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    Wyświetlanie 1-13 z 13
    Tytuł:
    Zasady ustania przywileju ujęte w kan. 82 KPK
    Conditions of Privilege Cessation Provided by Can. 82 of CIC/83
    Autorzy:
    Dzierżon, Ginter
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1845563.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-11-16
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    privilege
    prescription
    legislator
    przywilej
    przedawnienie
    ustawodawca
    Opis:
    The presented study provides an interpretation of can. 82 of CIC/83. From the analysis it follows that the hypotheses codified in can. 82 result from positive law. The first hypothesis implies that the legislator does not allow for non-burdensome privileges to cease through prescription. This is due to the fact that a privilege holder can renounce a privilege, and this renouncement is legally valid if it has been accepted by a competent authority (can. 80, §1). The second hypothesis implies that privileges burdensome to others cease through prescription (cann. 197-199). According to the doctrine, prescription is a similar process to a customary practice becoming law.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2013, 23, 1; 81-91
    1507-7896
    2544-5227
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Borzykowski przywilej immunitetowy – na drodze do emancypacji kościoła w Polsce piastowskiej
    Borzykowski’s immunity privilege – on the way to the emancipation of the church in piast Poland
    Autorzy:
    Lis, Artur
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2055714.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022-04-20
    Wydawca:
    Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
    Tematy:
    przywilej
    immunitet
    Polska piastowska
    Borzykowa
    privilege
    immunity
    Piast Poland
    Opis:
    Powodem zwołania synodu w Borzykowej była wydana w 1210 roku przez papieża Innocentego III bulla „Significavit nobis” wznawiająca zasadę senioratu. Na synodzie radzono nad możliwościami przeciwdziałania skutkom tej bulli. Biskupi mieli również zatwierdzić prawo Leszka Białego do utrzymania tronu krakowskiego. Podczas synodu książę Władysław Odonic nadał zakonowi cystersów ziemię w kasztelanii przemęckiej w celu założenia klasztoru. Z kolei rycerz Sławosz wznowił nadanie Sławoszowa klasztorowi w Busku. Według historiografii książęta wydali wówczas zbiór przywilejów, a wśród nich wielki przywilej dla Kościoła (privilegium fori, ius spolii). Przywilej borzykowski stał się podstawą niezależności Kościoła od monarchii piastowskiej w Polsce dzielnicowej.
    The reason for calling the synod in Borzykowa was the bull “Significavit nobis” issued in 1210 by Pope Innocent III, which renewed the principle of seniority. At the synod, the possibilities of counteracting the effects of this bull were discussed. The bishops were also to approve Leszek the White’s right to hold the Kraków throne. During the synod, prince Władysław Odonic granted the Cistercian order a land in the castellany of Przemyśl in order to establish a monastery. In turn, the knight Sławosz resumed granting Sławoszów to the monastery in Busko. According to historiography, the dukes issued a set of privileges, including a great privilege for the Church (privilegium fori, ius spolii). The Borzykowski privilege became the basis for the independence of the Church from the Piast monarchy in district Poland.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2021, 4, XXI; 15-26
    1644-9126
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Nieznany przywilej odpustowy dla parafii św. Mikołaja i św. Barbary w Radzimiu (AGAD, sygn. Dok. Perg. 7410)
    The unknown indulgence privilege for the parish of St. Nikolas and ST. Barbara in Radzim (The Central Archives of Historical Record in Warsaw, signature Dok. Perg. 7410)
    Autorzy:
    Skoczyński, Michał
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/532336.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Muzeum Pierwszych Piastów na Lednicy
    Tematy:
    dyplomatyka
    przywilej
    odpust
    Radzim
    Fryderyk Jagiellończyk
    joannici poznańscy
    diplomatic
    privilege
    indulgence
    Frederick Jagiellon
    Poznań Joannites
    Opis:
    A previously unknown document, which contains an indulgence privilege for the parish church of St. Nicolas and St. Barbara in Radzim (signature Dok. Perg. 7410), can be found in the repertory of the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. On the basis of the external and internal features of the diploma it has been concluded that it was issued on 20 March 1499 in Cracow, at the time of the sejm. The Primate of Poland, the Archbishop of Gniezno and the Bishop of Cracow Cardinal Frederick Jagiellon, the archbishop of Lviv Andrzej Róża from Boryszewice, Krzesław Kurozwęcki the Kujawski bishop, the bishop of Poznań Jan Lubrański, the bishop of Oradea Mare (Gran Varadino, Nagyvárad) Domokos Kálmáncsehi, the bishop of Chełm Maciej from Stara Łomża, the bishop of Warmia Łukasz Watzenrode and the titular bishop of Aenus and the Poznań suffragan Wojciech from Bydgoszcz were the issuers of the document. The document was issued on the request of the then provost in Radzim, the Canon of Poznań Jan from Góra. It guaranteed in total 140 days of indulgence for the believers who visited the temples on certain days and who said Our Father and Hail Mary prayers for the unity and peace of the Catholic Church and peace of the Kingdom of Poland. An indulgence could also be obtained after donating to the parish the books, grails and church equipment on those dates. Indulgences assigned to the church, despite their attractiveness, did not function long in the awareness of the local community and in the 17th century the anniversary of dedication was the only indulgence day which was celebrated. The document was later sent to the archive of the Radzivills in Nieśwież, and then further in the 20th century to the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw.
    Źródło:
    Studia Lednickie; 2019, 18; 135-149
    0860-7893
    2353-7906
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Lednickie
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Privileged mobility and un-mediated choice? The case of young people living in transnational long-distance relationships
    Uprzywilejowana mobilność i nieuwarunkowany wybór – na przykładzie młodych ludzi żyjących w transnarodowych związkach na odległość
    Autorzy:
    Stasińska, Antonina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2034632.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-09-30
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Górniczo-Hutnicza im. Stanisława Staszica w Krakowie
    Tematy:
    kosmopolityzm
    związek na odległość
    mobilność
    motility
    przywilej
    transnarodowość
    cosmopolitanism
    long-distance relationship
    mobility
    privilege
    transnationalism
    Opis:
    The imperative to be mobile in today’s western societies can be interpreted as the individual’s need for mobility to accomplish individual plans and projects (Kesselring 2005).In postmodern times of emphasized fl uidifi cation, individualism and cosmopolitanism, mobility becomes self-evident and naturalized, yet socially desirable and anticipated. Therefore it is valuable to use ethnography to look at individual experiences. They are young, educated, and mobile, pursuing their dreams and goals while living in big cities: Poles and other (not only) European citizens who maintain transnational long-distance relationships create perfectly suitable representatives of the category of ‘privileged mobility’. This article is based on ethnographic fieldwork. I conducted in 2016–2018, and it employs an auto-ethnographic perspective in order to examine the notion of privilege (Amit 2007), with its borders and limitations, through the analytical lens of mobility. The article puts forward the perspective of my research participants and thus provides a detailed portrait of the researched group, in order to show how mobility is rooted in their everyday lives and how privileged they really are.I argue that mobility, defi ned as one of the most stratifying factors (Bourdieu 1984), can be applied as a mirror that refl ects position in the social strata. In this specifi c ethnographic context, spatial mobility can be seen as a useful tool, which exposes social and individual dimensions of being privileged while living in transnational long-distance relationships.
