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    Tytuł:
    Cechy proaktywnej osobowości a zachowania autoagresywne skazanych mężczyzn odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności
    The characteristics of proactive personality and auto-aggressive behaviour of convicted men serving a prison sentence
    Autorzy:
    Kwiatkowski, Bartosz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1878759.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-01-01
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
    Tematy:
    proaktywność
    autoagresja
    recydywiści
    proactivity
    self-aggression
    recidivists
    Opis:
    Obowiązek przymusowego przebywania w izolacji penitencjarnej wywołuje szkody osobiste w postaci zaburzeń emocji, motywacji czy zachowania. Negatywnym skutkiem deprywacji potrzeb skazanych jest ich podwyższona skłonność do dokonywania intencjonalnych samouszkodzeń podczas odbywania kary pozbawienia wolności. Oprócz czynników sprzyjających występowaniu zachowań autoagresywnych istnieją także czynniki chroniące, które bezspornie rzadziej są przedmiotem opracowań psychologicznych. W badaniu wzięło udział 50 skazanych mężczyzn, odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności po raz kolejny w życiu. Do ustalenia poziomu ich proaktywności wykorzystano Skalę proaktywności w izolacji więziennej (SPIW15), natomiast ich skłonność do autoagresji ustalono przy użyciu Inwentarza samouszkodzeń (ISAS). W artykule omówiono wyniki badań własnych, które dowiodły, że proaktywność jako cecha osobowości ma negatywny związek z autoagresją recydywistów. W ochronie przed autoagresywnymi zachowaniami skazanych największy udział mają proaktywne działania nastawione na uzyskiwanie poczucia własnej kompetencji i wsparcia rodzinnego. Ponadto w badaniu wykazano, że proaktywni skazani mają istotnie dłuższe przerwy między aktami autoagresji, a także ich proaktywne działania współwystępują z deklaracjami dotyczącymi chęci zaprzestania samouszkodzeń w przyszłości.
    The obligation to be imprisoned in penitentiary isolation causes personal damages in the form of emotional, motivation or behavioral disorders. The negative effect of depriving needs of prisoners is their increased tendency to perform intentional self-harm while serving imprisonment. Besides to the factors contributing to the occurrence of self-aggressive behaviors, there are also protective factors that are undoubtedly less often subject to psychological studies. The study involved 50 convicted men serving their sentences once again in their lives. To determine the level of their proactivity, The Scale of Proactivity in Penitentiary Isolation (PPI) was used, while their propensity to self-aggression was determined using The Inventory of Statements about self-injury (ISAS). The article discusses the results of our own research, which proved that proactivity as a personality trait has a negative relationship with self-aggression. Proactive actions aimed at gaining a sense of self-competence and family support are most important in the protection against the self-aggresion behaviour of convicts. Moreover, the study showed that proactive convicts have significantly longer intervals between acts of self-aggression, as well as their proactive activities coexist with declarations of the desire to stop self-harm in the future.
    Źródło:
    Studia Psychologica; 2020, 20, 1; 41-55
    1642-2473
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Psychologica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Rola cech temperamentalnych w kształtowaniu proaktywności skazanych odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności
    Autorzy:
    Kwiatkowski, Bartosz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2129135.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Tematy:
    proaktywność
    recydywiści
    skazani pierwszy raz karani
    temperament
    Opis:
    Od kilku lat idea proaktywnych działań skazanych jest przedmiotem badań empirycznych oraz deliberacji teoretycznych. W związku z rosnącym zainteresowaniem cechami ukształtowanymi genetycznie, które przyczyniają się pośrednio lub bezpośrednio do konstruktywnych zmian środowiskowych, w przedstawianym badaniu podjęto próbę ustalenia potencjalnych zależności pomiędzy cechami temperamentu a proaktywnością skazanych mężczyzn. Przeprowadzone analizy statystyczne wykazały, że aktywność i towarzyskość ma związek z proaktywnością osób pierwszy raz karanych, natomiast w przypadku recydywistów zauważono zależność pomiędzy ich towarzyskością a proaktywnością.
    Źródło:
    Polskie Forum Psychologiczne; 2020, XXV, 4; 469-488
    1642-1043
    Pojawia się w:
    Polskie Forum Psychologiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Znaczenie nadawane karze przez osadzonych w Zakładzie Karnym w Wołowie
    Meanings given to punishment by recidivists from Prison in Wołów
    Autorzy:
    Woźny, Karolina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371265.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018-10-19
    Wydawca:
    Fundacja Pedagogium
    Tematy:
    Kara
    kara pozbawienia wolności
    recydywiści
    Punishment
    inprisonment
    recidivists
    Opis:
    Kara jest pojęciem mocno powiązanym z więziennictwem. Wymiar sprawiedliwościnakłada karę na osobę popełniającą przestępstwo, by wywrzeć na niej zmianę i zniechęcićją do dalszego niewłaściwego zachowania. Mnie jako badacza zainteresowało, czy więźniowieodbywający karę pozbawienia wolności po raz kolejny (recydywiści), czyli osoby wielokrotnieukarane, w ogóle zdają sobie sprawę z procesów, którym podlegają. Próbowałam dowiedziećsię nie tylko jak rozumieją pojęcie kary, ale również co sądzą na temat jej skuteczności orazczy według nich kara pozbawienia wolności jest potrzebna i czy nie można by karać ludziw inny sposób. W części teoretycznej opisałam, jakie naukowcy wytyczają cele i funkcje kary,by móc później porównać teorię naukową z rzeczywistością. Wywiadów udzieliło mi dziesięciurecydywistów z Zakładu Karnego w Wołowie i każda z tych rozmów była inna, dlatego teżmoje wnioski nie są jednoznaczne i wymagają kolejnych badań.
    Concept of punishment is strongly connected with penology. Justice system is punishingcriminals to make them change and discourage them from inappropriate behaviour. I asa scientist, was interested in question: what prisoners who reoffends repeatedly think aboutpunishment, effectiveness and necessity of this. In theoretical part of my publication I describedhow scientist write about purpose and functions of punishment. I did that becauseI want to compare scientific theory with reality. I was talked to ten recidivists from Prison inWołów and every conversation was different, so my conclusions are not ambiguous. Thereis a need to make more research.
    Źródło:
    Resocjalizacja Polska; 2018, 16; 157-175
    2081-3767
    2392-2656
    Pojawia się w:
    Resocjalizacja Polska
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Recydywiści alkoholicy w wieku 35–41 lat o późnym początku przestępczości
    Recidivists-alcoholics Aged Between 35–41 Whose Delinquency Started Late
    Autorzy:
    Batawia, Stanisław
    Szelhaus, Stanisław
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699159.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    recydywiści
    alkoholicy
    przestępczość
    badania kryminologiczne
    recidivists
    alcoholics
    delinquency
    criminological research
    Opis:
    Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: I. Stanisław Batawia: Problematyka wczesnego alkoholizmu II. Stanisław Szelhaus: Wyniki badań recydywistów alkoholików o początku przestępczości po ukończeniu 25 lat 
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 213-268
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wyniki badań recydywistów alkoholików o początku przestępczości po ukończeniu 25 lat
    The Results of Invesigations on Recidivists Alcoholics
    Autorzy:
    Szelhaus, Stanisław
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699033.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    recydywiści
    alkoholicy
    przestępczość
    badania kryminologiczne
    recidivists
    alcoholics
    delinquency
    criminological research
    Opis:
    In 1965 - 1966, when studying the data on the delinquency of 440 recidivists aged 26 - 35, who had been convicted many (at least 4) times, it was ascertained that only 50 of them (11.4 per cent) had their criminal records started when they were already 25 or more. It was decided to investigate the delinquency of these 50 recidivists and the most important events of their life, important particularly for the estimation of the extent of their addiction to alcohol and of the degree of their social maladjustment, in the light of data contained in the registers, in court records and in those of the police (1/3 of these recidivists could be closely investigated in prison). The data obtained during the follow-up studies until August 1971, when the average age of these recidivists was already 38, were then taken into consideration. With the above-mentioned data on 50 recidivists were then compared those on the delinquency of 390 (from among the 440) recidivists whose delinquency had started early. 63 per cent of them had started to perpetrate offences before they were 17. Moreover, the results concerning the 50 recidivists were also compared with the data on the delinquency of 61 alcohol addicts of the group of 777 ones who had been submitted in 1960 - 1961 to treatment (mostly compulsory) as out patients and in-patients. The 61 ones had also been convicted at least 4 times only from the age  of 25. In 1971 their average age was already 45. The selection of these 2 groups of recidivists to be compared. with the mentioned category of recidivists-alcohol addicts was made to verify the hypothesis, that the extent and the rapidity of their recidivism distinguish them both from the not numerous category of recidivists also convicted at least 4 times, occuring among the treated alcohol addicts, and from persistent recidivists who were convicted being very young, among whom there is a considerable percentage of alcohol addicts already in an advanced stage of addiction. Before we discuss the differences between the delinquency of these 3 groups of recidivists, we shall present here certain data  characterising 50 repeatedly convicted “late” recidivists among whom 92 per cent are alcohol addicts. Only half of them lived in Warsaw, some at small towns, not far or at some distance from Warsaw, and some in the country. But those living outside Warsaw were, as a rule. at least intermittedly also working in Warsaw. Nearly of them were learning at school only for 1 - 4 years, only a half have supposedly completed  their primary education; the majority had no acquired trade. On the basis of data on most of them, the course of their work may be characterized as follows: When they  were aged 17 – 25, i.e. before their criminal records, ¾ of them had been working, on the whole, regularly; but when they were 25 – less than 1/5 of them continued their regular work and the rest were employed only at odd jobs (for instance conveying coal, unloading railway carriages). However, it is worth mentioning that a considerable part of them were ill reputed at their working places already before they were 25, i.e. at the time when they were working comparatively regularly, (absented themselves from work, were drinking alcohol at working places etc.). After they were 25, they were, as a rule, very ill reputed and dismissed, and the data on their frequent indulging in alcohol appear constantly. As the years go by, their visible degradation in work and giving up employment are noticeable, which, in the light of the court records and those of the police, should be connected with their increasing addiction to alcohol. We should like to mention  again that probably among ¾ of these recidivists the initial symptoms of addiction to alcohol dated since they were at least 23 – 25, and among the remaining ones–since 27–28; ¾ from among them had used strong drinks several times a week when they were aged under 21. It should be stressed that the marital life of as many as ¾  of these recidivists was broken up, as a rule already when they were under 30. When investigating the delinquency of 50 recidivists alcohol addicts, (hereinafter called group A), and of 61 alcohol addicts submitted, as a rule, to compulsory treatment, also convicted at least 4 times, (group C), it should be stated that among those of group A there are considerably fewer of those convicted only 4 – 5 times (26 per cent, although they were aged, on the average, only 38), than in group C (44 per cent) in which the average age of alcohol addicts is already 45. The fact that among the 50 recidivists there are much more individuals convicted several times, cannot be explained by the argument that the alcoholics of group C are considerably older and, recently, already less inclined to commit offences. The investigation of the delinquency of these 2 groups, when they were aged only 25 – 35, showed that while in group A 60 per cent of recidivists were convicted 4 – 5 times and 40 per cent – 6 and more times, most of those of group C (56 per cent) were at that age convicted fewer than 4 times, and only 7 per cent of them – 6 and more times. The delinquency of the alcoholics of group C starts much later than that of the 50 recidivists of group A. In group C, 52 per cent were convicted for the first time when aged under 30, and in group A – as  many as 96 por cent. The rapidity of recidivism is considerably greater in 50 recidivists of group A than in those of group C. While in as many as 52 per cent of the former group their stay at liberty between two arrests did not exceed one year – in group C such a rapid recidivism occurred only in 13 per cent. Even as regards the 390 persistent criminals whose delinquency and social degradation started very early (B), and among whom 46 per cent did not stay at liberty for more than one year on the average – we do not notice so many short stays at liberty between successive arrests. Nearly a half (46 per cent) of alcoholics convicted several times (C) were at liberty between arrests at least for 5 years. Such cases do not occur in group A and do not exceed 11 per cent in group B. As regards the structure of delinquency, offences against property amount in group A to 47 per cent, in group B to 60 per cent and in group C to 45 per cent, and acts of violence – to 21 per cent in all 3 groups. As anyone can see, the structure of delinquency in 50 recidivists, whose delinquency is connected with their addiction to alcohol, is identical with that of 61 alcoholics (out-patients and inpatients), also repeatedly convicted recidivists. Yet it should be stressed that as regards offences with violence in group A, the victims of about half of them are next of kin, while in group C this proportion is only 1/3 and in group B only 10 per cent. In this category of delinquencies more serious crimes of violence, both in group A and C, represent only an insignificant proportion (7 per cent). It should be stressed that the thefts committed by the 50 recidivists-alcoholics caused comparatively slight losses; the losses of 50 per cent of the thefts did not exceed 500 zł, and only those of 16 per cent amounted to more than 2,000 zł. Among such recidivists-alcoholics (A) who perpetrated exclusively or chiefly offences against property, as many as 86  per cent of them committed thefts connected with their alcoholism: they either acted in a state of intoxication or spent immediately the stolen money for alcohol. Taking into consideration all categories of recidivists, one may state the existence of a great percentage of such recidivists-alcoholics among whom predominate offences of violence or of verbal aggression and other offences connected with alcoholism (besides thefts). There are 56 per cent of them in group A, 46 per cent in group C, while only 28 per cent in group B. Yet it should be stressed that the percentage of such recidivists in whom offences of violence against strangers predominate, does not exceed 8 per cent of the totality of recidivists in group A, or about 10 per cent in group C. If we consider such recidivists, who were convicted 4 times for offences of violence against strangers, to be dangerous violent criminals  – there were (taking also into account convictions for robbery) – 6 per cent of them in group A and 8 per cent in group C. Among persistent offenders who started to commit offences much earlier in life (B), there were more such recidivists (14 per cent), and some of them were even convicted for violent offences 5 and more times. The results of the above investigations evidence the fact that those recidivists whose delinquency started comparatively late and who are alcohol addicts (A), in whom, as a rule, symptoms of addiction to alcohol preceded delinquency – distinguish themselves by an exceedingly rapid recidivism, which does not occur either in alcoholics (even in those submitted to compulsory treatment) (C) – or even in persistent offenders in whom the beginning of social degradation appeared early (B), in spite of the fact that among them there also appears a considerable percentage of individuals who showed symptoms of addiction to alcohol being comparatively young. The offences of these alcoholics, both against property and against person, are not serious and are connected with their addiction to alcohol.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 228-268
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Kształtowanie się przestępczości nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1951-1960 w świetle statystyki sądowej
    Juvenile Delinquency in Poland in the Years 1951-1960 in the Light of Judicial Statistics
    Autorzy:
    Jasiński, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699286.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1964
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość nieletnich
    statystyka sądowa
    nieletni recydywiści
    juvenile delinquency
    judicial statistics
    juvenile recidivism
    Opis:
    In accordance with the criminal legislation in force in Poland, the term of juvenile delinquents comprises those persons who have committed a criminal offence before completing their seventeenth year of age. Such juveniles are prosecuted, as a rule, before special juvenile courts; they may be sentenced only to the application of various kinds of educational means, or be placed in a correctional institution. The subject of the present contribution is an analysis of the statistical materials connected with the juvenile persons found guilty within the ten years 1951- 1960. Such materials, making up the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency, are formed by adding up the records from record cards filled by the law-courts - in every single case where educational and correctional means have been decreed with regard to a juvenile person. Consequently, the above statistics are in Poland, as, incidentally, in a great many other countries, those of findings of guilt, and not of the persons found guilty; every juvenile person is counted there as many times as the application of such means was decreed with regard to him. The data contained in such and similar statistics are known not to provide information about the actual dimensions of juvenile delinquency. A sporadic perpetration of certain minor offences, particularly theft, is extremely widespread among the totality of children and young people, and the perpetrators of such offences brought to light and prosecuted before the law-courts constitute but an insignificant percentage of the total number of juveniles who have committed this or that offence. Independently of the above-mentioned record cards, which furnish us with a great many data concerning the juveniles found guilty, there exist other sources of information concerning a certain even wider category of juveniles, namely those, against whom there was a suspicion, at some stage or other of the prosecution, that they were the perpetrators of offences: special court reports and police statistics. The data taken from judicial reports inform us that the juvenile courts dealt, in the years 1951 to 1960, with 25,000 to 38,000 cases of juvenile delinquents every year. Approximately 56 to 61 per cent, of those juveniles with regard to whom the application of educational and delinquents every year. consisted of persons correctional means was decreed (i. e. the juveniles found guilty), from 20 to discontinued in the 31 per cent. - juveniles, prosecution against whom was of preparatory proceedings, 6 to 11 per cent. - the juveniles acquitted, - those, whose cases were dealt with in some other ordinary law-court, course and 7 to 12 per cent. –(most frequently by making the case over to an because of the suspect person having completed 17 years of age). quite exceptionally appealed against by the Public Prosecutor, and very rarely by the accused themselves (in a mere cent, of the cases). In at least one-half of the total number of cases maintained in force by the courts way The decrees of juvenile courts are 3 to 5 per of appeal the decrees appealed against are of appeal. It was only in very few cases that the alteration of the decrees appealed against found their expression in the finding guilty of a juvenile acquitted, or else in acquitting one found guilty; mostly they consist in changing the educational means of the making accused over to a correctional institution. Between the number of juveniles, whose cases are annually dealt with by juvenile courts, and the number of juveniles suspected by the police of the perpetration of offences there were, particularly in the years 1951 - 1954, considerable differences, which showed that a large number of juveniles with whom the juvenile courts had to deal, were directed there not by the police. ? Within recent years such differences have become much smaller, so that at considered that the large majority of cases dealt with by the juvenile courts find their way there through the intermediary of the police Year                           Rate            Index number of juveniles found guilty           1951       15641        4.5                  100.0 1952       18022        5.3                  117.8   1953       21444        6.5                  144,4 1954       18495        6.0                  133,3 1955       16307        5.5                  122,2 1956       13474        4.6                  102,2 1957       15019        4.9                  108,9 1958       16821        5.1                  113,3 1959       19730        5.6                  124,4      1960       20520        5.4                  120,0     In spite of the appearance, within the ten-year period in question, of certain variations in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty, a detailed analysis of the data provided by both judicial and police statistics has demonstrated that there were no foundations for an assumption that such variations were connected with any actual increase or decrease in juvenile delinquency. The yearly frequency of juveniles being found guilty (i. e. of persons between the ages of ten and sixteen) was expressed, throughout the 1951 - 1960 period, by an average rate equal to 5.3.   In accordance with the latest data available to us from the pre-war period, namely from 1937, the number of juveniles found guilty that year amounted to 29384, while the frequency of their findings of guilt was only slightly higher than the average rate for the years 1951 - 1960; the corresponding rate amounted to 5.5. If the frequency of juveniles being found guilty were to remain, within the nearest future, on the same level as in the years 1959 - 1960 (when the rate amounted to about 5.5), then - in connection with the ever more numerous age-groups, composed of children born after the war, and now reaching the “ juvenile” age groups - the probable number of juveniles found guilty would amount to about 26320 in 1965, consequently by some 28 per cent, more than in 1960. In order to evaluate properly the amount of the findings of guilt of larger groups of juveniles over longer periods of time, the rates which inform us about the above frequency within one year only, are of no use. Therefore in order to achieve this aim we must look for other measurements of the frequency of findings of guilt. It appears particularly tempting to take for such a measurement the percentage of persons who had been found guilty of offences committed while they were still juveniles, as compared with the total number of those born within the year in question. If the above percentage be calculated with regard to the number of persons born within one calendar year at the moment when they completed seventeen years of age, that measurement will inform us, what part of the group of persons who have just become adults consists of those who had been found guilty as juvenile delinquents.    The appropriate calculations have been made for persons born in the years 1941 to 1944, i. e. for persons who are from nineteen to twenty-two years old in 1963. At the moment when they were just seventeen, from 3.5 to 3.8 per cent, of their number consisted of persons found guilty for offences committed while they were juveniles. As for boys alone, the above-mentioned percentages were of the size of from 6.3 to 6.8 per cent., which means that, approximately, every fifteenth young man born in the years 1941 to 1944 was previously found guilty of offences committed during the period when he was still a juvenile. One of the problems which a considerable deal of attention has been devoted to in the present contribution are the local differences between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty. Two aspects of the problem were disscussed: that of the differences in the size of the rates calculated for the several voyevodships, and for town and country respectively.   Even though Poland is divided into twenty-two large administrative units, called voyevodships, yet in the present contribution their number was assumed to be only seventeen; this was done by joining the five largest cities, having the status of a separate voyevodship, with the surrounding voyevodships (thus e. g. Warsaw and the voyevodship of Warsaw, Poznan and the voyevodship of Poznań, etc., have been treated as one single voyevodship). In the size of the rates, therefore, calculated on the basis of the number of the juveniles found guilty in the several voyevodships, there appeared considerable differences, which, however, proved to be smaller towards the end of the ten-year period under investigation, than they had been at its beginning. When, within each year, the voyevodships were placed in a sequence corresponding to that of the size of the coefficient of juvenile delinquency, it appeared that a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were always characteristic of some voyevodships, while others showed a relatively lower degree of frequency (W = 0.87)[1]. It also appeared that there existed a correlation between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty in various voyevodships and the degree of frequency of the convictions of young persons between the ages of seventeen and twenty (in 1955: % = 0.53; in 1957: t = 0.51)[2]; on the other hand, correlation with the intensity of adult convictions looked rather doubtful. Generally speaking, a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty was characteristic of the western and north-western voyevodships, while in the remaining areas of the country it was distinctly lower. Of course, the question arises of how to explain the above differences in the size of the rates. An attempt was made to provide an answer, by establishing whether the voyevodships with a high degree of frequency of findings of guilt were also those where such phenomena, thought to affect the increase or decrease of juvenile delinquency, appeared. For this purpose a number of demographic data of various kinds have been made use of, viz. those showing the characteristic features of , above all the dimensions and intensity of population migrations, the process of urbanization and industrialization. The following results have been obtained.[3] The voyevodships which were characterized by the highest degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were, as a rule, the very same voyevodships, in which the population migrations caused by the Second World War and by its consequences have attained the most considerable dimensions, as well as those, in which in the years 1952 to 1957 there was recorded the largest population increase and its smallest decrease connected with the voyevodship- to - voyevodship migrations. These were, moreover, the following voyevodships: those where a considerable part of the population drew their principal livelihood from sources other than agriculture; those where the bulk of the population consisted of town->dwellers, and finally those, where the urbanization process during the years 1950 to 1960, was most rapid as compared with the 1950 level. Marked differences have been observed in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between town and country. In the towns it was approximately three times higher than in the country (the corresponding rates, in 1960, amounted to 8.4 and 3.0, respectively). Consequently, one in every one hundred and nineteen juveniles was found guilty in towns, as compared with one in every three hundred and thirty three in the country. The lack of appropriately detailed demographic data has made impossible a more precise analysis of the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between towns of various sizes. All we know is that, in 1960, the rate equal to 9.7 for the five largest cities, each of which has over 400,000 inhabitants, was higher than that in the -remaining towns (8.1). Judging from the 1960 data, in the voyevodships where the intensity of juvenile convictions was relatively high in the towns, it also proved to be relatively high in the country (T = 0.56). The dimensions of the intensity of juvenile convictions in the country seem to be somewhat connected with the degree of “ urbanization” of the countryside: viz. in those voyevodships, in which the frequency of findings of guilt in the country was higher than that in others, the percentage of persons, among the rural population, who drew their livelihood from trades other than agriculture being also higher (T = 0,29). Among the total number of juveniles found guilty, the enormous majority (approximately 90 per cent.) consisted of boys, whereas their percentage increased, from 89 per cent, in 1951 to 93 per cent, in 1960. Similarly, among the young people and young adults between seventeen and twenty years of age, the share of men increased within the same period. As a result of this, while in 1951 the rate for boys (7.8) was seven times higher than that for girls (1.1), by 1960 it was already as much as twelve times higher (the corresponding rates then amounted to 9.9 and 0.8 respectively). The frequency of boys being found guilty was expressed by a mean rate amounting to 9.7, while that for girls was 1.0; in the period under investigation, therefore on an average one boy in one hundred and Tyree was found guilty, and one girl in a thousand, both of them within the age groups of from ten to sixteen years of age. Relative differences in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty which appeared as between the several voyevodships exhibited marked features of constancy, for boys (W = 0.85), as well as for girls (W = 0.82). It has also turned out that for both boys and girls, there existed a correlationbetween the frequency of their being found guilty in the several voyevodships, and the degree of frequency, in the voyevodships in question, of the above social phenomena which strongly affect juvenile delinquency. In the years 1959 and 1960 the frequency of boys being found guilty was more than ten times higher than that of girls, bath for town-dwellers and for village-dwellers. The number of juveniles found guilty gradually increases as we pass from the junior to the senior age groups. Among the total number of juveniles found guilty there were three to four times less ten-year-olds than there were fourteen-, fifteen-, or sixteen-year-olds. The average degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty within the several age groups was as follows within the period under investigation (in rates per 1000 persons in the corresponding age groups): 10-year-olds   2.4 11-year-olds   3.5  12-year-olds  4.8 13-year-olds  6.3 14-year-olds  7.1 15-year-olds  7.7 16-year-olds  6.6     The fact that the rate obtained for 16-year-olds is lower than that for 15-year-olds results from the author’s inability (because of the lack of the appropriate data) to take into consideration to a sufficient extent approximately twenty to thirty per cent, of the 16-year-olds, namely those who were convicted by ordinary law-courts after having completed their seventeenth year of age, and consequently when they were already adults.   Within the 1951 through 1960 period the average age of the juveniles found guilty in the successive years underwent changes connected, to some extent at least, with the total number of juveniles in the several year-groups. While in 1951 the average age of the juveniles found guilty was 14.0 years, by 1955- 1957 it had reached 14,2 years and subsequently it gradually dropped to 13.8 years in 1960. The above observation has proved to be very important: for, indeed, it was the changes in the juveniles’ age that made it possible for us to explain a number of discrepancies found to occur in the information concerning the juveniles found guilty in various years of the period under investigation.   The average concentration of conviction rates for boys and girls, as well as the quotient of their respective numbers are as follows in the period under investigation for the several age-groups within a year:                          Boys     Girls         for 100 boys found guilty there                                                         were girls found guilty   10-year-old      4.3      0.3            6,8 11-year-old      6. 5      0.4           6.6    12-year-old      8.9      0.6.           7.0       13-year-old     11.6     0.9           7.2 14-year-old     12. 9.  1.2            9.4 15-year-old      13.5   1.9           13.9 16-year-old.     11.2   2.0           17.2 The above remarks concerning the value of the rates for 16-year-olds, as well as the changes in the average ages of those found guilty, naturally also apply both to boys and to girls. In every year of the 1951 to 1960 period the girls found guilty were, on average, older than the boys found guilty; the differences between their average ages have proved to be statistically significant[4]. The girls found guilty within the 1959 to 1960 period were also significantly older while than the boys found guilty in the same years, only for town-dwellers, the difference was not significant for village-dwellers. It has also been established that the boys found guilty within the same years and living in towns were significantly younger than those living in the country, while no such differences have been found to occur in the case of girls. The frequency of findings of guilt of the oldest age-groups of juvenile boys from the towns has assumed serious proportions:, in 1959 and 1960 from 2.0 per cent, to 2.7 per cent, of the total number of town-dwelling 14 to 16-year-old boys were annually found guilty. Among the 20,520 juveniies found guilty in 1960 - 15,927 (77.6 per cent.) had both parents living, 3,650 (17.8 per cent.) had only a mother, 720 (3.5 per cent.) had only a father, while a mere 223 (1.1 per cent.) were orphans. In the years 1953 to 1956 the family situation of the juveniles found guilty assumed even less favourable proportions: a bare two-thirds of their number had both parents living, half-orphans constituted about thirty per cent., while complete orphans from 3 to 4 per cent.   The percentage of juveniles who were actually under the guardianship of both parents was, in every single year, lower by several per cent, than the percentage of those who had both parents alive. Approximately one in every four or five juveniles found guilty was under the guardianship of a solitary mother (either widowed or else deserted by her husband).   On the basis of judicial statistics alone it is impossible to form a proper opinion of what social strata the juveniles found guilty were recruited from. Only indirect and but vaguely approximate information concerning that may be found in the data on the kind of occupation of the parents or guardians of the juvenile in question; for the years 1953 to 1960 they presented the following picture: juveniles whose parents (guardians) were manual workers amounted to from 60 to 62 per cent., the children of white-collar workers - from 9 to 10 per cent., farmers (the enormous majority of them had farms of their own) - from 19 to 22 per cent., artisans working in their own workshops or small traders - from 1 to 2 per cent.; the remaining few per cent, of juveniles consisted of those, whose parents or guardians remained without any permanent occupation, or of juveniles who had neither parents nor guardians. Among the juveniles found guilty every year from 81 to 88 per cent, committed offences against property (as a rule, of theft); most them had committed crimes against the property of private citizens, while the remaining ones - against social property. Juveniles prosecuted for crimes against life and health accounted for from 3 to 6 per cent.., for sexual offences - for from 0.7 to 1.4 per cent., for forgery of documents - for from 0.5 to 2.1 per cent., while a few per cent, were found guilty every year of various other kinds of criminal offences. The perpetrators of serious crimes (such as homicide, manslaughter, serious bodily damage, robbery, rape, intimacy with minors below fifteen years of age) accounted for a mere few per cent, of the total number of the juveniles found guilty. Between the structure of the delinquency of the town-dwelling and that of the village-dwelling juveniles, as well as between that of boys and girls, certain minor differences were recorded, which – as proved by test x2 - were statistically significant. Age proved to be a factor which seriously influenced the structure of juvenile delinquency, as we move from the younger to the older age-groups, their criminality becoming more and more differentiated. Thus, e.g. in 1960 those prosecuted for the perpetration of offences against property accounted for 92 per cent, of the 10-year-olds found guilty, while only for 76 per cent, of the 16-year-olds; in the case of those prosecuted for offences against life and health the appropriate figures were 3 per cent, and 11 per cent, respectively, in sexual offences: 0.2 in document forgery: 0.1 per cent, and 1.4 per cent. Similarly the kinds of theft, the offence most frequently committed by juveniles, assumed various aspects, in accordance with their perpetrators. It appeared that certain changes in the structure of juvenile delinquency, which came to light in the course of the 1955 to 1960 period, were almost exclusively connected with the decrease in the average age of the juveniles found guilty during those years. One of the age pieces of information concerning the offence for which a juvenile was prosecuted before the courts, consists of the data recorded on the registration card, whether he or she has committed his or her offence individually or else in co-operation with other persons. Even though the entries on the registration card do not contain any information as to the character of the bond which united the juvenile to the persons who have perpetrated offences together with him, yet it could be assumed - on the basis of the results of special research on that problem - that, in every single case those found guilty of offences committed together with at least two fellow-perpetrators, were members of gangs of juvenile delinquents.                    The juveniles prosecuted for offences committed in a group (i.e. along with two or more fellow-perpetrators) constituted a considerable percentage of those annually found guilty (from 34 to 39 per cent.), a percentage only slightly lower than that of juveniles prosecuted for offences individually (from 38 to 43 per cent.). As could be surmised, the percentage of juveniles who committed offences on committed ones group was actually even higher in proportion to the total number of juveniles found guilty; for, indeed as a many of such juveniles were recorded in judicial statistics among the accused found guilty of the commission of offences perpetrated together with one fellow-perpetrator.   The percentage of juveniles who co-operated with adults (who were, as young adults, between seventeen and twenty years of age) in no single year of the period under investigation exceeded 9 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty of committing offences together with other persons. The considerable importance which is ascribed, in the etiology of juvenile delinquency, to groups, has encouraged the author to check the question of whether, in the voyevodships with a relatively high frequency of juveniles being found guilty, those found guilty of the commitment of crimes perpetrated in a group were also relatively more numerous. That assumption was proved to be well-founded: for the data from the successive years of the 1957 to 1960 period the values of t obtained remained within years the range of from 0.50 to 0.60.   High percentages of juveniles found guilty of offences committed in a group (from 45 to 55 per cent.) among the total number of juveniles found guilty in the voyevodship in question, as well as low percentages (from 25 to 30 per cent.) were recorded in approximately the same voyevodships, in the 1957 to 1960 (W = 0.74).   Both the above observations also apply to boys, while in the case of girls, we lack foundations for considering that the territorial distribution of the girls who had committed offences in a group was connected with the degree of frequency of their being found guilty.   Neither has the assumption found its confirmation that there could exist a connection between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the frequency of adult persons appearing in groups of juveniles. Cases of committing offences in a group were considerably more frequent for boys (from 36 to 41 per cent.) than girls (from 9 to 12 per cent.); approximately three-fourths of the girls found guilty were prosecuted for offences committed individually, while for boys the corresponding figure was only slightly above one-third. A marked dependence has been found to exist between the sex of a juvenile and the fact of his or her committing offences individually or else in groups. The juveniles who committed offences in groups have proved to be than those who committed them individually; this significantly younger observation holds for both boys and girls. Significant differences have been found to exist between the structure of the delinquency of the juveniles who acted as a group, and those who committed offences individually; these found their expression, foremost, in the juveniles who belonged to gangs of juvenile offenders frequently committing offences against property. On the basis of the materials contained in the judicial statistics only formal recidivism could be stated to exist, consequently it was possible to find out how many (and what kind of) juveniles found guilty e.g. within any given calendar year had already been found guilty before. Even such data, however, are far from complete; this is connected, in particular, with certain peculiarities of Polish criminal procedure, as of the recording of the findings of guilt of juveniles in judicial statis- first and more well as with the scope tics. Some of the more important among the data mentioned above are as follows: The percentages of recidivists among the juveniles found guilty within every single year of the 1953 to 1960 period were found within the range of from 12 per cent, to 18 per cent. About four-fifths of the recidivists consisted of juveniles who had only 1 In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to one appearance in court in the past; there were less than one hundred juveniles yearly who had previously been found guilty three times, and merely from fifteen to thirty who had been found guilty four or more times. An analysis of the local differences between the percentages of recidivists among the total number of juveniles in the several voyevodships has led to the conclusion that there did not exist any correlation between the degree of frequency of findings of guilt and the formal recidivism of juveniles. Juvenile recidivists were considerably more numerous among those found guilty who lived in cities and towns (from 14 per cent, to 23 per cent.) than among those who lived in the country (from 6 per cent, to 10 per cent.), considerably more numerous among boys (from 12 per cent, to 19 per cent.) than among girls (from 5 per cent, to 10 per cent.), among older offenders than among younger ones, among orphans and half-orphans than among those juveniles who were under the guardianship of both parents.   The structure of the delinquency of juvenile recidivists differed signifi- cantly from the structure of the delinquency of those juveniles who were prosecuted for the first time; in particular, juvenile recidivists were more frequently prosecuted for offences against property than were non-recidivists. Among those data of the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency which have not been discussed in the present contribution, particularly noteworthy is the information concerning the amount of school education received by the juveniles found guilty. Even though, in the course of the period under investigation, the situation in so far as their training was concerned underwent a considerable improvement, it is still most unfavourable in various respects.    In the years 1954 to 1958 barely from 61 to 65 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty attended school (by 1960 the percentage had increased to 81); in the same years from 20 to 25 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty neither attended school nor worked (in 1960 - 13 per cent.). The percentage of those not attending school at an age of below 14 years (i.e. those still within the school-attending age) 1[5] was by several per cent, higher among the juveniles found guilty in all age groups than it was among all the children in Poland (in whose case it did not exceed 1 or 2 per cent.).   The belatedness in school curriculum of the juveniles found guilty was enormous and considerably exceeded the belatedness to be met with among the total number of school children in Poland.   Among the latter there were - depending on the class attended - from two-thirds to nine-tenths of the total number of pupils who had the age proper for the class in question, while among the juveniles found guilty who attended school there were (in the majority of the classes attended) considerably below one-half such pupils. The percentages of juveniles belated by three or more years in their school curriculum were many times higher among the juveniles found guilty than they were among the total number of school children.   The education level of those juveniles who had abandoned learning and were found guilty in the 1954 through 1960 demonstrated that barely from 36 per cent, to 46 per cent, of them finished the seven-class obligatory elementary education.   21. The materials contained in judicial statistics also make possible an analysis of the law-courts’ policy in the field of decreeing educational and correctional means, as well as providing some information on the application of the means mentioned above. The presentation of the results of such an analysis, however, would require a separate publication.   [1] This dependence was fixed by making use of Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W. (Cf. M. C. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). In this case, as well as in all the others, the values of statistical tests have been provided, when the hypothesis of the independence of the variables investigated could be rejected at least at a level of significance of 0.05. [2] For the purpose of establishing the relation between the two rankings use was made of Kendall’s rank correlation coefficient %. (Cf: M.G. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). [3] As a measurement of the correlation between the frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the several demographic variables investigated the rank correlation coefficient, was accepted. [4] Cf. H. Cramer: Mathematical Methods of Statistics (Polish translation, Warszawa 1958). [5] In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to 18 years, comprising eight classes of the elementary school.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 9-144
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Zastosowanie treningu zastępowania agresji Amity Art® wobec recydywistów penitencjarnych
    Application of Amity Art® Aggression Replacement Training for Repeat Offenders
    Autorzy:
    Jasiński, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11542397.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023-04
    Wydawca:
    Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Nowym Sączu
    Tematy:
    readaptacja społeczna
    trening zastępowania agresji
    recydywiści penitencjarni
    social re-adaptation
    aggression replacement training
    repeat offenders
    Opis:
    Trening zastępowania agresji opracowany przez A. Goldsteina i jego współpracowników – ART® (Aggression Replacement Training – ang.) jest jednym z wielu programów resocjalizacyjnych realizowanych w naszym kraju. Należy do interwencji o potwierdzonej naukowo skuteczności i przyjął się nie tylko w rodzimych jednostkach penitencjarnych, w których z powodzeniem realizuje się go od ponad 20 lat, ale jest także stosowany wobec agresywnej młodzieży. Jako wielostronna interwencja poznawczo-behawioralna, stanowi kompleksową odpowiedź na problemy agresywnych więźniów, stwarzając im szansę poprawy reintegracji ze środowiskiem wolnościowym. Zarówno literatura, instytucje naukowe, jak i wieloletnia praktyka wskazują, że stosowanie tej metody w omawianym środowisku przynosi wymierne korzyści podmiotowi oddziaływań i społeczeństwu narażonemu na szkody powstałe w wyniku agresywnych działań przestępczych.
    The aggression replacement training developed by A. Goldstein and his colleagues with scientifically proven effectiveness is one of rehabilitation programs implemented in our country. ART® was adopted in domestic penitentiary units, where it is successfully implemented for over 20 years. It is also used against aggressive youth. As a multilateral cognitive-behavioral intervention, it is a comprehensive response to the spectrum of deficits of aggressive prisoners, giving them a chance to properly reintegrate into the libertarian environment. Both scientific institutions and many years of practice indicate that the use of this method in the discussed environment brings measurable benefits to both the subject of influence and the society exposed to damage caused by aggressive criminal activities.
    Źródło:
    Eruditio et Ars; 2023, 6, 1; 209-226
    2545-2363
    Pojawia się w:
    Eruditio et Ars
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Poplecznicy, wspólnicy i kompani. Funkcje koalicji międzyosobowych zawieranych przez recydywistów w więzieniu
    Supporters, Accomplices and Companions: Functions of Interpersonal Coalitions Concluded by Habitual Offenders in Prison
    Autorzy:
    Szczepanik, Renata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/448853.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
    Tematy:
    recydywiści
    więzienie
    eksponowanie męskości
    podkultura więzienna
    relacje międzyosobowe
    habitual offenders
    prison
    masculine performances
    inmate subcultures
    relationships
    Opis:
    Celem artykułu jest prezentacja rodzajów koalicji międzyosobowych, jakie zawierają skazani mężczyźni oraz analiza funkcji, jakie pełnią dla nich poszczególne typy sojuszy w więzieniu. Przedmiotem badań są doświadczenia biograficzne recydywistów obejmujące relacje, w jakie wchodzili ze współosadzonymi podczas odbywania kary pozbawienia wolności. Materiał empiryczny stanowiły zapisy wywiadów autobiograficznych. Przyjęcie perspektywy poznania wykraczającej poza indywidualne biografie jednostek i umożliwiającej odkrywanie ogólnych wzorów i mechanizmów kształtujących sens działania recydywistów w warunkach więzienia umożliwiły procedury metodologii teorii ugruntowanej. Teoretyczne ramy analizy wyznaczało podejście dramaturgiczne Ervinga Goffmana. Badania wykazały, że w trakcie odbywania kary pozbawienia wolności recydywiści zawiązują trzy typy sojuszy i każdy z nich pełni inną funkcję. Poplecznik odgrywa ważną rolę w okresie pierwszych doświadczeń więziennych. Wspólnik pomaga podtrzymywać oraz wzmacniać pożądaną pozycję społeczną w grupie, natomiast kompan sprzyja zmniejszaniu dolegliwości związanych z izolacją więzienną.
    The aim of the article is to present types of interpersonal coalitions that convicted men conclude and a functional analysis of the particular types of alliances in prison. The subject of the research is a biographical examinations of habitual offenders, including the relationships in which they enter into with other inmates during their imprisonment. The empirical material were the records of autobiographical narrative interviews. The adoption a perspective of cognition that goes beyond the individual biographies of individuals and enables to discover the general formulas and mechanisms shaping the sense of acting of the recidivists in prison conditions was possible thanks to the methodology of the grounded theory. The theoretical framework of the analysis was determined by the dramaturgical approach of Erving Goffman. Studies have shown that during imprisonment, recidivists set up three types of alliances and each of them performs a different function. The supporter plays an important role during the first prison experience. The accomplice helps to sustain and strengthen the desired social position in the group, while the companion helps to reduce the problems associated with prison isolation.
    Źródło:
    Studia Paedagogica Ignatiana; 2018, 21, 1; 129-158
    2450-5358
    2450-5366
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Paedagogica Ignatiana
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Skazani recydywiści w Polsce w okresie transformacji w świetle danych statystycznych
    Recidivists Convicted in Poland in the Transition Period, in the Light of Statistical Data
    Autorzy:
    Szymanowski, Teodor
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698795.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2008
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    recydywiści
    recydywa przestępcza
    recydywa penitencjarna
    przestępstwa
    statystyki więzienne
    statystyki sądowe
    recidivists
    multiple relapse into crime
    offences
    court convictions statistics
    prison statistics
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 739-761
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    „Otworzyło mi się wtedy okno na inny świat. Otworzyło mi to oczy na moje życie”. O wydarzeniach (punktach zwrotnych) inicjujących próby zerwania przez recydywistów z przestępczym stylem życia
    “A window onto a Different World Opened up for Me Then. My Eyes Opened and I Saw My Life”: On the Turning Points in Breaking Away from the World of Crime
    Autorzy:
    Szczepanik, Renata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686736.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    badania biograficzne
    recydywiści
    punkty zwrotne
    kontakty więźniów z rodziną
    nawrócenie religijne więźniów
    terapia uzależnień w więzieniu
    biographical study
    repeat offenders
    turning points
    offenders’ family relationships
    addiction therapy
    religious conversion
    Opis:
    This article presents the findings from a biographical study of repeat offenders serving prison sentences. It focuses on the experiences of male participants, particularly the turning points in the ways in which the offenders evaluated their lives. The starting point for the analyses were the following questions: How do repeat offenders construct turning points which so dramatically transform their perceptions of themselves and their identity in the eyes of others? What role does blind chance play in the process of rehabilitation and what role is played by institutional interventions? Four types of turning points were identified and discussed in this study: a change of social roles in the family, love for a woman, religious conversion, and participation in addiction therapy. These turning points triggered strong emotions and led to biography work aimed at breaking away from habitual offending.
    W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań biograficznych przeprowadzonych wśród recydywistów odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności. Zainteresowaniem objęto doświadczenia mężczyzn (punkty zwrotne), które stanowiły wyraźny przełom w realizowanym stylu życia w więzieniu i sposobie myślenia o swoim życiu w ogóle. Punktem wyjścia dla analiz uczyniono następujące pytania: w jaki sposób rekonstruowane są przez recydywistów doświadczenia stanowiące punkty zwrotne, które drastycznie transformują ich wizję „siebie” i ich tożsamości widziane oczami innych? Jaką rolę odgrywają w tym procesie tzw. przypadkowe okoliczności życiowe, a jaki jest udział intencjonalnie organizowanych przez personel wydarzeń w obrębie resocjalizacji instytucjonalnej? Charakterystyce poddano cztery przełomowe doświadczenia, którym towarzyszyły silne emocje oraz które uruchomiły pracę biograficzną i działania nastawione na zerwanie z przestępczym stylem życia. Są to: reorientacja układu pozycji i ról społecznych w rodzinie, miłość do kobiety, nawrócenie religijne oraz udział w terapii uzależnień.
    Źródło:
    Nauki o Wychowaniu. Studia Interdyscyplinarne; 2017, 4, 1; 238-255
    2450-4491
    Pojawia się w:
    Nauki o Wychowaniu. