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Tytuł:
Rewolucja, Rewolucja, Rewolucja,
Revolution, Revolution, Revolution
Autorzy:
Turowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/424601.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuk Pięknych w Gdańsku
Tematy:
rewolucja, awangarda, sztuka krytyczna, sztuka polityczna, demokracja
revolution,
avant-garde,
critical art,
political art,
democracy
Opis:
Przedmiotem refleksji poniższego tekstu jest kondycja współczesnej sztuki rewolucyjnej (tożsamej z pojęciem sztuki krytycznej) wyrosłej z dziedzictwa teorii i praktyki awangardy, pojmowanej jako świadomej politycznie aktywności i demokratycznej odpowiedzialności. Pytanie o jej współczesny status musi - z natury rzeczy - wypływać dziś z dwubiegunowej perspektywy zakreślającej, z jednej strony, jej (sztuki rewolucyjnej) skomercjalizowany "walor" marketingowy, a dopiero z drugiej, jej zdolność kształtowania współczesnej historii. Istota rewolucyjnego charakteru współczesnego Artysty-Intelektualisty tkwi więc nieustannie w jego subwersyjnej postawie demokratyczno-obywatelskiej, ale także w permanentnej czujności przed niebezpieczeństwem utraty ostrości dziejowego horyzontu.
Źródło:
Sztuka i Dokumentacja; 2018, 19; 11-16
2080-413X
Pojawia się w:
Sztuka i Dokumentacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
La Révolution comme catastrophe chez André Malraux et Georges Bataille
Revolution as Catastrophe in the Work of André Malraux and Georges Bataille
Autorzy:
Bowd, Gavin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2020937.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Komisja Nauk Filologicznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Oddział we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
communism
fascism
revolution
sacred
Opis:
In his review of La Condition humaine, Georges Bataille asserts that André Malraux’s novel shows how revolutionary power is based, in its psychological structure, on a catastrophe, on the lasting consciousness of a catastrophe upon which has depended the fate of multitudes. From this reading of Malraux, we will explore the catastrophic vision of Bataille himself in his novel Le Bleu du ciel and his essays for Contre-Attaque, written in the course of the 1930s, but, in the case of Le Bleu du ciel, only published more than twenty years afterwards. In the face of a “rising tide of murder” that seems to make the triumph of fascism and war inevitable, the failure of his dream of a “Popular Front in the street” is embodied in the political and erotic impotence of the troubling character of Henri Troppmann. Bataille’s dead-end contrasts brutally with the publicly committed work of Malraux, who seems to offer an alternative vision of revolutionary fate. But are there similarities between the “committed” novelist Malraux and the “shameful” one that is Bataille? Both writers show a profound interest in the sacred, which transcends a narrowly political frame.
Źródło:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology; 2020, 9; 245-254
2299-7164
2353-3218
Pojawia się w:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czekając na generała Moncka. Źródła Burke’owskiej teorii rewolucji
Waiting for General Monck. The Sources of Burkean Theory of Revolution
Autorzy:
Tulejski, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/596336.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
Hume
Burke
rewolucja
kontrrewolucja
rewolucja francuska
angielska wojna domowa
revolution
counter-revolution
French revolution
English Civil War
Opis:
Edmund Burke, angielski mąż stanu, teoretyk polityki i filozof jest ojcem założycielem politycznego konserwatyzmu. Jego Rozważania o rewolucji we Francji – święta księga konserwatyzmu – jest jednym z najbardziej znanych intelektualnych ataków na rewolucję francuską. Jednakże pamflet ten jest również doskonałym studium samej rewolucji. W niniejszym artykule autor bada źródła Burke’owskiej teorii rewolucji i dynamiki procesu rewolucyjnego. Dowodzi, że jego myśl jest zakorzeniona w filozofii politycznej i filozofii historii Dawida Hume’a. Jest prawdopodobnie zaskoczeniem, że Burke, formułując swe polityczne zasady, bazował w dużym stopniu na pismach historycznych Hume’a – swego największego politycznego wroga. Lecz w refleksjach Hume’a dotyczących Wielkiej Rebelii możemy odnaleźć pierwszą analizę rewolucji w nowoczesnym znaczeniu jako wydarzenia społecznego, politycznego i religijnego o nadzwyczajnym charakterze. Opisując rewolucyjnych purytanów, Hume odkrył, że niekontrolowany, wytrwały i niebezpieczny duch innowacji prowadzi do destrukcji ładu społecznego. W końcu, zaczynając od przesadnego pragnienia wolności, naród popadł w najskrajniejszą niewolę. Spostrzegł również, że rewolucję wywołują siły umiarkowane, kończą zaś radykałowie. Dlatego, czytając Historię Anglii, Burke mógł w roku 1789 przewidzieć następne akty francuskiego dramatu, ponieważ zdał sobie sprawę, że francuscy rewolucjoniści byli podobni do angielskich z czasów rewolty purytańskiej. Autor zatem dowodzi, że polityczne proroctwo Burke’a byłoby niemożliwe bez obserwacji rewolucyjnej dynamiki, której dokonał Hume.
Edmund Burke, an English statesman, a political theorist, and a philosopher is the founding father of political conservatism. His Reflections on the Revolution in France – the holy book of conservatism – is one of the best known intellectual attack against the French Revolution. However this pamphlet is also a perfect study of a revolution itself. In this article the Author examines the sources of Burke an theory of revolution and the dynamics of revolutionary process. He argues, that his thought is rooted in David Hume’s political philosophy and his philosophy of history. Perhaps the surprising fact is that Burke by formulating his political principles found it possible to profit to an even greater extent from the historical writings of Hume – his greater political enemy. But in Hume an reflections on the Great Rebellion we can find the first analysis of revolution as social, political and religious extraordinary event in modern sense. Describing the revolutionary Puritans Hume discovered, that uncontrolled, obstinate, and dangerous spirit of innovation inclined to destruction of social order. In the end, starting from the exaggerated pursuit of liberty, the nation fell into the most abject servitude. But he also observed that although revolution is triggered by some moderate powers, it is completed by radicals. Therefore reading his History of England in 1789 Burke could have foreseen the next acts of the French drama, because he realized, that French revolutionaries were similar to English ones during the Puritan Revolution. So the Author argues, that Burke an political prophecy would be impossible without Hume’s observations of revolutionary dynamics.
Źródło:
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne; 2017, 105; 107-124
0081-6841
Pojawia się w:
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Around 1948: The “Gentle Revolution” and Art History
Autorzy:
Markowska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909532.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
revolution
art after 1945
communism
autocracy
folklore
Opis:
Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged. 
Źródło:
Artium Quaestiones; 2019, 30; 137-160
0239-202X
Pojawia się w:
Artium Quaestiones
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Żałoba i rewolucja. Refleksje heglowskie
Mourning and Revolution Hegelian Reflections
Autorzy:
Wójcik, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/534668.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Hegel
revolution
Jacobins
terror
dialectic
Opis:
The article takes up a problem of a complex relationship between Hegel and the French Revolution, of which the philosopher was both a great enthusiast and a brilliant critic. The point of departure for the analysis is a critical reading of the traditional interpretations of Hegel’s relation to the Revolution (J. Ritter and J. Habermas), which enables the author to develop a “speculative interpretation of the Revolution” on the basis of Phenomenology of Spirit. The key to the understanding of the dynamics of the Enlightenment, which found its culmination in the Revolution, is the inner dialectic of knowledge and faith which constitutes this epoch. The ideas of the Enlightenment become undermined by the opposition between the German (reformation) process of working through the relation between faith and knowledge and the French (revolutionary) repression of its mutual relationship. This paradox recognized by Hegel (in R. Comay’s interpretation) leads the philosopher to formulate a dialectic position: revolution with reformation would be the work of mourning (the process of working through) on this lost object (the world of faith), whereas revolution without reformation would remain only futile melancholy of terror, compensating for the lack of reformation. The paradoxical lesson for the present times (inspired by S. Žižek’s reading) which arises from Hegel’s interpretation is the following: cultural revolution (revolution in thinking itself, in utopian dreams) is the condition of possibility of the success of social revolution.
