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Wyszukujesz frazę "the Polish-German relations" wg kryterium: Temat


Tytuł:
Na drodze do dyktatury. Polityka i propaganda Republiki Weimarskiej w prasie niemieckiej i polskiej w Niemczech do roku 1933
On the road to dictatorship. Politics and Propaganda of the Weimar Republic in the Polish and German Press to 1933
Autorzy:
Ostrowski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/650051.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
the Weimar Republic
the press
the Polish-German relations
Opis:
The article discusses the Polish-German relations in the press during the Weimar Republic.
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Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica; 2017, 41, 3
1505-9057
2353-1908
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Relacje polsko-niemieckie piórem malarza spisane na podstawie Pamiętników Juliana Fałata (1935) i Wspomnień Wojciecha Kossaka (1913/1973)
Polish–German Relations Written Down by Painters Based on Julian Fałat’s Pamiętniki (1935) and Wojciech Kossak’s Wspomnienia (1913/1973)
Autorzy:
Krauze-Pierz, Justyna M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/29432358.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Julian Fałat
Wojciech Kossak
court of Emperor Wilhelm II
Wilhelmine era
Poles in the German partition
Polish–German relations of the turn of the 20th century
Polish patriotism
German nationalism
Opis:
This article is an analysis of two autobiographical texts by famous Polish painters of the turn of the century: Julian Fałat’s Pamiętniki (Diaries) from 1935 and Wojciech Kossak’s Wspomnienia (Reminiscences) from 1913. These texts constitute a source of information not only about the life of Polish artists at the imperial court in Berlin, but also a treasury of historical knowledge about the moods prevailing in the Wilhelmine era, the Polish–German relations in particular. In both texts, the most important figure is that of the German emperor, his involvement in the affairs of art and concern for the fate of outstanding Polish painters. The analysed texts allowed, above all, for showing the difficulties in Polish–German relations at the turn of the century, the ambivalence of the German emperor in relation to the Polish issue and individual Poles, and the difficulties of Polish artists in maintaining the balance between being the court painter of the German emperor and a Polish patriot.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka; 2023, 44; 111-128
1233-8680
2450-4947
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Manipulacje Jana Tomasza Grossa na temat relacji polsko-żydowskich
Autorzy:
Składowski, Henryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2007382.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Jan Tomasz Gross
„Die Welt”
Deutschlandfunk
Polish-Jewish relations
Holocaust
Polish-German relations
the Jews
the Germans
the Polish
Muslim refugees
Opis:
Jan Tomasz Gross in the article published on the German „Die Welt” daily’s website and also in the interview he gave in February 2016 for the German broadcast station Deutschlandfunk (DLF), stated that during WW2 the Polish killed between 25.000 – 30.000 Germans and many times more Jews, since only 40.000 survived on the Polish territory. Gross is not a historian, but a sociologist, he writes his own historic essays instead of dissertations based on documents. Hence, he airs erroneous information. The scientific studies show, that during WW2 the Polish killed between 60 to 80 thousand German soldiers, police officers and officials who had exerted terror and repression. On the other hand, about 100 thousand Jews survived Holocaust on the territory of Poland only thanks to the aid of the people. In the historic evaluation of Polish-Jewish relations, Jan Tomasz Gross by airing erroneous information went beyond a border of confabulation. Such actions performed by Gross can only be compared to the ahistorical and false terms “Polish death camps”, which have been used in the German press and other mass media, and Gross “conformed” to the German model of evaluation of the Polish nation. But the WW2 executioner, that is Germany, are not entitled to use such a term towards their victim, that is Poland. Therefore, the Germans, having murdered about 6 million Polish citizens, are the last ones who should instruct us on the issue of accepting Muslim refugees, as they have no moral right to it.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2016, 21; 107-121
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wokół „kompleksu wypędzenia”. Polska debata historyczna w pierwszej dekadzie po przełomie w stosunkach bilateralnych
Autorzy:
Ruchniewicz, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2185058.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Historycznych i Pedagogicznych. Instytut Historyczny
Tematy:
forced migrations in the 20th century
historical debates
Polish–German relations in the 20th century
flight and expulsion of Germans 1945-1948
Opis:
The political breakthrough in Polish–German relations in 1989/1990 resulted in sparking discussion on important issues concerning forced migrations in Europe in the 20th century – namely, displacement of Germans from the lands incorporated into Poland in 1945. Research on this problem in Poland and divided Germany, limited by political factors in the first 40 postwar years, could be undertaken in full extent and in collaboration only after the fall of communism. The efforts of historians and scholars from other fields of humanities were accompanied by a vivid debate among the general public, for which in the 1990s the press was an active forum. Till the beginning of the 21st century, several scholarly analyses and source collections have been published, which form the foundation of this part of Polish historiography until the present day. However, the assessment of the social resonance of these efforts is not unambiguous. Indeed, the taboo which this topic had been in Poland has been broken, but the researchers achieved only limited success in disseminating their findings among the general public.
