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    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
    Tytuł:
    Antykościelna międzynarodówka. Współpraca polskiego Urzędu do spraw Wyznań z jego odpowiednikami w państwach „demokracji ludowej” (1954–1962)
    The Anti-Church International. The Cooperation of the Polish Office for Religious Denominations with its Counterparts in the States of the “People’s Democracy” (1954–1962)
    Autorzy:
    Noszczak, Bartłomiej
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478341.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
    Tematy:
    Office for Religious Denominations
    Council for the Russian Orthodox Church by the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR
    State Office for Church Affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic
    Department for Church Affairs in the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic
    Office for Church Affairs of the Hungarian People’s Republic
    State Office for Religious Denominations of the Hungarian People’s Republic
    Secretariat of State for Church Affairs of the German Democratic Republic
    international contacts of the Office for Religious Denominations
    religious denominations policy of the People’s Poland
    religious denominations policy of the states of the Eastern Block (of the states of the so-called people’s democracy/
    behind the Iron Curtain)
    cooperation of communist departments for religious denominations
    Opis:
    W strukturze administracji państw tzw. demokracji ludowej utworzono z inspiracji Kremla wyspecjalizowane podmioty, które odpowiadały za planowanie, koordynację i realizację polityki wyznaniowej. Ponieważ – niezależnie od lokalnych uwarunko- wań – zakres ich kompetencji był właściwie tożsamy (dotyczyło to także podstawowego celu, czyli dążenia do zniszczenia, względnie podporządkowania państwu instytucji wyznaniowych), miały podstawy do rozwinięcia między sobą współpracy instytucjo- nalnej. Artykuł przybliża kulisy nawiązania formalnych relacji przez polski Urząd do spraw Wyznań z jego odpowiednikami w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej: Czechosłowackiej Republice Socjalistycznej, Węgierskiej Republice Ludowej i Niemieckiej Republice Demokratycznej. Unaocznia, że początkowo nie należały one do owocnych, zwłaszcza na tle ożywionych kontaktów między resortami wyznaniowymi czechosło- wackim i węgierskim. Sytuacja pod tym względem zmieniła się w drugiej połowie lat pięćdziesiątych XX w. Wizyty, rewizyty i międzynarodowe spotkania z udziałem pracow- ników administracji wyznaniowej państw bloku wschodniego pozwalały na wymianę doświadczeń oraz projektowanie polityki wobec Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych, nawet w skali globalnej.
    I n the administration structure of the states within the so-called people’s democracy, specialized bodies were created on the initiative of Kremlin to take care of planning, coordinating and implementing the policy on religious denomination. Because the scope of their competences was equivalent as a rule, irrespective of local circumstances (this also referred to the main goal, i.e. striving to destroy or subordinate religious institu- tions to the state), they had a basis to enter into institutional cooperation between each other. The article presents the real story behind the establishment of formal relations between the Polish Office for Religious Denominations and its counterparts in the sta - tes of Central and Eastern Europe: the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Hungarian People’s Republic and the German Democratic Republic. It reveals that they were not fruitful at the beginning, particularly if compared with intensive contacts between the Czechoslovak and Hungarian departments for religious denominations. The situation changed in the second half of the 1950s. Visits, revisits, international meetings with the participation of employees of the administration for religious denominations of the states of the Eastern Block made it possible to share experiences and formulate a policy towards Churches and religious associations, even globally.
    Źródło:
    Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2019, 33; 406-437
    1427-7476
    Pojawia się w:
    Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    BOUNDARIES BETWEEN ENSURING SECURITY AND UNNECESSARY SOCIAL SURVEILLANCE – CASE STUDY OF THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
    Autorzy:
    M, Hrynicki, Wojciech
    Tomasz, Greif,
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891483.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018-08-13
    Wydawca:
    Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
    Tematy:
    security public security
    social security
    social surveillance
    need to take action for social security
    The German Democratic Republic
    Opis:
    1. Objective The objective of this article is to present the need to control society in order to ensure security both to the society itself and to the state, and to draw an extremely fluid boundary line between what is necessary and what is unnecessary, which may turn into unnecessary surveillance which sometimes becomes caricatural. The duty to ensure security to the society, particularly in the era of increasing religious terrorism in Europe (resulting from simple relationships in the society), is an obligation aimed at permanence of existence of a given social group (national, supranational) functioning within the state and as such should be connected with aptly chosen methods of supervision. 2. Introduction Security is the overriding need of humans and it determines their other needs and the motives for the actions they take. It manifests itself not only in the lack of hazards (which constitutes its basic principle related to the assurance of existence) but also in the need to take action to ensure appropriate conditions for development of individuals as well as smaller and larger social groups. Hence, today’s understanding of security is not exclusively linked with the existence of humans or social groups (lack of hazards); it must be analysed from the point of view of its development, which in turn determines the evolution of such categories of security as economic, scientific cultural security, or job security. However, such secondary categories of security, which ensure the development of individuals and various social groups, cannot be pursued without eliminating potential threats to the existence of humans, particularly those related to their life and health, and ensuring continuity of generations. In order to meet this objective, especially in the era of increasing terrorism, it is necessary to supervise the society, which is more and more culturally and religiously diverse, in the right way, and the supervision may not become caricatural as was the case with the German Democratic Republic. 3. Methodology The authors identify the need to exercise permanent supervision in the society, particularly in areas threatened with terrorism, and, at the same time, point out that it is possible to overstep the necessary surveillance in a manner leading to its caricatural forms, which occurred in the German Democratic Republic, non-existent today. The adopted comparative historical method allows for direct analysis of needs regarding security in comparison with the potential threat of adopting wrong methods to meet them. A glance at current threats to social security, including terrorism, confronted with the surveillance that was common in the German Democratic Republic, which ceased to exist over twenty-five years ago, throws doubt on the boundaries of the needed and acceptable social surveillance. 4. Conclusions The authors prove that it is difficult to draw a clear line between what is permissible and what is impermissible in social surveillance, especially in view of terrorism threats. Therefore, the actions of national authorities should be marked by far-reaching carefulness in the selection of surveillance methods so that a democratic state does not turn into a police state. They agree, however, that supervision in the form of well administered surveillance is one of the methods of ensuring security to individuals and society.
    Źródło:
    Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2016, 23; 67-89
    2299-4033
    Pojawia się w:
    Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Национальное самосознание и интеграционные процессы лужицких сербов в Германской империи Часть II: От первой миров войны до наших дней (от 1914 года до начала XXI в.)
    Autorzy:
    Matelski, Dariusz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568754.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Sorbs
    Association of National Minorities in Germany
    the Federal Republic of Germany
    the German Democratic Republic
    Germany
    Lusatia
    national identity
    лужичание
    Ассоциация национальных мень-
    шинств в Германии
    Федеративная Республика
    Германия
    Германская Де-
    мократическая Республика, Германия
    Лужица, национальная идентич-
    ность
    Opis:
    The First World War (1914–1918) was inextricably connected with regular conscription. Undoubtedly it had a huge impact on reducing the population of Sorbs in Germany. Their number decreased from 102 801 to 70 998 people between the censuses in 1910 and 1925. After World War I, Lusatia failed to become a country independent of the German Empire. On 7 October 1925 the national organizations of Sorbs united (Maćica Serbska, Domowina, Lusatian Alliance) and established the Wendish People’s Party, which on 26 January 1924 accessed the Association of National Minorities in Germany. The Association’s publication was the monthly “Kulturwille” (since January 1926 “Kulturwehr”), which was issued until 1938. Its editor was a Sorb – Jan Skala (1889–1945). The censuses of 1925 and 1933 claimed that nearly 73,000 Sorbs lived in Germany. Under Hitler all Sorbian associations were dissolved and in both parts of Lusatia more than 60 Sorb ian place names were removed and replaced by German ones. The years of World War II (1939–1945) is the most tragic period in the history of the Sorbs – a period of even worse persecutions, arrests, taking the Sorbs to the concentration camps, the destruction of their properties, the suppression of all forms of autonomy and selforganization. Freedom from Fascism was given to the Sorbs on 6 April 1945 by troops of First Ukrainian Front and the Polish Second Army. On 23 March 1948 – under pressure from the Soviet occupation authorities – the National Parliament of Saxony (Landtag) passed a law guaranteeing the rights of the Sorbs. GDR authorities sought to reduce the population of the Sorbs and the use of Sorbian language. Only after the absorption of the GDR by the FRG – called the second unification of Germany – on 3 October 1990, the Sorbian population began to use civil rights emerging from the Basic Law of the FRG. Currently about 60,000 Sorbs live in Germany, out of which 20,000 in Brandenburg (Protestants) speaking Lower Sorbian (similar to Polish), and 40,000 in Saxony (Catholics) speaking Upper Sorbian (similar to Czech). The majority are elderly people (60 and over). Younger generation speaks almost exclusively German.
    Первая мировая война (1914–1918) была неразрывно связана с массовым призывом в армию. Это имело, несомненно, большое влияние на снижение популяции лужичан в Германии. Их число уменьшилось между переписями 1910 и 1925 гг., с 102 801 до 70 998 человек. После Первой мировой войны не удалось выделить Лужицы как независимого от Германии государства. 7 октября 1925 года имело место слияние национальных лужицких организаций (Отчизна лужицкая, Домовина, Лужицкая народная партия) и создание лужицкого народного совета, который 26 января 1924 г. Приступил к Ассоциации национальных меньшинств в Германии. Печатным органом Союза был ежемесячник «Kulturwille» (с января 1926 г. «Kulturwehr»), который не появился до 1938 г. Его редактором был лужичанин Ян Скала (1889–1945). Переписи с 1925 и 1933 гг. сообщили, что в Германии, где проживает почти 73 тыс. лужичан. При Гитлере расторгнуты были все лужицкие орга- низации и в обеих частях Лужицы более чем 60 лужицких наименований мест были заменены немецкими. Годы Второй мировой войны (1939–1945) является наиболее трагическим периодом в истории лужичан – это время еще более жестких преследований, арестов, закрывания лужичан в концлагерях, уничтожения их имущества, подавления всех форм автономии и самоорганизации. Свободу от нацизма лужичаном 6 апреля 1945 г. привели войска I Украинского фронта Красной Армии и Второй польской ар- мии. 23 марта 1948 г. – под давлением советских оккупационных властей– Национальный парламент (Landtag) Саксонии принял закон, гарантиру-ющий права лужичаном. Власть ГДР пыталась уменьшить население лужичан и использования лужицкого языка. Только после поглощения ГДР Федеративной Республикой Германии – называемого вторым объединени- ем Германии – 3 октября 1990 г., лужицкое население стало использовать гражданские свободы в соответствии с Основным Законом ФРГ. В настоящее время в Германии проживает около 60 тысяч лужичан, из которых 20 000 в Бранденбурге (протестанты) –говорящий по-нижнелужицки (похожий на польский язык), и 40 000 в Саксонии (католиков) – говорящий по-верхнелужицки (похожий на чешский язык). Большинство из них – по- жилые люди (60 лет и больше). Младшие говорят почти исключительно на немецком языке.
    Źródło:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2014, 2(7); 182-209
    2084-3291
    Pojawia się w:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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