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Tytuł:
Biographical Sketch of Bogdan Hamera and Characteristics of his Works in the Socialist Realism Period (1911–1974)
Autorzy:
Sylburska, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371334.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Komarnicki
Narodowa Demokracja
prawo
praworządność
Wacław Komarnicki
National Democracy
law
rule of law
Opis:
The article is dedicated to the writer Bogdan Hamera (1911–1974) and his three works from the socialist realism period. The first, “Na przykład Plewa”, was a model example of a new type of literature that was promoted by the communists. Due to this success, he remained a significant figure in Polish literature in the first half of the 1950s. The article presents the significant moments in Hamera’s life. The most important elements of the books were presented, as well as their reception by the communist censorship. Attempts were made to answer the question of the author experiences’ influence on the shape of the works, their content and the importance of his role in the literature of socialist realism.
Źródło:
Polish Biographical Studies; 2020, 8; 103-124
2353-9291
Pojawia się w:
Polish Biographical Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
National Democracy and Nazism. The Asymmetry of Relations
Endecja i nazizm. Asymetria relacji
Autorzy:
Stachowiak, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/50742620.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
National democracy
National socialism
Third Reich
National radicalism
narodowa demokracja
narodowy socjalizm
III Rzesza
narodowy radykalizm
Opis:
The relationship between Polish nationalism and fascism and National Socialism has been the subject of numerous publications, especially those that are part of the Polish scientific literature. There is a peculiar asymmetry embedded in this relationship. During the interwar period and nowadays, this subject has been reflected on rather on the Polish side rather than the German side. The author attempts to answer a question about reasons for this asymmetry. In the 1930s, German interest in Polish nationalism was limited. Publications dealing specifically with Eastern European issues were the only to designate more space and attention to the topic. The publications, however, almost completely ignored official NSDAP sources. The shape and evolution of the national camp in Poland focused on a few issues only and it was a domain of a few authors whose names appear in various periodicals. In Germany, a hypothetical explanation for this phenomenon is based on fundamental contradictions that divided the Polish and German forms of nationalism at the time, namely the absence of the biological-racial dimension in the Polish national ideology and its strong connection with Catholicism. The practical absence of the Polish national movement in German articles of the 1930s might be attributed to the doctrine and racist objectives of National Socialism.
Problem relacji między polskim nacjonalizmem a faszyzmem i narodowym socjalizmem jest tematem licznych publikacji, szczególnie w polskiej literaturze naukowej. Występuje w tej kwestii zjawisko swoistej asymetrii. Zarówno w okresie międzywojennym, jak również współcześnie, jest to przedmiot refleksji raczej po stronie polskiej niż niemieckiej. Autor tekstu poszukuje odpowiedzi na pytanie o przyczyny tej asymetrii. Niemieckie zainteresowanie polskim nacjonalizmem było w latach trzydziestych niewielkie. Więcej miejsca i uwagi poświęcały mu jedynie czasopisma i wydawnictwa zajmujące się szczególnie problematyką wschodnioeuropejską. Niemal całkowicie pomijały oficjalne źródła NSDAP. Refleksja nad kształtem i ewolucją obozu narodowego w Polsce skupiona była na kilku zaledwie motywach i była domeną kilku autorów, których nazwiska przewijają się przez łamy rozmaitych czasopism. Hipotetycznym wytłumaczeniem tego zjawiska może być zauważenie w Niemczech podstawowych sprzeczności, jakie dzieliły ówcześnie polską i niemiecką formę nacjonalizmu: kwestii braku w Polsce biologiczno-rasowego wymiaru ideologii narodowej oraz jej silnego powiązania z katolicyzmem. Praktyczna nieobecność polskiego ruchu narodowego w niemieckiej refleksji lat trzydziestych mogła być zapewne spowodowana również doktrynalnymi, rasistowskimi założeniami narodowego socjalizmu.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2024, 1; 193-209