Źródło:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka; 2021, 76, 2; 143-173
0037-7511
2658-2082
Pojawia się w:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„A ty zostaniesz ze mną. Zgodziłam się...” – codzienność związków polsko-niemieckich w latach 1945–1950 na Pomorzu Zachodnim
“you will stay with me. I agreed”... – everyday life of polish-german couples in the years 1945–1950 in western pomerania
„Du aber bleibst bei mir. Ich willigte ein ...“ – Alltagsleben der polnisch-deutschen Paare in den Jahren 1945–1950 in Westpommern
Autorzy:
Popławska, Aneta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1622792.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
Polish-German informal relationships
Western Pomerania 1945–1950
the formation of the relationships
relations with the public
relations with the authorities
Opis:
Mixed couples, as one of the determinants of breaking distance of historical, cultural, psychological and social nature, trespass the fundamental principles that separate a group from the “Other”. This otherness makes the couples of this type evoke social attitudes of integration or isolation. A relationship is seen as mixed when the difference between the partners is considered significant by them or by the local community. When one speaks about everyday life of Polish-German couples living at the new north-western border of Poland after 1945, an important factor in their formation, i.e. the historical events of World War II and the sense of temporariness until the western Polish border was settled in 1950, cannot be overlooked. After 1945 mixed couples were an important part of the image of the border area, also integrating the Polish community with the remaining Germans. They formed the part of the first generation of such couples, which encompasses the years 1945–1971, the opening of the border with East Germany in 1972 gave rise to the second generation, which lasted until 1989, while accession of Poland to the European Union marks the end of the third generation. In our text we shall only focus on three aspects of everyday life, i.e. the formation of the German-Polish relationships, negative contacts with the surrounding environment and problems with authorities.
Źródło:
Studia Maritima; 2014, 27, 2; 279-304
0137-3587
2353-303X
Pojawia się w:
Studia Maritima
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przełom w stosunkach polsko-niemieckich wiosną 1939 roku w świetle szczecińskiego dziennika „Stettiner General-Anzeiger”
Turning-Point in the Polish-German Relations in Spring 1939 in the Light of the ‘Stettiner General-Anzeiger’
Autorzy:
Szukała, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1591196.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
German press
the history of Szczecin (German: Stettin)
Polish-German relations
prasa niemiecka
historia Szczecina
stosunki polsko-niemieckie
Opis:
An analysis of the press material of the first two quarters of 1939 indicates that the Szczecin daily in the reality of a totalitarian state was guided by the directives of the central authorities of the Third Reich. There was no formal preventive censorship, however ‘Stettiner General-Anzeiger’ had to take into consideration the raison d’état of the Third Reich. Therefore the changing attitude of the German authorities towards Poland is well visible in the articles; from hope that Poland might become Germany’s Juniorpartner, i.e. a state at the same time allied and dependent, cherished to the end of March 1939, toa growing disappointment at the beginning of April and open threats since May 1939. That state of political tension between Poland and Germany was to be maintained up to the tragic September 1939.
