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Wyświetlanie 1-14 z 14
Tytuł:
Rumunia wobec Praskiej Wiosny
Romania and the Prague Spring
Autorzy:
Palii, Vasile
Retegan, Mihai
Matulewska, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478055.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Opis:
The April declaration of 1964 established a practical and theoretical basis for international relationships of Romania. Without it the period between 1965 and 1968 and Romania attitude towards intervention in Czechoslovakia cannot be understood. The isolated Romanian efforts within the Soviet block could be even more distinguished in 1967 by two attitudes which put this country in the centre of international attention. The fi rst case was a refusal to carry out Moscow guidelines to break diplomatic relationships with Israel because of the Six-Day 1967 Arab-Israeli War; the second was recognition of German Federal Republic and visit of its vicechancellor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Willy Brandt in Romania, when Moscow satelite states recognised only German Democratic Republic. After these events Romanian diplomatic relationships with the free world entered a new stage. Between 1964 and 1968 the communist regime in Bucharest prepared a set of main rules of the foreign affairs policy. In the activities undertaken in that period one could notice all the elements which were revealed later in August 1968: rejection of the centre of authority in the communistic movement; the right of decision taking for every party; Warsaw Pact should not be domain of the Soviet Union only; its members should have more power within the organisation; Moscow guidelines concerning foreing affairs policies for members of the Warsaw Pact should be optional, and taking such decisions should be judged by national interest. Ceauşescu wanted independence combined with the Stalin model of socialism. Dubcek wanted socialism different from the Soviet one, staying under Moscow influence. For the USSR the Czechoslovakian model was far more dangerous: it was an alternative for a Soviet model. That is why in August 1968 ZSRR invaded Czechoslovakia and not Romania. Brezhnev and his comrads wanted to eliminate a team of reformers from Prague and to threaten Ceauşescu concentrating troops at the Romanian border. Ceauşescu declaration of 21st August 1968 is a benchmark of the peak of his popularity and the culmination point of independence activities of “national communism”. Definitely there were other moments of “riot” in Romania, but none of them had such wide repercussions of condemnation as intervention in Czechoslovakia. Lack of reaction of the Soviet Union shows that “the Soviet Union was not too worried about this kind of insubordination of its vassals, because the core, that is the though control of the society by the party and the Soviet model of developing country was not questioned. In the contrary to China in the middle of the sixties and Cambodia ten years later, these regimes were not dangerous according to Moscow, because they did not create a new model of communism which they would like to defend”.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2007, 1(11); 61-73
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Studenci a Praska Wiosna
The Students and the „Prague Spring”
Autorzy:
Kobus, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16539127.pdf
Data publikacji:
2001
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The article contains the description of Czechoslovakian academic circles between October 1967 and the Beginning of 1969. The introduction presents the students circles’ situation in 1960s (before 1967), especially all forms of resistance and political activities against the communist regime. The events of Strachovo in October 1967 (demonstrations in students district in Prague) are showed in further part of the article. The enthusiasm of students was visible because of the new authority’s reforms of spring 1968. The independent organization of Czech and Moravian students appeared. The article shows the reactions against the August intervention of the Warsaw Pact as well. The further part of the article gives the picture of students’ attitude towards the new, occupation reality of Czechoslovakia (strikes in November 1968 and tragic suicides of Jan Palach and Jan Zojic in the beginning of 1969). At the end of article the process of so called „normalisation" is described (starting from April 1969). That means leaving the social-political postulates of the „Prague spring” and repressions in 1969 and 1970 against the supporters of Dubček’s group. Conclusion covers the role and sense of events that look place in Czechoslovakia between 1967 and 1969.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2001, 73; 215-231
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
50 years of the Prague Spring: A measure of the impact of history on contemporary relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia
Autorzy:
Zvyagina, Daria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643064.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Russia
Czech Republic
Slovakia
the Prague Spring
sanctions
Opis:
The 50th anniversary of the Prague Spring is marked in 2018. Today, the events of 1968 retain their significance for relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The subject of the research is the impact of the events of the Prague Spring in 1968 on current relations between Russia and the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. The author analyzes in detail the key causes and consequences of the Prague Spring, as well as the current state of Russian-Czech and Russian-Slovak relations in conditions of anti-Russian sanctions.Analyzing the role of the attitudes of modern Czechs and Slovaks to the events of 1968, the author concluded that for the citizens of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, they are more historical. Condemning the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Prague, Russia closed this chapter in its relations with the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, becoming separate countries, overcame the problems in their relations