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Modernization of the masses. Political moment and National-Democratic political discourse in the 1905–1907 Revolution
Modernizacja mas. Moment polityczny i dyskurs endecji w okresie rewolucji 1905-1907
Autorzy:
Marzec, Wiktor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1009891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Endeks
National Democracy
1905 Revolution
the masses
discourse of modernity
conjuncture
political moment
Endecja
Narodowa Demokracja
rewolucja 1905
masy
dyskurs nowoczesności
koniunktura
moment polityczny
Opis:
The article examines a change in Polish National Democratic (Nationalist) political discourse accompanying the 1905 Revolution. In particular, I scrutinize the change in the conceptualization of „the masses”. I consider a particular vision of the modernization of the masses as a form of discourse of modernity. Thus, I see it as a reaction to the indeterminacy of the social inadequacy of existing political institutions and discourses and the rapid widening of actual political participation. I argue that specific conjuncture between lineages of political thinking and social processes created a tipping point: a political moment or crisis. A particular answer for this moment – in this case an organic, hierarchic discourse of community and the envisioned whole of disciplined masses under the nationalistic control – defined the forthcoming shape of the National Democratic program. This resulted in long lasting consequences and defined the overall National Democratic project.
Artykuł rozważa zmianę w endeckim dyskursie politycznym w okresie rewolucji 1905–1907. Podejmuję w nim analizę zmiany stosunku do „mas”. Wizję modernizacji mas traktuję jako specyficzną formę dyskursu nowoczesności – reakcję na niezdeterminowanie, nieadekwatność politycznych instytucji i języków i gwałtowne rozszerzenie realnego uczestnictwa politycznego. Argumentuję, że określona koniunktura czy splot zdarzeń, zarówno z dziedziny myślenia politycznego, jak i procesów społecznych, wytworzyła specyficzną sytuację kryzysu, pewien moment polityczny. Określona reakcja na ten moment – w tym przypadku organicystyczny, hierarchiczny dyskurs wspólnoty i wizja zdyscyplinowanych mas pod endecką kontrolą, zadecydowała o kształcie całości endeckiego myślenia politycznego. Ów efekt ma swoje długofalowe konsekwencje i określa późniejszy kształt ideowy formacji endeckiej.
Źródło:
Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2014, 13, 3; 99-132
2081-8130
Pojawia się w:
Praktyka Teoretyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The theme of independence in the 1904–1914 issues of the Tarnopol Głos Polski
Niepodległość na łamach tarnopolskiego „Głosu Polskiego” w latach 1904-1914
Autorzy:
Maślach, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2058258.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Polish press in the early 20th century
regional press
National Democracy
Poland's independence
Tarnopol (Podolia)
„Głos Polski”
Narodowa Demokracja
niepodległość
prasa regionalna
Tarnopol
Opis:
This article presents a frequency analysis of the term 'independence' and examines its uses in discussions of education, economic life and culture in the 1904–1914 issues of Głos Polski, a political weekly associated with the National Democracy, published in Tarnopol (Ternopil).
Artykuł przedstawia tygodnik „Głos Polski” wydawany w Tarnopolu. Przybliżono wydania z lat 1904–1914 pod względem występowania pojęcia niepodległość oraz przedstawiono rozważania związane z oświatą, gospodarką i kulturą, w kontekście których niepodległość odgrywała kluczową rolę. Pismo politycznie było związane z Narodową Demokracją.