Analiza materiału prasowego z dwóch pierwszych kwartałów 1939 roku wskazuje, iż dziennik szczeciński, w realiach państwa totalitarnego, kierował się wytycznymi centralnych władz III Rzeszy. Mimo braku formalnej cenzury prewencyjnej, „Stettiner General Anzeiger” musiał mieć na względzie rację stanu III Rzeszy. Stąd wyraźnie widać w artykułach zmieniającą się taktykę władz niemieckich wobec Polski. Od nadziei trwającej do końca marca 1939 roku, iż Polska stanie się dla Niemiec Juniorpartner, czyli państwem jednocześnie sprzymierzonym i zależnym, do narastającego rozczarowania na początku kwietnia i wręcz otwartych gróźb i wzrastającej wrogości od maja 1939 roku. Ten stan napięcia politycznego między Niemcami i Polską będzie trwał do tragicznego września.
Źródło:
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski; 2016, 2; 89-106
0552-4245
2353-3021
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Tekst w kulturze, kultura w tekście. Tradycja łacińska i literatura staropolska w Spowiedzi Calka Perechodnika
Text in Culture, Culture in Text. The Latin Tradition and Old-Polish Literature in Calek Perechodnik’s Spowiedź [Confession]
Autorzy:
Skwara, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1533308.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Holocaust
journal
Polish-Jewish-German relations during the Holocaust
manipulations
Latin and Old-Polish tradition
apothegm and proverb
Opis:
The article analyses and interprets the apothegms and quotations from ancient and old-Polish literature in one of the most important testimonies of the Holocaust in world literature. In Polish criticism, there are few discussions of Perechodnik’s journal, and the existing articles are controversial because of their biased interpretations, which, in the present author’s opinion, are often manipulatory. It seems that the Polish intepretators of Spowiedź try, contrary to the author’s clear intention, to inscribe the text in the current controversies between Poles and Jews, while disregarding the third nation (Germans), and to turn Perechodnik into a postmodern author, because it allows for suspension of ethical rules. The greatness and tragedy of the author, however, stand for their own without such manipulations.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka; 2013, 22; 33-53
1233-8680
2450-4947
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy współpraca się opłaca? Wpływ koalicji z Niemcami na sukces Polski w procesie legislacyjnym Unii Europejskiej
Is cooperation beneficial? The impact of the coalition with Germany on Poland’s success in the European Union’s lawmaking
Autorzy:
Kirpsza, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616629.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
negotiations
EU’s lawmaking
Polish-German relations in the EU
Polish-German coalition
bargaining success
Unia Europejska
negocjacje
proces legislacyjny UE
relacje Polski i Niemiec w UE
koalicja Polski i Niemiec
sukces negocjacyjny
Opis:
The purpose of the article is to analyze whether building a coalition with Germany affects Poland’s success in the EU’s legislative process. Two hypotheses are tested: (1) when Polish and German preferences are homogenous, Poland’s legislative success is greater; (2) the coalition with Germany ensures Poland’s greater success in the areas of particular significance to Warsaw, that is in agriculture, energy, environment, home affairs and the single market. The above hypotheses are tested using a quantitative method of a linear regression. Regression calculations are based on the DEU II dataset. The results are as follows. First, forming a Polish-German coalition in the EU’s lawmaking is extremely tricky due to strong divergences of both countries’ preferences. Second, building a coalition with Germany is particularly beneficial for Poland, nevertheless. The analysis shows that when Poland enters an alliance with Germany, its success in the EU’s legislative process significantly increases. Third, building a coalition with Germany is very profitable for Poland in these policy areas which are crucial from the perspective of Poland’s interests, namely in agriculture, energy, home affairs and the single market. The only exception is the environment.
Celem artykułu jest analiza, czy zawieranie koalicji z Niemcami wpływa na sukces Polski w procesie legislacyjnym UE. Przetestowano dwie hipotezy: 1) jeśli preferencje Polski oraz Niemiec są zgodne, to sukces Polski jest większy; 2) koalicja z Niemcami zapewnia Polsce większy sukces w obszarach o szczególnym znaczeniu dla Warszawy, to jest: w rolnictwie, energii, środowisku, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Hipotezy przetestowano za pomocą metody ilościowej – regresji liniowej na bazie DEU II. Uzyskano następujące wnioski. Po pierwsze, budowanie koalicji polsko-niemieckiej w UE jest niezmiernie skomplikowane ze względu na wyraźną sprzeczność preferencji obu państw. Po drugie, mimo to budowanie koalicji z Niemcami jest dla Polski niezmiernie opłacalne. Analiza wykazała, że gdy Polska zawiera sojusz z Niemcami, to jej sukces w procesie legislacyjnym UE widocznie wzrasta. Po trzecie, zawiązywanie koalicji z Niemcami jest szczególnie opłacalne w politykach UE, które są kluczowe z punktu widzenia interesów Polski, czyli w rolnictwie, energii, sprawach wewnętrznych oraz wspólnym rynku. Jedynym wyjątkiem jest obszar ochrony środowiska.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 2; 121-138
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Działalność kobiet w Związku Polaków „Zgoda” w RFN
Autorzy:
Kamiński, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2185037.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Historycznych i Pedagogicznych. Instytut Historyczny
Tematy:
organizations of the Polish community abroad
Polish community in Germany
Union of Poles “Unity” in West Germany
Polish–German relations
Opis:
The article aims at presenting the activity of women – members of the Union of Poles “Unity” in West Germany. In particular, the issues raised at conferences and conventions and the journalistic activity of the female members of the Union were outlined. The article is an attempt to answer the question on the role of women from the Union in popularization of the statutory ideas of this organization.
Źródło:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka; 2021, 76, 4; 113-137
0037-7511
2658-2082
Pojawia się w:
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Jędrna prawda o utuczonych wieprzach”. Miejsce i rola Gdańska w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w ocenie Władysława Konopczyńskiego
Autorzy:
Klassa, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2042766.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-09
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Władysław Konopczyński
Gdańsk
historiografia polska
Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów
stosunki polsko-niemieckie
Polish historiography
the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
Polish-German relations
Opis:
Artykuł poświęcony jest twórczości jednego z najwybitniejszych historyków polskich XX w., Władysława Konopczyńskiego (1880–1952). Autorka skupia się na kwestii postrzegania przez Konopczyńskiego roli Gdańska – najpotężniejszego miasta szlacheckiej Rzeczypospolitej, ambiwalentnie ocenianego przez historyka, który eksponując znaczenie dostępu do morza dla rozwoju państwa, podkreśla wagę współpracy gdańsko-polskiej, ale ostro krytykuje działania postrzegane jako przejawy egoizmu miasta.
This article is devoted to Władysław Konopczyński (1880–1952), one of the most distinguished Polish historians of the twentieth century, and his view of the role of Gdańsk – the most powerful city in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – in Poland’s history. The historian is shown to have held an ambivalent view of the city’s role in Polish history. Stressing the importance of Poland’s access to the sea and appreciating the city’s collaboration with the rest of the country, Konopczyński criticised what he considered to have been the symptoms of the city’s egoism.