    W postmodernistycznych czasach, w których podkreśla się zjawiska, takie jak fl uidyzacja, indywidualizm i kosmopolityzm, mobilność staje się oczywista i naturalizowana, a jednocześnie społecznie pożądana i wymagana. Dlatego też, wykorzystując etnografi ę, warto przyjrzeć się indywidualnym doświadczeniom jednostki. Uczestnicy badań autorki to ludzie młodzi, wykształceni i mobilni, którzy realizują swoje marzenia i cele, mieszkając w dużych miastach. Są to Polacy, ludzie z Europy i poza jej granic, którzy utrzymują transnarodowe, intymne relacje na odległość. Ich kapitał społeczny i kulturowy oraz kulturowe kompetencje sprawiają, że można ich określić mianem grupy społecznie uprzywilejowanej. Antropologia migracji rozpoznałaby ich jako tych, którzy podróżują z wyboru, są więc reprezentantami migracji uprzywilejowanej, nie przymusowej. Na podstawie badań etnografi czne, przeprowadzone przez autorkę w latach 2016–2018, artykuł ten wykorzystuje perspektywę rozmówców oraz autoetnografi czną, by spojrzeć na pojęcie przywileju (Amit 2007) i jego ograniczeń przez pryzmat mobilności. By pokazać, w jaki sposób mobilność zakorzeniona jest w codziennym życiu uczestników badań oraz to w jaki sposób są oni uprzywilejowani, niniejszy artykuł prezentuje szczegółowy portret grupy badanej. Autorka stawia tezę, iż mobilność zdefi niowana jako jeden z najbardziej stratyfi kujących czynników (Bourdieu 1984), może być stosowana jako lustro odzwierciedlające pozycje w warstwach społecznych. W tym szczególnym kontekście etnografi cznym mobilność przestrzenną można postrzegać jako użyteczne narzędzie, które ujawnia społeczne i indywidualne wymiary uprzywilejowania osób, które żyją transnarodowych relacjach na odległość.
    Źródło:
    Studia Humanistyczne AGH; 2019, 18, 3; 89-102
    2084-3364
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Humanistyczne AGH
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The Legal Nature of the Act of Celebrating the Holy Mass
    Natura prawna aktu celebracji Mszy Świętej
    Autorzy:
    Kasperowicz, Paweł
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/21375432.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023-12-01
    Wydawca:
    Stowarzyszenie Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego
    Tematy:
    Msza św.
    obowiązek
    przywilej
    uprawnienie
    upoważnienie
    akt prawny
    Holy Mass
    obligation
    privilege
    entitlement
    authorization
    legal act
    Opis:
    Praca ma na celu pokazanie relacji, jaka zachodzi pomiędzy władzą kościelną a celebrowaniem Eucharystii. Warto podkreślić, że takie pojęcia jak potestas, auctoritas czy iurisdictio są wciąż we wczesnym stadium rozwoju badań, a nieodłącznie wiążą się z misją głoszenia Ewangelii i sprawowania sakramentów oraz stanowią specyficzne dziedzictwo doktryny prawnej Kościoła, od którego trudno się odcinać chcąc opisywać na sposób kanoniczny zagadnienie celebracji sakramentu Eucharystii. Ponadto kanoniczne pojęcia takie jak przywiej, uprawnienie, upoważnienie czy obowiązek umożliwiają lepsze zrozumienie natury władzy niezbędnej do sprawowania Mszy św.
    The work aims to show the relationship that occurs between the church authority and the celebration of the Eucharist. It is worth emphasizing that concepts such as potestas, auctoritas or iurisdictio are still at an early stage of research development, and are inextricably linked to the mission of preaching the Gospel and administering the sacraments, and constitute a specific heritage of the legal doctrine of the Church from which it is difficult to cut off when wanting to describe the issue in a canonical manner celebration of the sacrament of the Eucharist. In addition, canonical concepts such as bring, right, authorization, or duty allow a better understanding of the nature of the power necessary to celebrate the Holy Mass.
    Źródło:
    Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego; 2023, 18, 20 (2); 109-122
    2719-3128
    2719-7336
    Pojawia się w:
    Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia Absolwentów i Przyjaciół Wydziału Prawa Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Chrystianizacja prawa po „edykcie mediolańskim”
    Christianization of law after „the edict of Milan”
    Autorzy:
    Żurek, Antoni
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/612538.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
    Tematy:
    prawo rzymskie
    prawo kościelne
    chrystianizacja prawa
    tolerancja
    przywilej
    Roman law
    Church law
    Christianization of Law
    tolerance
    privilege
    Opis:
    The Constantine breakthrough was the beginning of changes in the whole Roman Empire state system. In Roman Law that process meant the introduction of Christian elements into legislation. The process of Roman Law Christianization was started by the Emperor Constantine the Great and was proceeded by his successors. The scope of those changes is difficult to determine. It is even more difficult to determine those changes mechanism of introduction. It is sure that Church was not the initiator of them. Even priests not always had been satisfied with those changes. Simplifying, those changes could be reduced to three areas: law and rules regarding the Christian cult; respecting the Christian spirit laws, and, finally, to, so called, privileges which were bestowed to the Catholic Church. It seems to be that this process did not open the way to introduction of confessional state but strengthened its tolerant – in religious case – character. This article is a systematization attempt of these issues, especially in the face of the numerous appearing allegations.
    Źródło:
    Vox Patrum; 2014, 61; 73-88
    0860-9411
    2719-3586
    Pojawia się w:
    Vox Patrum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Město Brušperk v kontextu biskupských měst na severovýchodní Moravě
    Autorzy:
    Knopová, Kateřina
    Kocourek, Tomáš
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/25425000.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
    Tematy:
    Brušperk
    lokacja
    Bruno z Schauenburga
    przywilej
    diecezja ołomuniecka
    osada
    burmistrz
    location
    Bruno of Schauenburg
    privilege
    Olomouc diocese
    settlement
    mayor
    Opis:
    Artykuł dotyczy średniowiecznego osadnictwa miasta Brušperk w XIII—XV wieku oraz jego pozycji w posiadłościach hukwaldzkich i majątkach diecezji ołomunieckiej. Opisano w nim m.in. lokację miasta Brušperk, a także nadany jego mieszkańcom przywilej dziedzczenia majątku po zmarłym przez jego bliskich krewnych (právo odúmrti). Opracowanie opiera się przede wszystkim na badaniach literatury i źródeł historycznych.
    The study deals with the development of Brušperk, which lies in northeastern Moravia. The town was founded in 1267—1268 by the Bishop of Olomouc, Bruno of Schauenburg. Brušperk was located in the territory that belonged to the Olomouc bishopric and since the 14th century was a part of the Hukvaldy manor. The first written mention of Brušperk comes from the founding charter of the town, which is, however, the medieval forgery. On the basis of other documents, we came to the conclusion that the dating of the founding document, namely 6 December 1269, is incorrect. The town was probably founded in prior to this date. Brušperk was founded as a town on the green land. Brušperk was the centre of jurisprudence for the surrounding villages: Fryčovice, Staříč, Paskov, and Stará Ves nad Ondřejnicí. This area is delimited by the so-called Brušperk vikbild to which these villages belonged. The town of Brušperk was endowed with important privileges, such as the privilege called in Czech odúmrť, the granting of which was very valuable to Brušperk. However, Brušperk was no exception; this privilege was granted by Bishop Mikuláš to most episcopal towns. The office of township reeve in Brušperk was most of the time hereditary and he was vassal of Bishop of Olomouc. The possibilities for where to conduct research in the future are still wide. In Brušperk itself, there is still a lack of detailed archaeological research in the city centre and its immediate surroundings, namely, the square, the cellars of old houses in the square, and the area around the church and the historic town centre. This archaeological research could bring new knowledge to the question of the fortifications of the town in the Middle Ages. Although the shape of the square has remained virtually unchanged since the Middle Ages, there is still the opportunity to learn, as no view or plan has been preserved from earlier times that the original appearance of the town would suggest (the oldest veduta Brušperka dates back to 1727).
    Źródło:
    Wieki Stare i Nowe; 2022, 17, 22; 1-13
    1899-1556
    2353-9739
    Pojawia się w:
    Wieki Stare i Nowe
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
    Political crime - an outline of the problem
    Autorzy:
    Falandysz, Lech
    Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1989
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość polityczna
    czyny zabronione
    historia
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    przywilej
    terror
    regulacje prawne
    political crime
    prohibited acts
    history
    criminal law
    criminology
    privilege
    legal regulation
    Opis:
    The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
                  The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Issue of privileges in the social security system. Part 2
    Problematyka przywilejów w systemie zabezpieczenia społecznego. Część II
    Autorzy:
    Kasprowicz, Łukasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1359839.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-09-30
    Wydawca:
    Uczelnia Łazarskiego. Oficyna Wydawnicza
    Tematy:
    emerytury
    funkcjonariusz
    koszt
    przywilej
    system emerytalny
    system zabezpieczenia społecznego
    świadczenia
    ubezpieczenie społeczne
    pensions
    officer
    cost
    privilege
    pension system
    social security system
    benefits
    social insurance
    Opis:
    The author illustrates the issue of privileges for selected professional groups that entitle them, inter alia, to retire at an earlier age, based on the legal regulations in force. The purpose of the article is, in particular, to answer the main research question whether the privileged pension rights for selected professional groups are justified in the context of the principles laid down in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It also aims to demonstrate that such a wide range of privileges that exempt selected professional groups from the obligation to pay insurance premiums and entitle them to early retirement is a very costly and destructive factor for the entire system and for all the insured in the common pension scheme. The conclusions present the author’s views that inspire to revoke the majority of privileges and create a universal, uniform and coherent model of the social security system covering all professional groups. An exception in this area could only be particularly arduous or harmful working conditions that significantly affect health.
    Autor obrazuje problematykę przywilejów dla wybranych grup zawodowych, uprawniających m.in. do wcześniejszej emerytury, na podstawie powoływanych regulacji prawnych. Celem artykułu jest w szczególności udzielenie odpowiedzi na główne pytanie badawcze, czy uprzywilejowane uprawnienia emerytalne dla wybranych grup zawodowych mają uzasadnienie w kontekście zasad określonych w konstytucji RP. Celem jest także wykazanie, że tak obszerny zakres przywilejów polegających na zwolnieniu wybranych grup zawodowych z obowiązku opłacania składek na ubezpieczenie i uprawniających do wcześniejszej emerytury stanowi czynnik bardzo kosztowny i destrukcyjny dla całego systemu i dla ogółu ubezpieczonych w powszechnym systemie emerytalnym. W konkluzjach opracowania przedstawiono zapatrywania autora skłaniające do likwidacji większości powoływanych przywilejów i zbudowania powszechnego, jednolitego i spójnego modelu systemu zabezpieczenia społecznego, obejmującego wszystkie grupy zawodowe. Wyjątek w tym zakresie mogłyby stanowić jedynie szczególnie uciążliwe lub szkodliwe warunki pracy, znacząco wpływające na utratę zdrowia.
    Źródło:
    Ius Novum; 2019, 13, 3; 223-246
    1897-5577
    Pojawia się w:
    Ius Novum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Problematyka przywilejów w systemie zabezpieczenia społecznego.
    Autorzy:
    Kasprowicz, Łukasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1361401.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-03-30
    Wydawca:
    Uczelnia Łazarskiego. Oficyna Wydawnicza
    Tematy:
    emerytury
    funkcjonariusz
    koszt
    przywilej
    system emerytalny
    system
    zabezpieczenia społecznego
    świadczenia
    ubezpieczenie
    społeczne
    pensions
    officer
    cost
    privilege
    pension scheme
    social security system
    benefits
    insurance
    social security
    Opis:
    Autor obrazuje problematykę przywilejów dla wybranych grup zawodowych, uprawniających m.in. do wcześniejszej emerytury, na podstawie powoływanych regulacji prawnych. Celem artykułu jest w szczególności udzielenie odpowiedzi na główne pytanie badawcze, czy uprzywilejowane uprawnienia emerytalne dla wybranych grup zawodowych mają uzasadnienie w kontekście zasad określonych w konstytucji RP? Celem jest także wykazanie, że tak obszerny zakres przywilejów polegających na zwolnieniu wybranych grup zawodowych z obowiązku opłacania składek na ubezpieczenie i uprawniających do wcześniejszej emerytury to czynniki bardzo kosztowne i destrukcyjne dla całego systemu i dla ogółu ubezpieczonych w powszechnym systemie emerytalnym. W konkluzjach opracowania przedstawiono zapatrywania autora skłaniające do likwidacji większości powoływanych przywilejów i zbudowania powszechnego, jednolitego i spójnego modelu systemu zabezpieczenia społecznego, obejmującego wszystkie grupy zawodowe. Wyjątek w tym zakresie mogłyby stanowić jedynie szczególnie uciążliwe lub szkodliwe warunki pracy, znacząco wpływające na utratę zdrowia
    The author illustrates the problems of privileges for selected professional groups, entitling, among others, to early retirement, based on legal regulations. The purpose of the article is, in particular, to answer the main research question: are the privileged pension rights for selected professional groups justified in the context of the principles set out in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland? The aim is also to demonstrate that such a wide range of privileges releasing selected professional groups from the obligation to pay insurance premiums and entitle to early retirement are very costly and destructive factors for the entire system and for all insured in the general pension system. The conclusions of the study present the author’s views that lead to the elimination of the majority of privileges and create a universal, uniform and coherent model of social security system covering all professional groups. An exception in this area could only be particularly burdensome or harmful working conditions, significantly affecting health.
    Źródło:
    Ius Novum; 2019, 13, 1; 155-176
    1897-5577
    Pojawia się w:
    Ius Novum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przywilej cesarza Karola V z 1530 roku nadający zakonowi szpitalników wyspy Maltę i Gozo oraz twierdzę Trypolis
    Emperor Charles Vs Privilege of 1530 Granting the Malta and Gozo Islands as Well as the Fortress of Tripoli to the Knights Hospitaller
    Autorzy:
    Cieślak, Aleksander
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1954352.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2002
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Zakon
    Szpitalnicy
    przywilej
    Malta
    władza ustawodawcza
    władza wykonawcza
    władza sądownicza
    cesarz
    the Order
    Hospitallers
    privilege
    the legislative power
    the executive power
    the judicial power
    the emperor
    Opis:
    This article is a short analysis of the provisions of the privilege given by the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles V on 23rd March, 1530, in which the Emperor granted the Malta and Gozo islands (feudal fiefs of the Kingdom of Sicily) as well as the fortress of Tripoli to the Knights of St John of Jerusalem (also known as the Knights Hospitaller) as a fief. The author of the article characterised the interdependences between the Emperor and the authorities of the Knights Hospitaller, as well as the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the state of the Knights of Malta. In the article some fragments of the Emperor's privilege are cited in Polish and in Latin (in the footnotes). The article contains also a short historical outline of Malta and its political system between the 11th and 16th century. The interdependences between the Kingdom of Sicily and Malta are also mentioned. The relationships between the Maltese Catholic Church and the Order of St John are also described, as well as the way of choosing the Bishop of Mdina.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2002, 50, 2; 35-57
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Nieznany dyplom Przemysława I Noszaka, księcia cieszyńskiego, z 1380 roku. Przyczynek do pochodzenia Mazańcowskich z Mazańcowic vel Lhotskich z Lhoty (Ligocki z Ligoty)
    Das unbekannte Diplom von Przemislaus I. Noszak, Herzog von Teschen, aus dem Jahre 1380. Ein Beitrag zur Herkunft der Familie Mazańcowski aus Mazańcowice alias Lhotski aus Lhota (Ligocki aus Ligota)
    An Unknown Diploma of Przemysław I Noszak, Duke of Cieszyn, from the Year 1380: A Contribution Related to the Origin of the Mazańcowski Family from Mazańcowice vel Lhotskie from Lhota (Ligocki from Ligota)
    Autorzy:
    Gojniczek, Wacław
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1955666.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-12-03
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
    Tematy:
    Przemislaus I. Noszak
    Herzog von Teschen
    Herzogtum Teschen
    Privileg
    Ritterschaft
    Mazańcowice
    Przemysław Noszak
    książę cieszyński
    księstwo cieszyńskie
    przywilej
    rycerstwo
    Duke of Cieszyn
    Duchy of Cieszyn
    privilege
    knighthood
    Opis:
    Kwerenda archiwalna w źródłach nowożytnych nierzadko przynosi odkrycia odpisów znanych i nieznanych średniowiecznych dokumentów. W trakcie prowadzenia kwerendy w Archiwum Państwowym w Bielsku-Białej odnaleziono oblatę dyplomu z 1380 roku. Właściciel dokumentu w 1603 roku otrzymał jego widymat, a ten tegoż roku przedłożył w kancelarii bielskiego pana stanowego w celu jego oblatowania w księdze protokołów bielskiego państwa stanowego. Wystawcą dokumentu był Przemysław I Noszak, książę cieszyński i Wielkiego Głogowa. Z dyplomu wynika, że książę potwierdził wszystkie wcześniej ustanowione przywileje dla właścicieli wioski Mazańcowice leżącej w pobliżu Bielska – rycerzom Lenartowi, Paszkowi i Miczkowi, synom Wilhelma zwanego Swidoniczer. Oryginał spisano w języku niemieckim na pergaminie w dniu 8 maja 1380 roku w Skoczowie. W artykule postawiono hipotezę, że rycerze z Mazańcowic z końca XIV wieku mogli być przodkami szlacheckiej rodziny Lhotskich z Lhoty, którzy w XVI i w początkach następnego stulecia byli właścicielami Mazańcowic.