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2021, 24, 1; 71-93
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The image of “Ruthenians” presented in the nationaldemocratic press between 1918 and 1926
Obraz „Rusinów” na łamach prasy narodowo-demokratycznej w latach 1918–1926
Autorzy:
Szwed-Walczak, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343664.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
National Democracy
national-democratic press
Ruthenians
the image of the Ruthenians
Poland in 1918-1926
Narodowa Demokracja
prasa narodowo-demokratyczna
Rusini
obraz Rusinów
Polska w latach 1918-1926
Opis:
The National Democrats, following Roman Dmowski, supported the incorporation concept of rebuilding the Polish state. For this reason, their attitude towards the Slavic minorities was unambiguous. They called for their Polonization, and presented arguments for institutional assimilation in the press. The aim of the research was to reconstruct the image of Ruthenians in the most popular magazines related to the National Democracy. The analysis of the content of the periodicals allowed to indicate that the image of the Ruthenians evolved from perceiving them as a docile people, prone to Polonization, to aggressive political opponents. The image of Ruthenians in the national-democratic press had several dimensions: 1) civilization, 2) political, and 3) image-relate on. In the civilization dimension, it was pointed out that Ruthenians are at a lower level of development than Poles, hence cultural assimilation will be a civilization advance for them. In the political dimension, Ruthenians were portrayed as destroyers of public order. They were accused of collaborating with Poland's enemies. Along with the development of the political representation of the Ruthenians and their accession to the National Minority Bloc, the number of articles showing them as separatists, calling for the overthrow of the borders of the Polish state, increased.
Narodowi Demokraci za Romanem Dmowskim popierali inkorporacyjną koncepcję odbudowy państwa polskiego. Z tego powodu ich stosunek do mniejszości słowiańskich był jednoznaczny. Postulowali o ich polonizację, a argumenty za instytucjonalną asymilacją prezentowali na łamach prasy. Celem badań była rekonstrukcja obrazu Rusinów w najpopularniejszych magazynach związanych z Narodową Demokracją. Analiza treści periodyków pozwoliła na wskazanie, że obraz Rusinów ewoluował z postrzegania ich jako ludu potulnego, skłonnego do polonizacji w stronę agresywnych przeciwników politycznych. Obraz Rusinów w prasie endeckiej miał kilka wymiarów: 1) cywilizacyjny, 2) polityczny oraz 3) wizerunkowy. W wymiarze cywilizacyjnym wskazywano, że Rusini są na niższym poziomie rozwoju niż Polacy, stąd asymilacja kulturowa będzie dla nich awansem cywilizacyjnym. W wymiarze politycznym ukazywano Rusinów jako burzycieli porządku publicznego. Oskarżano ich o współpracę z wrogami Polski. Wraz z rozwojem politycznej reprezentacji Rusinów i ich wstąpieniem do Bloku Mniejszości Narodowych wzrastała liczba artykułów ukazujących ich jako separatystów, nawołujących do obalenia granic państwa polskiego.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2022, 8, 1; 57-74
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Exercises in expansion. Colonial threads in the National Democracy’s turn toward discipline
Ćwiczenia z ekspansji. Kolonialne wątki endeckiego zwrotu ku dyscyplinie
Autorzy:
Snochowska-Gonzalez, Claudia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1009610.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
National Democracy
the peasant masses
Brazilian fever
migration
Polish colonization
Przegląd Wszechpolski (“All-Polish Review”)
Narodowa Demokracja
masy chłopskie
gorączka brazylijska
migracja
polska kolonizacja
Przegląd Wszechpolski
Opis:
1895 was the first year of the “Brazilian fever” in Galicia, i.e. a migration wave of peasant masses from Galicia to Brazil. In my article, I analyze the content of the 1895 “transitional” volume of Przegląd Wszechpolski (“All-Polish Review”), previously called Przegląd Emigracyjny (Migration Review), when the Lviv journal passed into the hands of the National League. I shall discuss the ways in which folk masses were presented in particular articles, and reflect on the meaning of the concept of colonization used there. In the articles of Przegląd Wszechpolski, the idea of Polish colonization (i.e. the settlement in Brazil and the United States of the peasant masses expelled by poverty from their home villages in partitioned Poland) began to intertwine with the idea of the colonization of these masses – attempts to ensure that they would remain Polish and Catholic, and with the idea of the expansion of Polish national body, so that it takes its proper place in the global capitalist economy. I argue that dealing with Polish colonisation played significant role in the National Democracy’s “turn toward discipline,” usually associated with another example of spontaneous mobilization of the masses – the 1905 revolution.
