyjne podsycone nienawiścią
dyskurs medialny
hate speech
hate-fuelled communication practices
media discourse
Opis:
Hate speech is currently an issue discussed in many scientific disciplines and is one of the threads of linguistic research conducted at the Department of Intercultural Glottopedagogy at the Institute of Applied Linguistics, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Since 2014, the Department has been involved in the RADAR project (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), conducted in cooperation with other European universities and public institutions, and co-financed by the European Commission. The aim of this article is to present partial results of empirical research conducted under the project, including a catalogue of hate-oriented communication practices in media discourse.
Obecnie mowa nienawiści stanowi zagadnienie omawiane w wielu dyscyplinach naukowych, w tym jest również jednym z wątków badań językoznawczych prowadzonych w Zakładzie Glottopedagogiki Interkulturowej, działającym w ramach Instytutu Lingwistyki Stosowanej na Uniwersytecie im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Od 2014 roku w zakładzie tym prowadzono w kooperacji z innymi europejskimi uniwersytetami oraz instytucjami publicznymi projekt RADAR (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), współfinansowany przez Komisję Europejską. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie częściowych wyników badań empirycznych prowadzonych w ramach tego projektu, do których należy katalog praktyk komunikacyjnych nacechowanych nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnym.
Źródło:
Adeptus; 2020, 15
2300-0783
Pojawia się w:
Adeptus
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Płeć a przestępczość. O problemie dysproporcji płci wśród sprawców przestępstw z użyciem przemocy
Gender and crime. On unequal distribution of sexes in violent offending
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Habzda-Siwek, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698557.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc a płeć
kryminologia feministyczna
przestępczość z użyciem przemocy
przestępczość kobiet
gender
crime
violent offending
Opis:
Gender gap in crime, that is the claim that women tend to commit less crimes than men, has been the subject of criminological research for years. The gender gap is found throughout the world, not excluding Poland. Scholars dealing with the issue mainly focus on two aspects of the problem. First, they try to find out why women commit fewer crimes than men, which means the very gender gap is their key concern. Second, they try to clarify and interpret any potential changes in this disproportion observed over time; in particular this relates to the narrowing of the gap that can be noted in the official statistics (especially in the US) over the last decades. Based on publicly available police statistics for the years 1992 – 2011 on persons suspected of: murder (Article 148 Penal Code), bodily injury or harm to the bodily functions or severe health disturbance (Articles 156 and 157 Penal Code), brawling or assault (Articles 158 and 159 Penal Code) and the so-called aggravated crimes (Articles 280, 281 and 282 Penal Code), the authors decided to identify the size of the gap between offending men and women involved in chosen violent crimes in Poland and to check if the difference changes over time. The main focus was devoted to finding out if the gender gap in selected types of crimes in Poland is changing (narrowing), as it is the case in the western countries. Some results of previous research, conducted mostly in the US, show that the disproportion has been shrinking over the last several decades. Two hypotheses are offered by researches to explain the trend. The first one, referred to as the Behaviour Change Hypothesis emphasises the fact that over the last few decades women have become more socially active and they are becoming more similar to men in their behaviour, which leads to increased readiness to display aggressive behaviours, and this is reflected in criminal records. The hypothesis could illustrate the actual changes in women behaviour and evolution of gender roles. According to the other hypothesis, the Policy Change Hypothesis, the observed change does not stem from the fact that male behaviour patterns are adopted by women, but can rather from the changing percep-tion of violence and greater pressure on law enforcement bodies to prosecute every, even the most minuscule acts of violence, regardless of the age or sex of the perpetrator. The analysis of data on Poland was preceded with a short review of the contemporary criminological concepts concerning gender and offending, with the aim to investigate their potential in explaining the qualitative and quantitative differences in criminal activity of men and women. The authors devoted special attention to: the T. Hirschi's control theory, J. Ha-gan's theory of control-power, the general strain theory by R. Agnew (including the concept of L. Broidy and R.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 95-135
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Realizacja treści z zakresu kultury estetyki zachowań ruchowych przez studentów AWF we Wrocławiu podczas praktyki pedagogicznej
Aesthetics of motor behavior - how it is implemented during P. E. students` appreticenships
Autorzy:
Kübler, Magdalena
Wójcik-Grzyb, Agnieszka
Guła-Kubiszewska, Halina
Starościak, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/464978.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
teaching practice
physical education
culture of motor behavior aesthetics
Opis:
Background. The aim of this study was to identify which contents of “Skills” and “Knowledge” sections, developing the competence of young people to participate in the culture of motor behavior aesthetics, were put into practice by teacher trainees during their school apprenticeship in secondary schools. Material and methods. The study comprised fifthyear students of the University School of Physical Education in Wroclaw who completed their teacher training in secondary schools. Research material was collected by means of a document analysis method. The P.E. class goals were analyzed with respect to the implementation of “Skills” and “Knowledge” tasks. Results and conclusions. During their teaching practice, the subjects carried out a few tasks which prepared young people to participate in the culture of motor behavior aesthetics, significantly more tasks developing skills rather than knowledge involved in this field. The skill-oriented tasks focused mainly on basic gymnastics and music and movement exercises, whereas the knowledge-oriented tasks included terminology on initial positions and technical exercises, information on regional, national and ballroom dances as well as safety and safeguard principles.
Źródło:
Rozprawy Naukowe Akademii Wychowania Fizycznego we Wrocławiu; 2013, 40; 22-26
0239-4375
Pojawia się w:
Rozprawy Naukowe Akademii Wychowania Fizycznego we Wrocławiu
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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