Źródło:
Klio Polska. Studia i Materiały z Dziejów Historiografii Polskiej; 2020, 12; 119-136
2450-8381
2450-8373
Pojawia się w:
Klio Polska. Studia i Materiały z Dziejów Historiografii Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne
December of 1970 in the West German Press: Accounts and Political Analysis
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1157582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-30
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
Władysław Gomułka
Edward Gierek
public opinion
Polish-German relations
social protests
strikes
manifestations
the Baltic coast
Opis:
The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2019, 84, 3; 123-151
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Orędzie biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich jako krok do unormowania stosunków polsko-niemieckich
Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops as a Step Towards Normalizing Polish-German Relations
Autorzy:
Wójcik, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1954656.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-22
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops
Polish-German relations
cardinal Stefan Wyszyński
Bolesław Kominek
orędzie biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich
relacje polsko-niemieckie
kardynał Stefan Wyszyński
Opis:
Kwestia pojednania polsko-niemieckiego po 1945 roku oraz działania podejmowane przez obie strony, w celu osiągnięcia nici porozumienia, niewątpliwie powiązane są z działaniami Kościoła Katolickiego w Polsce i kierującego nim kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego. Orędzie biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich, jest symbolem przebaczenia i chęcią odbudowy relacji pomiędzy narodem polskim i niemieckim. Krok jaki wykonali zwierzchnicy Kościoła w Polsce wobec strony niemieckiej przyczynił się do unormowania, a z czasem do podjęcia wzajemnych stosunków polsko-niemieckich. Celem pracy jest ukazanie istoty Orędzia biskupów polskich oraz ukazanie reakcji obydwu stron na działania podjęte przez hierarchów kościelnych. W pracy dość szczegółowo przedstawione są relacje polsko- niemieckie przed publikacją Orędzia biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich, a także sytuacja po publikacji listu. Artykuł przedstawia chronologicznie proces przygotowania listu, oraz idee jakie przyświecały autorom przełomowego dzieła. Artykuł przedstawia z jakimi problemami po publikacji Orędzia musiał się zmierzyć Kościół Katolicki w Polsce i jego kierownictwo. Ukazane zostały również działania propagandowe i antykościelne, mające zniszczyć zaufanie ludzi do Kościoła i kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego. Praca pokazuje jak ważnym momentem w dziejach relacji polsko-niemieckich jest publikacja Orędzia biskupów polskich, która to stała się podwaliną pod poprawę a z czasem także i nawiązaniem stosunków międzysąsiedzkich. Praca opisuje temat wielokrotnie poruszany przez innych autorów, lecz zawiera nowe, powstałe z biegiem lat informacje dotyczące istoty tego ważnego dzieła.
The issue of Polish-German reconciliation after 1945 and the actions of both parties to reach an agreement are undoubtedly related to the activities of the Catholic Church in Poland and of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, who led it. Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops is a symbol of forgiveness and the will to rebuild relations between the Polish and German nations. The step taken by the leaders of the Church in Poland towards the German side contributed to the normalization and, with time, of establishing mutual Polish-German relations. The aim of the work is to show the essence of the Polish bishops letter and showing the reaction of both sides to the actions taken by the church hierarchs. At work, Polish-German relations are quite fast before the publication of the Polish Orbis to German bishops, as well as the situation after the publication of the letter. The article presents the process of preparing the letter in chronological order, as well as the ideas that guided the authors of the breakthrough work. The article presents what problems after the publication of Lub, the Catholic Church in Poland and its leadership had to face. There were also shown responses to propaganda and anti-church trust in people towards the Church and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The work shows how important a moment in the history of Polish-German relations is the publication of the letter of the Polish bishops, which is to become the basis for the improvement and, over time, the establishment of relations between neighbors. The work describes a topic repeatedly raised by other authors, but contains new information, developed over the years, about the essence of this important work.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2021, 20, 1; 121-136
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska i niemiecka prasa w agitacji plebiscytowej - z perspektywy 90 lat
THE GERMAN AND THE POLISH PRESS IN THE UPPER SILESIAN PLEBISCITE AGITATION: 90 YEARS SINCE
Autorzy:
Glensk, Joachim
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421536.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Der Schwarze Adler
Der Weisse Adler
Kocynder
Polish and German propaganda campaigns
The Upper Silesia Autonomy Act of 1920
The plebiscite in Upper Silesia in 1921
Polish-German relations after World War I
Opis:
The plebiscite agitation was carried out by means of leafl ets, brochures, books and the press. Although the Germans had at their disposal over one hundred newspapers and periodicals with the circulation of c. half a million copies, the historical and demographic arguments gave an edge to the Polish side. The Polish propaganda was also quite adept at exploiting fears triggered by the crippling war reparations imposed on Germany. At the same time it argued that the passing of the Upper Silesia Autonomy Act by the Warsaw parliament on 15 July 1920 made voting for Poland a safe bet. In their propaganda campaigns both sides used the opponent’s language, ie. the Germans published newspapers and magazines in Polish (eg. Kraj Górnośląski), while the Poles - mindful of the fact that since 1828 the Upper Silesians had to attend Prussian schools - came up with periodicals in German (eg. Der Weisse Adler)
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2012, 15, 2(30); 29-46
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problem tożsamości i poczucia lojalności Żydów pochodzących z zaboru pruskiego na przykładzie Alfreda Cohna (1901–1961)
The Problem of Identity and the Sense of Loyalty of Jews Coming from the Prussian Partition on the Example of Alfred Cohn (1901–1961)
Autorzy:
Alabrudzińska, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1156901.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-30
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
West Prussia
Greater Poland
German Jews
emancipation
acculturation
assimilation
national identity
loyalty to the state
Polish-Jewish relations
Opis:
So far a very simplified picture of the transformation of the identity of Jews of West Prussia and Poznan land have functioned in the literature on the subject. The impulse to conduct the research on this issue became the publishing of the memories of Alfred Cohn, a typical German Jew, whose life and dramatic decisions show the complexity of the problem of identity and the sense of loyalty of the Jewish population of the territory of the Prussian partition. Alfred Cohn was close to recognizing himself as a German of the Jewish denomination. In 1920, without a shade of doubt, he decided to maintain loyalty to the German state and leave his family town Bydgoszcz, while in 1945 he decided the opposite. In order to clarify these contradictions, an analysis of the emancipation, acculturation and assimilation processes of the Jewish community of the territories of the Prussian partition of the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th century was conducted. Subsequently, the results of this analysis were compared with studies on the identity of German Jews living in the Second and Third Reich. At least until the 1880s, the Jews of Greater Poland, and West Prussia considered themselves representatives of a separate nation, despite the already advanced process of assimilating German culture, customs and language, and showing loyalty to the German state. The assimilation reached its greatest intensity at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, leading to a strong integration of Jews with German society and the German state. This aggravated Polish-Jewish antagonism, especially in Greater Poland. After some of the lands of the former Prussian partition came under Polish rule, most Jews remained loyal to the German state, treating it as their homeland, and emigrated in the years 1918–1921 along with the majority of the German population. However, despite such decisions, despite the use of German as their mother tongue, and despite demonstrating German patriotism and the intense desire to blend in with German society, it is necessary to show great caution in the case of attempts to recognize the Jews of the Prussian partition only as a religious minority, although more than once they have defined themselves this way. In the Reich, Jews did not manage to merge with the German environment, either. They created their own Jewish-German cultural system. Their identity can be described as very specific, heterogeneous and shaped by contradictions and dilemmas. In the territories of the Prussian partition, the process of shaping the identity of German Jews was even more complicated as this community had to function also within the Polish society.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2019, 84, 3; 101-122
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
PAMIĘĆ II WOJNY ŚWIATOWEJ W POLSCE I W NIEMCZECH. DEBATY, MUZEA I WYSTAWY
MEMORY OF WORLD WAR II IN POLAND AND GERMANY. DEBATES, MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS
Autorzy:
Chinciński, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/418804.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Akademia Marynarki Wojennej. Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych
Tematy:
politics of memory
World War II
the historical debate
museums and exhibitions
Polish-German relations in the historical memory
the Museum of World War II in Gdansk
"A vivid sign against escapes and expulsions" in Berlin
Opis:
This article is an attempt of conducting analysis of main aspects of memory of World War II both in Poland and in Germany between the year 1989/90 and 2014. It also includes an analysis of the process of its development and changes which have taken place in the above mentioned period of time. The article discusses crucial historical debates, muse-ums and exhibitions which deal with World War II. Particular attention was paid to two emerg-ing museums dealing with this subject: the Museum of World War II in Gdansk as well as "A vivid sign against escapes and expulsions" in Berlin.
Źródło:
Colloquium; 2015, 7, 1; 23-44
2081-3813
2658-0365
Pojawia się w:
Colloquium
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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