Rok 1895 był w Galicji pierwszym rokiem „brazylijskiej gorączki”, czyli fali migracji mas chłopskich z Galicji do Brazylii. W moim artykule chcę się skupić na analizie treści „przejściowego” rocznika lwowskiego pisma Przegląd Wszechpolski, wydawanego wcześniej jako Przegląd Emigracyjny, które w 1895 roku przeszło w ręce Ligi Narodowej. Zamierzam omówić sposoby, w jakie w poszczególnych tekstach były przedstawiane ludowe masy, oraz zastanowić się nad znaczeniem stosowanego tam pojęcia kolonizacji. Idea polskiej kolonizacji, to znaczy osadnictwa prowadzonego w Brazylii i Stanach Zjednoczonych przez masy chłopskie wygnane przez biedę z ziem polskich, na łamach pisma zaczęła się przenikać z ideą kolonizacji tych mas – dbałością, by się nie wynarodowiły i nie porzuciły religii katolickiej, a także z ideą ekspansji polskiego ciała narodu, które miało zająć odpowiednie miejsce w globalnej gospodarce kapitalistycznej. W artykule dowodzę, że zajmowanie się polską kolonizacją odegrało ważną rolę w endeckim „zwrocie ku dyscyplinie”, który zwykł być kojarzony z innym przykładem spontanicznej mobilizacji mas – rewolucją 1905 roku.
Źródło:
Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2020, 36, 2; 105-135
2081-8130
Pojawia się w:
Praktyka Teoretyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political humour in the right-wing (National Democracy) press: The satirical weekly Szopka (A Puppet Show), 1922–1925
Humor polityczny w prasie Narodowej Demokracji: przypadek satyrycznego tygodnika „Szopka” 1922–1925
Autorzy:
Maj, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2074863.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Polish press in the 20th century (the interwar period)
satirical magazines
political humour
right-wing parties (National Democracy)
nationalism
prasa satyryczna w XX w.
„Szopka”
Narodowa Demokracja
humor polityczny
Opis:
This article presents a profile of the satirical weekly Szopka (A Puppet Show) published in Warsaw between 1922 and 1925 under the auspices of the National Democracy (ND). Committed to a nationalist ideology, Szopka published cartoons and satirical texts lampooning the alleged enemies of Poland and the Poles. Its favoured technique was to caricature and ridicule its targets, both individuals and institutions. Among them were Józef Piłsudski, his policies and his political associates, the Bolsheviks, the Germans and the Jews. To propagate their nationalist worldview the editors made use of a broad range of persuasion techniques.
Artykuł charakteryzuje pismo „Szopka” wydawane w Warszawie w latach 1922–1925 jako tygodnik satyryczno-humorystyczny. Pismo było trybuną Narodowej Demokracji, upowszechniało ideologię narodową. „Szopka” zamieszczała dowcipy rysunkowe i tekstowe wymierzone w domniemanych wrogów Polski i Polaków. Humorystycznej deformacji podlegały obiekty personalne i instytucjonalne. Tygodnik krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego i jego obozu politycznego, był antybolszewicki, antyniemiecki, antysemicki. Stosował zróżnicowane techniki perswazyjne celem upowszechniania narodowej wizji świata.
