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Wyszukujesz frazę "the Lublin castle" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4
Tytuł:
Raport o sądowych morderstwach
Judicial Murders: a Report
Autorzy:
Kielasiński, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699044.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sądowe morderstwa
Zamek Lubelski
żołnierze Armii Krajowej
judicial murders
the Lublin castle
Home Army soldiers
Opis:
The Lublin castle has historical connections with the old town area. The castle hill was the seat of a stronghold and residence of the starost who ruled in the king’s name. Excavations led to discovery of traces of a 9th century settlement. The construction of a stone castle began in the 14th century. It was used as a prison in the 19th century and until 1954. In 1939‒1944, the Lublin Castle housed a prison of the Nazi secret police and security service, the Sicherheitsdienstpolizei and Sicherheitsdienst Lublin. The role of the Lublin Castle prison was particularly dreadful; dring the period of martyrdom and extermination of the Polish nation under the Nazi occupation of  Poland. Even today, the castle is treated as a national symbol of the heroism and suffering of the Polish nation. Before they took flight, the Nazis organized a last execution on Jury 22, 1944: 286 prisoners were murdesed in the Castle. On that same day and on July 20, 1944, a further 800 prisoners were taken from the castle and executed at the  concentration camp in Majdanek, a suburb of Lublin. On July 22, 1944, of the Polish Committee for National Liberation (PKWN) was created under Soviet pressure. It assumed power over the territory of Poland which had been taken by the Red Army after the flight of the Nazis. Organized armed forces known as the Home Army, ‒ operated  in Poland  troughout the war. They were subordinate to the Polish Government in Exile, residing in England. The Government in Exile was recognized by all counties except the USSR. Home Army troops refused to submit to the Red Army and PKWN. For this reason, the Soviet and Polish army, together with security services, started to disarm the Home Army troop. Mass arrests and deportations into the USSR began. A number of Home Army units were disarmed, among them the famous 27th Infantry Division. Troughoot the Lublin District, mass arrests of Home Army soldiers took place. The detainees were sent to the former concentration camp in Majdanek and the Lublin Castle prison. Arrested were also state oflicials ‒ delegates of the Polish Government in London. The Commander of the Home Army Lublin District, General Kazimierz Tumidajski, was detained during negotiations with Soviet authorities and  deported to the USSR. Home Army soldiers who had been arrested and confined to Polish prisons, were subjected to investigations by the Soviet and Polish security service which involved the use of threats and a variety of tortures.  Describing his ordeal, one of the prisoners stated he could not relate “all the atrocities” he had suffered from Soviet officers. The detained soldiers received no medical assistance; those who managed to survive the Castle prison nightmare described the appearance of  battered Home Army soldiers and related their complaints. During the initial period discussed in this report, most Home Army soldiers were arrested by Soviet authorities without due judicial decision. They were interrogated in Russian, a language they did not speak. It was only 2 or 3 months later that the detainees were handed over to Polish authorities. Only then, Polish prosecutors issued formal decisions to remand them in custody, and the records of selected hearings were translated into Polish. The evidence gathered by Soviet security officers provided the grounds for indictments directed to military courts that operated in Lublin.             III. In 1944, the indictments signed by Polish military prosecutors were lodged with the Military Court of the Lublin Garrison, commanded by a Soviet officer, Colonel Konstantin Krukovsky. Preceding the first-instance hearing was a closed sitting where the court, composed of three judges, confirmed the indictment; the trial followed on that same day. The copy the indictment was delivered to the detainee only after the hearing had started. The main charges contained in indictments were: membership in the Home Army, unlicensed possession of firearms, or evasion of military service ‒ acts threatened with capital punishment. There is evidence to show that the actual penalties were decided upon by the Mi1itary Courts Department of the Polish Army, headed by a Soviet ofIicer, Brigadier General Alexander Tarnovsky. The execution of the orders was the responsibility of the head of the court, Colonel Krukovsky, and the judges presiding over the case. In none of the cases did the Lublin Garrison Military Court took any evidence whatsover, whether on motion of the defendant or on its own initiative. The only hearing of evidence consisted of hearing the defendant’s statement; the defendants admitted their membership of the Home Army but refused to acknowledge any guilt. The various formulations they used were then quoted out of context to prove they had in fact been guilty of trying to subvert democratic system of Poland ‒ an  assumption made well in advance. The trials were held at the Lublin Castle prison. They were closed sittings in which neither the counsel for the defence nor the prosecutor participated. The defendant’s family were not informed about the date of the trial as they knew nothing about his fate anyway, and the defendant himself did not learn about the trial until it started. Unqualified persons participated in deciding on conviction and sentence, or the court was formed inadequately. For example, the principle that the lay judges’ rank should not be lower than the defendant’s was commonly infringed upon. A glaring example of  such infringement was the case of Colonel Edward Jasiński who was convicted by N.C.O. lay judges. Delivering the judgment, the court informed the defendant that the decision was final and not subject to appeal. Most defendants were sentenced to death. Many meritorious Home Army soldiers who had fought for independence throughout the Nazi occupation met death this way. The sentences were carried out upon confirmation by the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army (at that time, General Michał Rola-Żymierski) or his second in command (Generals Świerczewski and Berling), and sometimes by lower rank commanders. They were obliged to examine the justification of the sentences ex officio; they also had the right to grant pardon. Confirmation of the sentence and pardon were two separate institutions of the law of criminal procedure; thus pardon could be granted even if the sentence had been confirmed. In practice, no rules whatsoever were observed: confirmed sentences were carried out without pardon proceedings, or following such proceedings but without the proceedings aimed at review of the grounds. It should be added that under the law in force, pardon could only be refused by the President of the National People’s Council, Bolesław Bierut, while the army commanders had merely the right to grant pardon. In fact, they also refused pardon on numerous  occasions. In practice, sentences were carried out basied on the order of Brigadier General Alexander Tarnovsky who informed the head of military court about the decision of Commander-in-Chief and ordered the need for immediate execution. Capital punishment was executed at the Castle prison, in the basement of the administration building, at various hours of day and night. The Report quotes the account of an execution provided by a surviving Lublin physician, and a numer of facts which, together with the now available reports from executions, tell about the identity of their participants. The grim record holders are two sergeants: within 50 minutes, one of them participated in the execution of 11, and the other one – of 12 Home Army soldiers. Until January 5, 1945, the bodies of the executed were secretly buried at a Lublin cemetery upon written of the prison warden Second Lieutenant Alojzy Stolarz; the orders have been preserved in the cemetery archives. There is no  mention at all about subsequent burials although – as follows from the attached documents – Home Army soldiers were still executed at the Castle after that date. The soldiers kept on their dignity till the end; scant accounts of their demeanour were provided by prison chaplains, the only persons the convict’s family about hos death. Throughout both the preparatory and the judicial proceedings, valid legal provisions were violated. The system of military penal law contained provisions dating from the 1930’s and not yet quashed at the time of examination of the discussed cases. Such provisions were simply treated as non-existent. The Code of Criminal Procedure and the Military Code of the Polish Armed  Forces in USSR, developed by the Political and Educational Board of the Polish  Army in the USSR established in 1943 was adopted as the legal grounds for proceedings. As shown by the facts quoted in this report, the summary procedure  was applied to defendants. It was provided for by the code of criminal procedure of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, but military courts competed with each other in breaking the law to the extent of not even observing the law that had been established in the USSR. Under the law then in force, none of the sentences discussed in the report ever became final and valid. Judicial proceedings glaringly infringed on all the principles of procedure: direct examination of evidence, impartiality, presumption of innocence, openness, adversary trial, right to defence, to appeal, and the right to apply for pardon. The Home Army soldiers mentioned in the report were convicted in defiance with the ban on retroactive force of law as the decree on  protection of state under which they were tried had entered into force on November 4, 1944 with the binding force since August 15, 1944; most had been imprisoned for many weeks before the decree was actually introduced. VII. The extermination of Home Army soldiers at the Lublin Castle was kept secret for decades. Many attempts at revealing the tragic events failed, and the demands for posthumous acquittal, made by families of the executed, were rejected. It was only after June 4, 1989, as a result of extraordinary appeals or re-institution of proceedings, that the Supreme Court passed many decisions on acquittal, manifesting not only the groundlessness of convictions but also their function as a political disposal of opponents of the new authority – of the Home Army formed by the legitimate Polish Government to fight the Nazi invaders. The enormity of lawlessness of the discussed practices made the Parliament of Republic of Poland pass, on February 23, 1991, an act on the invalidity of the judgments in cases of persons victimized for their activities on behalf of a sovereign Polish state.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 97-135
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sąd wyższy prawa niemieckiego na zamku w Lublinie w pierwszej połowie XV w. – skład osobowy
Autorzy:
Sochacka, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/607599.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
history of the judiciary
German law
the castle in Lublin
small nobility
village leaders
historia sądownictwa
prawo niemieckie
zamek w Lublinie
drobna szlachta
sołtysi
wójtowie
Opis:
The higher courts of German law, sitting at royal castles, appointed by the monarch or its starosts to settle disputes relating to village heads and mayors, were made up of eight people: the chairman of this group of landlords and seven lay members recruited from the village heads and mayors of neighbouring towns under German law. The composition of such a court sitting in the Lublin Castle is known from the notes dated 1415–1416 and 1445–1448. They show that the rules of appointing the aforementioned jurors have changed in the course of that time – persons discharging municipal offices in private property have disappeared, the committee has been limited only to royal managers, which can be seen as a weakening of the position of mayors and mayors in noble and church properties, but it may also be a sign of the limitations of the jurisdiction of the court, limiting its jurisdiction to the function of the court of law for royal estates. The castle court in Lublin was mainly composed of representatives of small nobility, often belonging to the clients of local officials; only one mayor (sołtys) sitting in it was a peasant. For poor noblemen, the possession of village councils, and especially the distinction, which was the appointment in the court in question, protected against further pauperization, and in a few cases led to holding lower offices (managers of royal mills, burgrave, bailiff and podpisek of land court, podpisek of magistrate court), and allowed the peasant to get membership in the nobility.
Sądy wyższe prawa niemieckiego obradujące na zamkach królewskich, powoływane przez monarchę lub jego starostów dla rozstrzygania sporów odnoszących się do sołectw i wójtostw, tworzyło osiem osób: przewodniczący temu gremium landwójt i siedmiu ławników, rekrutujących się spośród sołtysów i wójtów okolicznych miejscowości lokowanych na prawie niemieckim. Skład takiego sądu zasiadającego na zamku lubelskim znamy z zapisek z lat 1415–1416 oraz 1445–1448. Wynika z nich, że zmianie uległy wówczas zasady powoływania wspomnianych ławników – zniknęły osoby sprawujące urzędy sołeckie w dobrach prywatnych oraz ograniczono gremium sądzące wyłącznie do zarządców królewszczyzn, co można uznać za przejaw słabnięcia pozycji sołtysów i wójtów w dobrach szlacheckich i kościelnych, ale też może za ślad ograniczenia kompetencji sądu, zawężenia jego właściwości do funkcji sądu leńskiego dla majątków królewskich. Sąd zamkowy w Lublinie tworzyli głównie przedstawiciele drobnej szlachty, często zaliczający się do klienteli lokalnych urzędników; tylko jeden zasiadający w nim sołtys był kmieciem. W przypadku ubogich szlachciców posiadanie sołectw – a zwłaszcza wyróżnienie, jakim było powołanie w skład omawianego sądu – zabezpieczało przed dalszą pauperyzacją, a nawet w kilku przypadkach prowadziło do osiągnięcia niższych urzędów (zarządcy młynów królewskich, burgrabiego, komornika i podpiska sądu ziemskiego, podpiska sądu grodzkiego), kmieciowi zaś umożliwiło awans do stanu szlacheckiego.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia; 2018, 73
0239-4251
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zamek lubelski w XVI i pierwszej połowie XVII wieku
The Lublin Castle in the 16th Century and in the First Half of the 17th Century
Autorzy:
Jakimińska, Grażyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953696.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Lublin
Zamek
inwentarz
lustracje
castle
inventory of the monuments of the past
Opis:
Obecne budowle wzgórza zamkowego w większości powstały w początku XIX wieku. Do najstarszych związanych z funkcjonowaniem grodu kasztelańskiego należą XIII – wieczna baszta – wieża obronno – mieszkalna i kaplica św. Trójcy, której budowę wiąże się z działalnością Kazimierza Wielkiego. Zamek, wybudowany również przez tego króla, rozbudowany jako rezydencja renesansowa w czasach Zygmunta I Starego i ulegający modernizacjom w kolejnych stuleciach ma znikomą dokumentację ikonograficzną. O wyglądzie w czasach piastowskich można mieć pewną orientację na podstawie zachowanych fundamentów, tylko częściowo odkrytych. Pewne domniemanie o rozkładzie budowli na wzgórzu zamkowym mamy na podstawie ostatnio odkrytego malowidła ściennego w kamienicy Lubomelskich w Rynku. Renesansową sylwetę ukazuje miedzioryt kolorowany zamieszczony w VI księdze dzieła „Civitates orbis terrarum”, wydanej w Kolonii w 1618 roku. Bardziej dokładne informacje o układzie budowli zamkowych, ich połączeniach – funkcjach, częściowo wyposażeniu posiadamy ze źródeł pisanych. Głównym jest inwentarz starostwa lubelskiego, zawierający także inwentarz zamku, sporządzony w 1564 roku. Kolejne zmiany funkcji i niewielkie stosunkowo przebudowy są opisane w dwóch lustracjach starostwa z lat 1602 i 1616. Dzięki tym źródłom jest możliwe poznanie wyglądu zamku w czasach jego świetności. Wynika z analizy tych źródeł, że nie bez powodu cudzoziemcy i przybysze spoza Lublina byli zauroczeni nie tylko położeniem zamku, ale także jego budowlami, wyposażeniem. Ponieważ całkowitą zagładę zamkowi przyniosły wojny połowy XVII wieku, nasze wyobrażenie o jego świetności jest ukształtowane tylko na podstawie źródeł.
The present buildings on the castle hill were erected mostly at the beginning of the 19th century. The 13th century donjon and the Trinity Chapel the building of which is associated with Casimirus the Great belong to the oldest ones, connected with the functions of the castellan’s town. The castle, built by Casimirus, and developed as a Renaissance residence in the times of Sigismund the Old and modernized in the subsequent centuries, has very few iconographie records. We can get some idea of what it looked like in the Piast times on the basis o f the preserved foundations that have only partially been excavated. We can make guesses about the distribution of buildings on the castle hill also basing on the mural that has recently been discovered on a wall in the Lubomelskis’ house in the Lublin Market Square. The Renaissance silhouette of the castle is shown in the co lo red copperplate from the 6th book of “Civitates orbis terrarum ” published in Cologne in 1618. More detailed information about the arrangement of the castle buildings, their connections and functions, and partly also about their furnishing comes from written sources. The main one is the inventory of the Lublin starosty including also the inventory of the castle from 1618. The successive changes of the function and relatively small re constructions are described in the records of two inspections of the starosty of 1602 and 1616. Owing to these sources it is possible to learn about the look of the castle in the period of its splendor. From analysis of these sources it appears that foreigners and other visitors were impressed not only with the position of the castle but also with its buildings and furnishing. Since the wars of the middle of the 17th century completely destroyed the castle our image of its splendor is formed only on the basis of the sources.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2005, 53, 4; 241-254
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dwie średniowieczne tradycje lubelskie oraz ich wpływ na poczucie tożsamości lokalnej wspólnoty (XIII? – początek XVII w.)
Autorzy:
Michalski, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/607565.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
medieval local traditions
Lublin – history, 13th–14th century
Lublin community, 13th–16th century – sense of identity
Lublin community – historical consciousness
traditions about Tatar siege of Lublin castle in the winter of 1340/134
1 St. Michael’s p
Lublin – średniowieczne tradycje lokalne
Lublin – historia, XIII–XIV w.
Lublina – świadomość historyczna
społeczność Lublina, XIII–XVII w. – poczucie tożsamości
tradycje o oblężeniu zamku lubelskiego przez Tatarów zimą 1340/1341 r.
Fara św. Michała w.
Opis:
The article presents the medieval accounts of the two short stories about the past of Lublin, concerning the siege of its castle by Tatars in the winter of 1340/1341 and the apparition of St. Michael to prince Leszek Czarny and the ruler’s subsequent victory over pagan Jatvings (1282). Following the traces of the familiarity of these narratives in the town up to the turn of the 16th century, it is argued that they were well recognized local traditions. They conveyed ideas of particular importance and attractiveness to theLublin community and provided a distinct way of perceiving of the important elements of townscape. Thus the stories about legendary history ofLublin influenced the sense of identity of theLublin community in several significant ways.
Artykuł przedstawia średniowieczne wersje dwóch opowieści o przeszłości Lublina, dotyczące oblężenia miejscowego zamku przez Tatarów na przełomie 1340 i 1341 r. oraz ukazania się świętego Michała księciu Leszkowi Czarnemu i zwycięstwa władcy nad Jaćwingami w 1282 r. Przyglądając się śladom znajomości tych narracji w mieście nad Bystrzycą do początku XVII w., autor dowodzi, że były to wówczas dobrze znane tradycje lokalne. Wyrażały one idee szczególnie ważne i atrakcyjne dla społeczności Lublina. Za ich sprawą członkowie miejscowej wspólnoty postrzegali ważne elementy miejskiej przestrzeni w swoisty dla swej grupy sposób. Można zatem dostrzec, że opowieści z kręgu legendarnych dziejów Lublina oddziaływały na poczucie tożsamości członków społeczności Lublina w kilku ważnych aspektach.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia; 2017, 72
0239-4251
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4

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