Źródło:
Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne; 2015, 7, 2; 131-154
2084-0772
2353-0928
Pojawia się w:
Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
"<i>Believe</i> and tremble": A Note on Margaret Fullers Roman Revolution
Autorzy:
Matteson, John
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626350.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Margaret Fuller
democracy
Roman Revolution
Opis:
John MattesonJohn Jay College of Criminal JusticeCity University of New YorkUSA“Believe and tremble”: A Note on Margaret Fuller’s Roman RevolutionAbstract: 1848, Europe’s year of revolutions, was also a revolutionary moment in the United States, for it witnessed the holding of the Seneca Falls Convention, the first formal gathering for the purpose of discussing the social and civil rights of women in America. A significant step on the road to Seneca Falls had taken place three years earlier when Margaret Fuller, the former editor of Emerson’s literary magazine The Dial, published Woman in the Nineteenth Century, an erudite and impassioned plea for female equality that had no precedent in American letters. Yet when the pioneering band of feminists gathered to ratify its Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls, Fuller was thousands of miles away. The revolutionary movement to which she devoted her heart and toil that year was not the cause of American feminism, but the democratic revolution in Rome.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2017, 10, 2
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hegel, revolution, and the rule of law
Autorzy:
Ramet, Sabrina P.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628417.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
G.W.F. Hegel
philosophy
revolution
rule of law
Opis:
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was one of the philosophic giants of the nineteenth century. Well versed in both ancient and more recent philosophical tracts, he rejected the individualism of Hobbes and Locke, as well as their notion that the state was an agency set up in the first place to protect life and property, and, drawing inspiration from Aristotle, outlined a vision of the state as an agency bound, in the first place, to protect the weak and the powerless. Hegel further rejected Kant’s individualistic ethics and counseled that ethical behavior had to be understood as taking place in a social context, with real duties toward other people. For Hegel, an individual had rights and duties within the context of the family, in the community, and, as a citizen, vis-à-vis the state. He emphasized the network of duties in which each individual finds himself, urging political moderation and concern for the good of the entire community. He has been condemned as a proto-totalitarian, lauded as a democrat of sorts, and described variously as liberal, anti-liberal, authoritarian, conservative-monarchist, and constitutionalist. This essay will argue that Hegel came to champion a constitutional-legal order (Rechtsstaat) under an autocratic monarch, with protection for liberal values. The absolute authority of the monarch, thus, was limited to those powers which he needed in order to advance and protect the interests of the citizens of the realm.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 9-31
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Idee i ideaty
Ideals and ideats
Autorzy:
Heller, Michał
Mączka, Janusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140696.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-11-08
Wydawca:
Copernicus Center Press
Tematy:
scientific revolution
meta-scientific revolution
ideats
themata
episteme
doxa
Opis:
The original view of Joseph Życiński, presented in his book The Structure of the Metascientific Revolution (1988), boils down to the observation that almost before our eyes a great revolution took place, not in science, but in the philosophy of science, that is the meta-scientific revolution. His concept of the meta-scientific revolution grew out of his fascination with the revolution that took place in the foundations of mathematics in the first decades of the twentieth century. Whether a change in science deserves to be called a revolution is determined by whether the transformations it underwent also reached the meta-level. The set of presuppositions underlying transformations on the meta-level Życiński calls ideata. One of the aims of this article is to critically reconstruct the meaning of this term. The action of Życiński’s book takes place mainly on meta-level, but the meta-level constantly interacts with what is happening in science itself. The book sometimes makes an impression as if it were a study of the history of science, but history of science in a specific sense – something like a “sampling” of history with numerous examples. Among the creations of human thought, it is difficult to point to an area that changes more dynamically than science itself, but looking at it from a meta-perspective allows us to grasp those of its features that operate on a much broader scale.
Źródło:
Zagadnienia Filozoficzne w Nauce; 2022, 72; 203-212
0867-8286
2451-0602
Pojawia się w:
Zagadnienia Filozoficzne w Nauce
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Estetyka i narracje rewolucji na Majdanie wobec dyskursu postkolonialnego
Aesthetics and narratives of the Maidan revolution in the face of postcolonial discourse
Autorzy:
Sułek, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1849931.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-01
Wydawca:
Instytut Dyskursu i Dialogu
Tematy:
Ukraina
Majdan
rewolucja
sztuka ukraińska
Rewolucja Godności
sztuka rewolucji
Ukraine
Maidan
revolution
Ukrainian art
art of revolution
Revolution of Dignity
Opis:
Ukraińska Rewolucja Godności była przestrzenią niezwykłej kreatywności wizualnej, której analiza pozwala lepiej zrozumieć jej istotę, jak również jej podłoże społeczne i polityczne. Artykuł proponuje użycie teorii postkolonialnych, opartych głównie na myśli Frantza Fanona, Leeli Gandhi i Homiego Bhabhy, jako narzędzia służącego lepszemu zrozumieniu sfery wizualnej rewolucji na Majdanie. Oparta jest ona na dualizmie pomiędzy charakterem antykolonialnym i nacjonalistycznym, oraz postkolonialnym, hybrydowym, bazujący na potencjale społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i nowej podmiotowości.
The Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity was a space of extraordinary visual creativity, the analysis of which allows us to better understand its essence, as well as its social and political background. The article proposes the use of postcolonial theories, mainly based on the ideas of Frantz Fanon, Leela Gandhi and Homi Bhabha, as a tool for a better understanding of the visual sphere of the Maidan revolution. It is based on the dualism between the anti-colonial and nationalist character, and the post-colonial, hybrid character, as well as the potential of civil society and new subjectivity
Źródło:
Dyskurs & Dialog; 2021, III, 1 (7); 145-165
2658-2368
2658-2406
Pojawia się w:
Dyskurs & Dialog
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Post-Secular Turn: Enlightenment, Tradition, Revolution
Autorzy:
Bielik-Robson, Agata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/451485.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-10-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
Tematy:
post-secularism
enlightenment
tradition
revolution
Marranism
nihilism
naturalism
indifferentism
Opis:
The aim of this essay is to give a general and accessible overview of the so called “post-secular” turn in the contemporary humanities. The main idea behind it is that it constitutes an answer to the crisis of the secular grand narratives of modernity: the Hegelian narrative of the immanent progress of the Spirit, as well as the enlightenmental narrative of universal emancipation. The post-secularist thinkers come in three variations which this essay names as Enlightenmental, Traditional, and Revolutionary. The first camp wishes to reconceptualize the place of religion in the seemingly secularized modern paradigm and see if revelation can cooperate with enlightenment, that is, if it can support the modern emancipatory values in the dangerous moment of their “crisis of legitimation.” The second one emphasizes the need to recover the institutional aspect of Christian theology which must be reinstated once again as the “queen of the sciences,” or as the true “invisible hand” operating behind social theories. And the third party, which simultaneously opposes both, enlightenment and tradition, revolves mostly around the “revolutionary figure” of Saint Paul and constitutes a radically leftist answer to the crisis of Marxism with its scientific insight into the objective laws of history.
Źródło:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2019, 3, 3(9); 57-82
2544-302X
Pojawia się w:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rewolucja jako przejaw zmiany społecznej
Revolution as symptoms social change
Autorzy:
Janiszewski, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/495468.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe Franciszka Salezego
Tematy:
Revolution
social change
society
authorities
rebellion
reform
Opis:
Revolution can be judged as the most spectacular sign of social reforms. Revolution gives rise to common enthusiasm, gives hope, creates the vision of the future, which is often imaginated. For centuries man rebelled against anything, only the Greek mind changed it. A lot of sociologist consider that inherent century should be called the revolution. The widespread success of the revolution is dependent on social mobilization and notice that it can give a chance to change the formal social position.
Źródło:
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe; 2012, 32; 99-111
1232-8766
Pojawia się w:
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Counter-Revolution, or Authentic Socialism?
Autorzy:
Géryk, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626061.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Prague Spring
U.S. Left
authentic socialism
counter-revolution
the 1960s
Opis:
For the majority of Leftists in the 1960s, the Soviet Union ceased to be intellectually and ideologically inspiring. Both Soviet Communism and Western capitalism at that time represented “the System” which offered universal manipulability and universal marketability as its only alternative modes. Thus, the Left searched for authentic socialism, whether in the Marxist-humanist philosophy, in the Third World revolutions, or in the local socialist traditions. However, even though the global Left faced several general problems common to all Cold War worlds, there were also important contextual differences which prevented the common base from further development.     Following this general context, this article will focus on the Left in Czechoslovakia and in the USA, particularly on the question whether the Czechoslovak reform movement of the late 1960s was inspiring for various groups on the US Left. With regard to the U.S. left-wing reactions to the Prague Spring or to the resistance of Czechoslovak people against the Warsaw Pact invasion, the article will pay attention especially to the discursive dichotomy of authentic socialism vs. counter-revolution.
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2019, 12, 2; 27-48
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Polish Contribution to the Baden Revolution 1848/49
Autorzy:
Schäfer, Frank Ludwig
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1945343.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-04-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Baden
Polska
Poznań
Rastatt
Revolution 1848/49
Vormärz
Opis:
This essay examines the work of the Polish freedom fighters in the revolution in southwest German Baden in 1848/49 by identifying the personal connections between the uprisings in Baden and Poznań and identifying Prussia as a common enemy. In particular, the role of the Polish military officer Ludwik Mierosławski as general of the Baden troops is honoured. The goal is thus to determine the exact contribution of Polish fighters in the Baden Revolution and how they interacted with the Baden revolutionaries. Thus, the essay also sheds light on the help of Baden for the Polish fight for freedom in the form of so-called Polish associations. For this purpose, the essay presents the eyewitness accounts of the year 1849 from the perspective of Baden and Polish participants. Methodologically, the article extracts the specific events in Baden and Poznań from the general revolutionary history of the years 1848/49. Chronologically, the essay also looks back at prehistory up to 1815 and offers a look at the life of the revolutionaries after 1849. The events in Baden and Poznań are finally placed in a larger context, especially in the context of the European freedom movements, the international cooperation of the revolutionaries, and Polandʼs striving for independence.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2020, 19, 2; 69-80
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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