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2019, 22, 4; 91-107
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reinventing Democracy in a Postcolonial State: E-Democracy and the National Assembly in Nigeria
Autorzy:
Okeke, Remi Chukwudi
Izueke, Edwin Caleb
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1192992.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Tematy:
Democracy
Reinventing Democracy
Postcolonial State
E-Democracy
National Assembly
Nigeria
Opis:
This study adopts the concept of reinventing democracy to refocus attention on the theoretical framework of postcoloniality (in the humanities and social sciences). The study further highlights the eminent position of e-democracy in the current formations for moving contemporary society forward. In examining these issues, a case-study of the National Assembly in Nigeria has been made. We found that in this country, there seems to exist a sacrosanct brand of legislative institutionalism, which contradicts the current global revolution in information and communications technology (ICT). In the process, some level of immobility is introduced to critically desired service delivery in the country and attempts are made by the people’s representatives (of all people) to turn the nation into a colony of mere patriotic listeners. The study concludes that the postcolony must not convert to such a society of the underclass. A complementary concept of e-democracy is e-government. Further embedded in e-government are the dual components of e-readiness and e-participation. We found that this nation’s National Assembly appears to be deficient in e-readiness. The legislative body seems distrusful of e-participation. The study finally recommends that the rights of the citizens under e-democracy must be safeguarded by the central lawmakers, as it would guarantee the crucially expected reinvention of democracy, in such democracy-needy nation-states.
Źródło:
World Scientific News; 2016, 36; 138-152
2392-2192
Pojawia się w:
World Scientific News
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Modern Understanding of National Security. Introduction to the Issue
Autorzy:
Olak, Antoni
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1861624.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
Public safety
national security
democracy
security
Opis:
Security is one of the most appreciated values in the social and individual dimension. Ensuring public security of a given society is an essential condition for the development of both individuals and the state understood as an organized group of individuals. Every citizen has a constitutionally guaranteed right to their behavior. The Constitution also recognized the independence, the territorial integrity of the state and the inviolability of borders as the supreme value. Poland as a sovereign and democratic Member State of the UN, OSCE, NATO and the EU adopted the stable and continuous national security as a priority objective.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2016, 18(18); 106-120
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political violence and its impact on national security: a study of Nigeria
Autorzy:
Okoh, Joel Ogechukwu
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/42932951.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
election
political violence
national security
democracy and Nigeria
Opis:
Electoral processes in many African countries including Nigeria, are faced with the challenges of conducting free, fair, credible and violence-free elections. Political violence has become a stain on Nigerian democracy. This paper therefore examined the impact of political violence on national security in Nigeria. The paper adopted the descriptive analytical approach. This study found out that Political violence in Nigeria is now a stain in our democracy that is now seen as a political structure and strategy for employment during elections and the use of weapons during elections have an aftermath impact on the national security. Consequently, some recommendations were made by the researcher. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has to take conscious and strategic actions against political violence in the country (Nigeria), due to the fact that action and inaction of the government of the country plays a very important role in either stopping or continuing the menace. Appropriate security network and intelligence should be organized to monitor electoral activities of the country to mitigate incidences of violence. The Independent National Electoral Commission should conduct free, fair and credible elections in Nigeria while the political parties and their candidates should ensure strict compliance with electoral regulations of the country (Nigeria).
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2024, 28; 98-111
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Democratization in Ukraine: conditions and tasks
Autorzy:
Розумний, Максим
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489382.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Democracy
civil society
national development
modernization
democratic values
democratic transit
Opis:
Speaking about democratic choice we are mainly interested in the common features in the motivation of post-colonial, post-totalitarian and post-authoritarian societies, their leaders, elites and people, which determine attractiveness of democracy in the contemporary world. The intention to be democratic today is often connected with the intention to be free, modern, safe, developed state, which is accepted in the circle of developed countries on the conditions of friendly and equal partnership. Based on the experience in building democracy in the “third wave” countries (S. Huntington) and on the other conceptual assumptions of institutionalists, we can come to the conclusion of necessity to review the traditional approaches to the problem of democratic transit. These approaches considered democratic transit, firstly, as the issue of the ideological (or value, in a wider sense) choice, and, secondly, as the issue of destruction of non-democratic social institutions with the aim to build institutions of liberal democracy in their place. Therefore, they referred to the following as to the major directions of building democracy: a) understanding by the active part of the society of the liberal paradigm of public consciousness; b) maximal denationalisation of the public sphere; c) harmonisation of the national institutions and standards with the Western samples. The Western expert community arrived at the conclusion that the so called civil society should become a driving force for democratic changes in the former USSR countries. These approaches considered democratic transit, firstly, as the issue of the ideological (or value, in a wider sense) choice, and, secondly, as the issue of destruction of non-democratic social institutions with the aim to build institutions of liberal democracy in their place. Therefore, they referred to the following as to the major directions of building democracy: a) understanding by the active part of the society of the liberal paradigm of public consciousness; b) maximal denationalisation of the public sphere; c) harmonisation of the national institutions and standards with the Western samples. However, the modern views enable not to define democracy as just an ideological choice or an institutional model, but as social innovation. This definition opens to us a somewhat different outlook of the study on the problems of building democracy and the problems of practical democratic reforms. As we speak about innovation, the most important aspects of its study and design in a specific social organism are as follows: a) motivation; b) preconditions; and c) algorithm of its launch. The issue of a subject of democratic transformations has not lost its topicality, either, though in case of innovation, it would rather mean an initiative core, as well as perceptiveness to novelties and interest towards them by various social groups and political actors. Returning to the issue of motivation, we should detail the interrelation between democratisation and modernisation. The matter is that intention to modernisation, which is quite understandable to world-system periphery countries, is often understood as readiness for democracy. As a matter of fact, motivation with regard to these two strategies for national development only coincides partially. Modernisation is the shortest way to development and, in certain sense, safety. But often modernisation does not account for motivation of freedom and in certain cases, is conducted much more efficiently and quickly when freedom is restricted. To Ukraine, motivation of freedom is traditionally one of the leading public values. As for two other aspects of a democratic choice, safety and development motivations, these characteristics of a democratic order were learned and assessed by the Ukrainian society much later. The democratic social innovation in Ukraine is accompanied by processes of national development and the struggle to redistribute the social product. The main trends of Ukraine democracy building include the targeting on state, nation and civil society development. We can distinguish several key collisions in understanding democracy, which imposed a serious obstacle to building an efficient democracy in Ukraine. The major problem of Ukrainians’ democratic self-determination is related to the correlation between freedom and law. Other issues are the correlation between rights and obligations and the correlation between the will of the majority and the right of the minority. Having defined the democratic development objective in Ukraine as a transition from imitation to essence, we have highlighted the key markers of this transformation. These include negotiation of such widespread phenomena as the sword-law, citizens’ passivity, corruption, uncertainty about powers and areas of responsibility of state bodies, political appropriateness, failure to comply with procedures, informational closeness and politicians’ lies, as well as other features of immature public organization, which continue existing under the lee of democratic institutions.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 258-266
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Struggle Against Global Terrorism as an Expression of a Clash Between Civilisat ions
Autorzy:
NAGAR, Nir Barkan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642187.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Global terrorism
fighting terrorism
Islamic State
national security
democracy
media
Opis:
The struggle against global terrorism is taking place, and it is between civilizations. It is a war against radical international terror, which is attempting to change the world order and is sowing fear among both citizens and governments. Huntington maintains that people can re define their identity and consequently the boundaries and compositions of civilizations change. The phenomenon of the ‘Islamic State’ illustrates this. There is a cultural difference between civilizations that support Islamic terror, which tramples individual rights, and Western civilizations that are dedicated to pluralism and democracy. The Western world for already seven decades has been under attack by international terrorism, and the peak is the phenomenon of the ‘Islamic State’, which began in the Middle East and now is attacking Europe, and not just Europe. A difficult global war is being waged, and it is necessary to find an effective response to the threat. This response will include a multi-system strategy that addresses ideology, media, financing, and operational activity, including the handling of European residents who joined the ranks of the Islamic State and acquired operational experience, returned to Europe, and constitute an infrastructure of terrorism and terrorist attacks. The integration of forces and resources, significant operational activity, and legislative changes that curtail individual liberties, in cooperation with the moderate Muslim population, will enable the West and Europe to defeat the terrorist entities that trample in all ways the fundamental values of humanity and human life.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2018, 11; 249-262