    Archival research in modern sources often brings discoveries of copies of known and unknown medieval documents. Wacław Gojniczek’s research conducted in the State Archives in Bielsko-Biała found an oblata (i.e., the entry of a legal act in court books) of a diploma from 1380. The owner of the document received its widymat (a vidimus, an attested copy) in 1603, and in the same year submitted it to the chancellery of the Bielsko-Biała state lord in order to have it entered in the book of protocols of the Bielsko state country. The document was issued by Przemysław I Noszak, Duke of Cieszyn and Wielki Głogów. The diploma shows that the duke confirmed all of the previously established privileges for the owners of the village of Mazańcowice, located near Bielsko: knights Lenart, Paszek, and Miczek, sons of Wilhelm known as Swidoniczer. The original was written in German on parchment on May 8th 1380 in Skoczów. Wacław Gojniczek submits the hypothesis that the knights from Mazańcowice from the end of the fourteenth century could have been the ancestors of the Lhotski nobility family from Lhota, who in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century were the owners of Mazańcowice.
    Bei Archivrecherchen in neuzeitlichen Quellen werden häufig Kopien bekannter und unbekannter mittelalterlicher Dokumente entdeckt. Bei einer Recherche im Staatsarchiv in Bielitz-Biala (Bielsko-Biała) wurde eine Kopie des Diploms aus dem Jahre 1380 aufgefunden. Der Besitzer der Urkunde erhielt dessen Vidimus im Jahre 1603 und reichte es in demselben Jahr bei der Kanzlei des Bielitzer Standesherrn ein, um es in das Protokollbuch der Bielitzer Standesherrschaft eintragen zu lassen. Der Aussteller des Dokuments war Przemislaus I. Noszak, Herzog von Teschen und Gross-Glogau. Laut der Urkunde bestätigte der Herzog alle zuvor erteilten Privilegien für die Besitzer des Dorfes Mazańcowice in der Nähe von Bielitz — die Ritter Lenart, Paszek und Miczek, Söhne von Wilhelm, Swidoniczer genannt. Das Original wurde in deutscher Sprache am 8. Mai 1380 in Skotschau (Skoczów) auf Pergament erstellt. In dem Artikel wird eine Hypothese aufgestellt, dass die Ritter aus Mazańcowice vom Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts die Vorfahren der Adelsfamilie Lhotski aus Lhota gewesen sein könnten, die Mazańcowice im 16. und zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts besaß.
    Źródło:
    Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne; 2021, 13; 68-81
    2080-492X
    2353-9720
    Pojawia się w:
    Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Stosowanie procedury rozwiązywania małżeństw na korzyść wiary w Kongregacji Nauki Wiary w latach 2001-2006
    Applying the marriage bond dissolution procedure in favor of faith in the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2001-2006.
    Autorzy:
    Kamiński, Rafał
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1372325.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-03-09
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
    Tematy:
    Normy Potestas Ecclesiae
    favor fidei
    rozwiązanie małżeństwa na korzyść wiary
    przywilej
    dyspensa
    Kongregacja Nauki Wiary
    Norms Potestas Ecclesiae
    the dissolution of the marriage bond in favour of the faith
    privilege
    dispensation
    Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith
    Opis:
    W opracowaniu dokonano analizy przepisów materialnych i proceduralnych, wydanych w 2001 roku przez Kongregację Nauki Wiary „Normae Potestas Ecclesiae de conficiendo processu pro solutione vinculi matrimonialis in favorem fidei”. Przepisy te, mają zastosowanie do nieuregulowanych w Kodeksie prawa kanonicznego przypadków, w których możliwe jest rozwiązanie małżeństwa niesakramentalnego, stosując przywilej wiary (privilegium fidei). Powyższa sytuacja dotyczy małżeństw zawartych przez strony, z których przynajmniej jedna nie jest ochrzczona, jeśli one miałyby być rozwiązane, celem zawarcia nowego związku sakramentalnego, po przyjęciu chrztu przez jedną ze stron i niedopełnienia po przyjęciu go przez obojga. Przypadki takie muszą zostać poddane Biskupowi Rzymskiemu, który po badaniu dokonanym przez kompetentnego biskupa, a następnie przez Kongregację Nauki Wiary, osądza według swojej pasterskiej roztropności, czy węzeł małżeński ma być rozwiązany czy też nie.              Wspomniana Dykasteria Kurii Rzymskiej, dla procedowania w poszczególnych przypadkach wydawała normy proceduralne, które ulegały na przestrzeni lat modyfikacjom, uwzględniającym zmieniające się okoliczności życia. Ostatni z dokumentów z roku 2001, został poddany w niniejszym opracowaniu szczegółowej analizie. W tym celu uwzględniono zarówno aspekty materialne jak i proceduralne przepisów zawartych w dokumencie oraz sposób ich aplikacji w pierwszych latach po ich promulgacji. Po zaprezentowaniu założeń i zakresu stosowania obowiązujących norm Potestas Ecclesiae, dokonano analizy poszczególnych etapów procedury adiministracyjnej, zarówno w fazie diecezjalnej, jak i na szczeblu Stolicy Apostolskiej. W ostatnim punkcie publikacji, zawarte zostały dane statystyczne, ukazujące praktykę stosowania norm Potestas Ecclesiae, na przestrzeni kilku pierwszych lat po ich wejściu w życie.
    The study analyzes material and procedural regulations issued in 2001 by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith „Normae Potestas Ecclesiae de conficiendo processu pro solutione vinculi matrimonialis in favorem fidei”. These regulations apply to the cases that are not regulated in the Code of Canon Law in which it is possible to terminate a non-sacramental marriage by using the privilege of faith (privilegium fidei).  The above situation applies to the marriages concluded by the parties, at least one of which is not baptized, if they were to be dissolved, in order to enter into a new sacramental relationship after being baptized by one of the parties and if it has not been consummated after being baptized by both of them. Such cases must be submitted to the Roman Bishop who, after the investigation performed by a competent bishop and then by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, judges according to his pastoral prudence whether the marriage bond is to be dissolved or not. The mentioned Dicastery of the Roman Curia, for proceeding in individual cases, issued procedural norms that have been modified over the years, taking into account the changing circumstances of life. The last of the documents from 2001 has been subjected to detailed analysis in this study. For this purpose both material and procedural aspects of the regulations contained in the document and the method of their application in the first years after their promulgation were taken into account. After presenting the assumptions and scope of application of applicable norms Potestas Ecclesiae, an analysis of the individual stages of the administrative procedure was carried out, both in the diocesan phase and at the level of the Holy See. In the last point of the publication there were contained the statistical data showing the practice of applying the norms Potestas Ecclesiae over the first few years after their entry into force.
    Źródło:
    Prawo Kanoniczne; 2019, 62, 1; 157-181
    2353-8104
    Pojawia się w:
    Prawo Kanoniczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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