in the 20th century.The article demonstrates that the deterioration of bilateral relations between Russia and the Czech Republic and Russia and Slovakia is due not to unsatisfied historical claims, but to the general cooling in relations between Russia and the EU and the policy of sanctions. Today, Prague and Bratislava are forced to balance between Brussels and Moscow, seeking to ensure their national interests, which for the Czech Republic and Slovakia are inextricably linked with both the European Union and Russia.The novelty of the research lies in the study of relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia through the prism of the evolution of their cultural and historical determinants. Thus, the author used the case study method and content analysis in his research. The theoretical basis of the research was the works of both Russian and foreign authors. The practical basis of the study was data from sociological surveys conducted in the Czech Republic and Slovakia in recent decades, as well as the evidence of eyewitnesses of the events of the Prague Spring.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2018, 2
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Чешская доля: иллюзии и реальности (полемика Милана Кундеры и Вацлава Гавела)
The Czech Lot: Illusions and Realities [Milan Kundera and Václav Havel Polemics]
Autorzy:
Григорьевна Задорожнюк, Элла
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/636004.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
the Czech lot
the Czech question
the Prague Spring
small nation
ethnical identity
dissidents
socialism with human face
regime of normalization
Opis:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the M. Kundera and V. Havel polemics over the fate and fortunes of the Czech ethnical identity, Czechoslovakian nationhood and ways of Czechoslovakian society development after the August, 1968. This polemic, together with the Prague Spring reflection, caused broad resonance, and some of its statements are still timely. The acceptability of the paradox of Havel being a spokesman of „the Czech lot” while at the same time being its critic in the polemic was proven.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2014, 6
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dramat Praskiej Wiosny z perspektywy Śląska Opolskiego
The Tragedy of Prague Spring From the Perspective of Opolian Silesia
Autorzy:
Bereszyński, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2184958.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Historycznych i Pedagogicznych. Instytut Historyczny
Tematy:
Opolian Silesia
Prague Spring
Czechoslovakia
intervention
popular resistance
Opis:
The Prague Spring is a significant part of the history of Opolian Silesia – a region in Poland bordering Czechoslovakia. The course of the military invasion of Czechoslovakia and events in this country and within Polish-Czechoslovak borderland are reflected in documents and other material created by the authorities of the Opole voivodeship (province), which are presented in this paper.
Źródło:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka; 2021, 76, 1; 113-158
0037-7511
2658-2082
Pojawia się w:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
SED i jej stanowisko wobec Praskiej Wiosny 1968 i kryzysu w Polsce 1980–1981
SED and its Attitude Towards „The Prague Spring” of 1968 and Crisis in Poland in the End of 1980 and Beginning of 1981
Autorzy:
Kubina, Michael
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477316.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Opis:
SED [The Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands] accurately valued the situation in the case of both crisises, in Prague in 1968 and in Poland in the end of 1980 and the beginning of 1981, correctly judging the critical infl uence of triumph of communist reforms in Prague a “Solidarność” in Poland on its own interest. It was obvious, that the case was the power, and the bolsheviks had no doubts that if the case was the power there is no place for any compromise. Their diagnosis was thus correct. In 1968 and in the beginning of 1981 one could still think about the radical therapy. The system had to be cleaned from the germs, from any kind of seeking for reforms. The immune system had to be strenghtened, that is the marxism-leninism study. Although the diagnosis was correct, the therapy did not bring effects. The disease turned to be incurable, the immune system was becomming weaker and weaker with every illness, and the virus, the individual pursuit for freedom, for shaping one’s own life oneself, could not be fought with. SED accurately judged the danger: what happened in Prague could not be reconciled with the system, it was undermining its basis and had to lead to collapse of the bolsheviks’ regime. In the end of 1980 and the beginning of 1981 Prague was a point of reference for SED. The only thing to do was to analyse the situation in Poland, compare it to what had happened in Prague in 1968 to understand, how big was a risk of a danger. As soon as mid August the SED leaders were convinced that events in Poland are a great challenge for the whole socialist block, and for the SED itself. Two weeks later, after the August agreement between the government and the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee it became clear for SED that this was a counterrevolution. When evaluating the dangers which resulted from the events in Prague in 1968 and in Poland in 1980 and 1981 for the power and unity of the Soviet imperium, SED was very real. Policy of Ulbricht and Honecker towards Moscow was not awkward at all, they were trying to gain as much as possible for SED in the generally unfavourable conditions. However, this is the knowledge that we have gained only recently. Moreover the Honecker policy – irrespective of its inner inconsistencies – fell not in Bonn but in Moscow. Honecker did not foresee the Gorbachov arrival. However, he was not lonely in this neither on the West, nor in the East.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2007, 1(11); 75-87
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geneza Praskiej Wiosny (Czechosłowacja w latach 1948-1966)
The Genesis of the Spring of Prague (Czechoslovakia in the Years 1948-1966)
Autorzy:
Kwapis, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16729368.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The reasons of the Spring of Prague - those dramatic events in Czechoslovakia in the years 1968-1969 - were gradually cumulating during whole twenty years, from February 1948, when Communist Party of Czechoslovakia had taken an undivided control over the country. Three main areas of quarrels between the communist government and the society were crystallised at the end of 1966. There were the problems connected with the model of economic development of the country, the questions of the civil liberties (especially the freedom of speech), and of the relations between the Czech and the Slovak people. The intelligentsia was a spiritus movens of the changes in Czechoslovakia. The opposition aimed at a creation of a better model of the socialistic state by introducing some economic reforms, démocratisation of the political system and the civil liberties as well as the participation of the citizens in the governing of the country. They assumed, that such a model of socialism would be able to regain the support of the society and awake the activity of the people.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1999, 65; 159-174
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Memory of the Warsaw Pact Intervention in the Post-August History 1968–1989
Autorzy:
Černá, Marie
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626065.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Czechoslovakia
Soviet army
Prague Spring
normalization
memory
Opis:
The meaning of the Warsaw Pact intervention in August 1968 soon became a matter of political manipulation. The spontaneously shared notion of the “occupation” quickly turned into its very antithesis. The postulate of the “friendly assistance” of the Soviet Army gradually promoted on the official level played a key role in the policy of the so-called consolidation. As a consequence, the Prague Spring was denigrated as an attempted counterrevolution. The memory of the August “occupation” disappeared from the public sphere: It went underground or was pushed into the private sphere. The idea of the heroic and victorious fight against the counterrevolution, so much cherished by leftist radicals, reached its peak by the end of 1970 when it was confirmed by an official document. After that, it started losing its momentum as if the Prague Spring and the August events were rather due to fall into oblivion. But in 1989, the relevance of the 21st August suddenly reemerged in public protests against the Communist régime, which were taking place on that date. The article explores the coexistence/parallel lives of the three conflicting memories of the August 68 during the post-August history of normalization mentioned below: the privatized memory of occupation, the radical memory of fraternal assistance, and the policy of oblivion.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2019, 12, 2; 141-158
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Początki tzw. normalizacji w czechosłowackiej Armii Ludowej we wspomnieniach świadków
The beginning of so called “normalisation” in the Czechoslovak People’s Army, as recollected by witnesses
Autorzy:
Hlaváček, Jiří
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634712.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
Tematy:
oral history
metodologia
naoczny świadek
Praska wiosna
Czechosłowacja
Armia Ludowa
projekty naukowe
normalizacja ku demokracji
methodology
contemporary witness
Prague Spring
Czechoslovakia
People’s army
research project
normalisation to democracy
Opis:
The aim of the following article is to analyse the consequences of the Prague Spring on the Czechoslovak People’s Army on the strength of biographical accounts by direct participants of the events, and to compare them with surviving documents from that period. The research project has been carried out using the oral history method and refers to accounts of soldiers laid off from the army as a result of the so-called normalisation purges that took place from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s. The article presents the chronology of the normalisation methods used in the army and the way they were applied both at official and party level. It also discusses the consequences of these actions on the ordinary lives of the witnesses and thus how reflections of those events were later portrayed for the purpose of the study.
Źródło:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej; 2013, 3; 205-222
2719-7522
2084-0578
Pojawia się w:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Counter-Revolution, or Authentic Socialism?
Autorzy:
Géryk, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626061.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Prague Spring
U.S. Left
authentic socialism
counter-revolution
the 1960s
Opis:
For the majority of Leftists in the 1960s, the Soviet Union ceased to be intellectually and ideologically inspiring. Both Soviet Communism and Western capitalism at that time represented “the System” which offered universal manipulability and universal marketability as its only alternative modes. Thus, the Left searched for authentic socialism, whether in the Marxist-humanist philosophy, in the Third World revolutions, or in the local socialist traditions. However, even though the global Left faced several general problems common to all Cold War worlds, there were also important contextual differences which prevented the common base from further development.     Following this general context, this article will focus on the Left in Czechoslovakia and in the USA, particularly on the question whether the Czechoslovak reform movement of the late 1960s was inspiring for various groups on the US Left. With regard to the U.S. left-wing reactions to the Prague Spring or to the resistance of Czechoslovak people against the Warsaw Pact invasion, the article will pay attention especially to the discursive dichotomy of authentic socialism vs. counter-revolution.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2019, 12, 2; 27-48
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
1 Batalion Szturmowy podczas przygotowań i interwencji w Czechosłowacji w 1968 r.
1st Assault Battalion during the preparations and intervention in Czechoslovakia in 1968
1-ый штурмовой батальон во время подготовки и интервенций в Чехословакии в 1968 году
Autorzy:
Szewczyk, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1918469.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-06
Wydawca:
Wojskowe Biuro Historyczne
Tematy:
1 Batalion Szturmowy
operacja „Dunaj”
„praska wiosna”
radiostacje
Czechosłowacja
1968
1st Assault Battalion
Operation „Danube”
„Prague Spring”
radio stations
Czechoslovakia
1-ый штурмовой батальон
операция „Дунай”
Пражская весна
радиостанции
Чехословакия
Opis:
Interwencja wojsk pięciu krajów-członków Układu Warszawskiego w Czechosłowacji w sierpniu 1968 r. zdławiła „praską wiosnę” – okres politycznej liberalizacji. Wśród jednostek polskiej 2 Armii biorących udział w operacji „Dunaj” znajdował się 1 Batalion Szturmowy. Oddział zajmujący się dalekim rozpoznaniem i dywersją na czas działań w ČSSR został rozdzielony, postawiono mu także nowe zadania. Jedną z form oporu mieszkańców Czechosłowacji były niezależne audycje nadawane przez radiostacje, często należące do tamtejszej armii. Taka forma propagandy była zaskoczeniem i stanowiła poważny problem dla sił okupacyjnych. Podjęto więc próby lokalizacji i unieszkodliwiania nadajników. Do działań tych włączyli się żołnierze 1 Batalionu Szturmowego. W zasobie Archiwum Wojskowego w Oleśnicy zachowała się dokumentacja sporządzona w tej jednostce podczas działań w Czechosłowacji w 1968 r. Stanowi ona cenne źródło informacji o działaniach tego oddziału w trakcie interwencji wojsk Układu Warszawskiego w tym kraju.
The intervention of the troops of five Warsaw Pact member states in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 suppressed the “Prague Spring” – a period of political liberalization. The 1st Assault Battalion was among the Polish 2nd Army units participating in operation “Danube”. The unit dealing with distant reconnaissance and diversion was split up for the duration of its activities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and it was given new tasks, too. One form of resistance of the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia were independent programs broadcast by radio stations, often belonging to the local army. This kind of propaganda was a surprise and a serious problem for the occupying forces. Attempts were made to locate and neutralize the transmitters. The soldiers of the 1st Assault Battalion joined these activities. In the Military Archive in Oleśnica, documentation has been preserved that was put together in this unit during its operation in Czechoslovakia in 1968. It constitutes a valuable source of information about the unit’s activities during the intervention of Warsaw Pact troops in that country.
Введение войск пяти стран-участниц Варшавского договора в Чехословакию в августе 1968 года задушило Пражскую весну – период политической либерализации. Среди подразделений 2-й польской армии, участвовавших в операции „Дунай”, был и 1-й штурмовой батальон. Подразделение, занимающееся дистанционной разведкой и диверсией на время операций в ЧССР, было разделено; кроме того, ему были поставлены новые задачи. Одной из форм сопротивления жителей Чехословакии были независимые передачи по радиостанциям, зачастую принадлежащим местной армии. Эта форма пропаганды для оккупационных сил была серьезной проблемой, появления которой они не ожидали. В связи с этим были предприняты попытки найти и нейтрализовать передатчики. К этим действиям присоединились и солдаты 1-го штурмового батальона. В военном архиве г. Олесница сохранилась документация, составленная в этом подразделении во время операций в Чехословакии в 1968 году. Эти документы являются ценными источниками информации о действиях этого подразделения во время вмешательства войск Варшавского договора в этой стране.
Źródło:
Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy; 2019, XX (LXXI), 3 (269); 158-179
1640-6281
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Times They Are A-Changin’
Autorzy:
Jędrzejko, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626232.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
1968
transformations
revolution
protests
Prague Spring
Civil Rights Movement
Black Power Movement
Mai'68
the long 1968
Bob Dylan
singer-songwriter
activism
Opis:
The article, whose central premise is to address the ellusive issue of the Zeitgeist of the "long 1968," revolves around the appeal of the singer-songwriter activism and the international, cross-cultural popularity of protest songs that defy political borders and linguistic divides. The argument opens with reference to Bob Dylan's famous song "The Times They Are A-Changing," whose evergreen topicality resulted not only in the emergence of its numerous official and unofficial covers and reinterpretations, but also generated translations into all major languages of the world, and which has provided inspiration to engaged artists, whose present-day remakes serve as a medium of criticism of the unjust mechanisms of power affecting contemporary societies. The "spirit of the 1968," which evades clear-cut definitions attempted by cultural historians and sociologists, seems to lend itself to capturing in terms of what Beate Kutschke dubs "mental" criteria, perhaps best comprehended in the analysis of the emotional reactions to simple messages of exhortative poetry or simple protest songs, which appeal to the shared frustrations of self-organized, grassroot movements and offer them both the sense of purpose and a glimpse of hope. In this sense, the Zeitgeist of '68 is similar to that of revolutionary Romanticism that united the young engaged intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic, and whose messages reverberate in the activist songwriters' work until today. As such, the essay provides the keynote to the whole issue, which explores some of the transnational legacies of "1969."
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2019, 12, 2; 5-24
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Jaroslav Valenta a historycy polscy w zbiorach Archiwum Nauki Polskiej Akademii Nauk i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie
Jaroslav Valenta and Polish historians in the collections of the Science Archive of the Polish Academy of Sciences and the Polish Academy of Learning in Kraków
Autorzy:
Grudzień, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2164662.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Jaroslav Valenta
Prague Spring
historiography
Polish historians
Polish-Czech research relations
Praska Wiosna
historycy polscy
polsko-czeskie stosunki naukowe
historiografia
Opis:
The paper presents the relations of Jaroslav Valenta (1930–2004), a prominent Czech researcher of the most recent Polish history, with a number of Polish historians. The picture of these complex relations in the years 1965–1996 has been built up the basis on archival sources.
Źródło:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis; 2015, 1(8); 236-248
2084-1213
Pojawia się w:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Między traumą a marzeniem: destalinizacja i komunistyczne rozumienie czasu (próba interpretacji)
Between the trauma and the dream: the de-Stalinization and the communist understanding of the time (attemp to interpretation)
Autorzy:
Kolar, Pavel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478132.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
destalinizacja odnowa pamieć tajny referat złoty wiek ideologia mała stabilizacja nostalgia Polski Październik poststalinizm Praska Wiosna rehabilitacja zacofanie, utopia pojmowanie czasu
de-Stalinization revival memory secret speech golden age ideology small stabilization nostalgia Polish October post-Stalinism Prague Spring rehabilitation beckwardness utopia understanding of time
Opis:
Przedmiotem artykułu jest komunistyczne pojmowanie czasu i postępu. Punkt wyjścia stanowi nowe rozumienie destalinizacji: Wychodzę z założenia, że rok 1956 wyznacza nie tyle początek końca komunizmu, co początek nowego etapu jego historii – poststalinizmu -, na którym wykształciło się zarazem specyficzne podejście do czasu. Podjęty przez Chruszczowa rozrachunek ze stalinizmem wstrząsnął koncepcją „żelaznych praw rozwoju” i skierował uwagę ku nieobliczalności historii. Wraz z utratą pewności historycznej spowolnieniu uległ bieg czasu. Przedmiotem mojej analizy są wybrane aspekty procesów destalinizacji dokonujących się w krajach tzw. trójkąta północnego, czyli w NRD, Czechosłowacji i Polsce. W odróżnieniu od większości dotychczasowych opracowań, nie ograniczam się do badania oficjalnej ideologii, lecz próbuję zrozumieć sposoby pojmowania czasu w ideologicznej codzienności. Szczególnie interesują mnie przy tym wzajemne oddziaływania między poszczególnymi płaszczyznami partyjnej hierarchii – między centrum i peryferiami, między kierownictwem i bazą oraz między aparatem i aktywem. Jak pokazuję, poststalinizm zdecydowanie różnił się od przyśpieszającego bieg czasu stalinizmu i stagnacji późnego socjalizmu. Specyficzny rytm poststalinizmu jako epoki ambiwalencji rozciągającej się od roku 1956 roku do późnych lat sześćdziesiątych, wyznaczało napięcie między traumą stalinistycznej przeszłości i kolejnym marzeniem o komunistycznej utopii.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2016, 28; 59-79
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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