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
This is America: Using Children’s Drawings to Discern their Understanding of National Identity
Autorzy:
Johnson, Jacqueline
Karwińska, Anna
Sanak-Kosmowska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22792657.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-03-21
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
America
children’s drawings
national identity
political socialization
citizenship
deliberative
democracy
Opis:
Children’s drawings are used to explore their understanding of nation across time and place, employing a methodology that provides visually provocative results. The researchers gathered pictures drawn by children responding to the prompt “This is America” in Poland and the United States in 1991 and in 2019. Six hundred pictures are digitized in a searchable database and are analyzed in three ways: (1) using thematic discourse analysis; (2) coding for the presence of iconic images; and (3) considered for their visual eloquence. The results contribute to an understanding of how children construct the meaning of America, demonstrate the ability of children to incorporate abstract and critical ideas in their drawings, and stimulate us to think about how we might better prepare children to become creatively critical citizens, capable of participating in deliberative democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2022, 217, 1; 45-64
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Role of Islam in Indonesian Foreign Policy: A Case of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Introduction
Autorzy:
Songbatumis, Aisyah Mumary
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2020187.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
national interest
Indonesian foreign policy
political Islam
Islam in foreign policy
Opis:
As Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election, it marked the end of Indonesia’s democratic transition era and experienced a dynamic change in foreign policy. The new international identity that viewed Islam as an asset was introduced by SBY, emphasizing the importance of moderate Islam as opposing extremism. The phenomenon of Islamic influence was not only the result of democratic consolidation domestically but also external factors such as the aftermath of 9/11 that portrayed Muslims as potential terrorists. For this reason, Indonesian foreign policy attempted to diminish such misconceptions and tried to be a peacemaker or a mediator in Muslim-related issues globally. To contextualize the analysis, the study focuses on the influence of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Pakistan. The mutual aspirations on the Palestinian statehood shared by both the government and the Muslim elements in society could be found, while religious sentiments were noticeable, as shown by the Muslim groups. In contrast, the influence of Islam in Indonesia-Pakistan relations, especially regarding the Kashmir dispute, was absent due to the difference in views of the government and the Muslim groups and constraining factors, including Indonesia’s national interest priority.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2021, 2 (50); 89-111
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Negotiations with Terrorist Organizations for the Release of Abductees: Between Declarations and Practice. The Israeli Case
Autorzy:
Nagar, Nir Barkan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
negotiations with terrorist organizations
fighting terrorism
national security
democracy
media
Gilad Shalit
Opis:
For decades, democratic countries have dealt with terrorist attacks carried out for the purpose of negotiations, which is the preferred modus operandi for some terrorist organizations. To what extent can a democratic regime effectively combat this abominable act while preserving a liberal or democratic character? Furthermore, these cases have become one of the most complicated dilemmas in both domestic and foreign policy. The prevalent opinion is that it is not possible to avoid meeting some of the demands of these terrorists. A government may even consent to paying a heavy price, so as to end the situation sooner. Media coverage influences this price, as extensive coverage of the terrorist attacks benefits the terrorists and thus increases their bargaining power. In contrast to the declarations of Israeli leaders in negotiations in cases of abduction, Israel has adopted a very flexible approach and is not interested in adopting the rigid approach of refusal to negotiate. The position of the opponents to negotiations with terrorist organizations is that the very negotiations with terrorist organizations legitimize them and the terrorist attacks, thus devaluing claims that terrorism is not a legitimate means of achieving one’s aims, and prevents the use of force in these situations. When all the prisoner exchange deals by the State of Israel are examined, approximately 7,500 terrorists have been released in the framework of the different deals, including terrorists with blood on their hands, in return for 14 living soldiers and civilians and 6 bodies of soldiers. A total of 1,027 terrorists were released in the Shalit deal alone.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 3; 41-56
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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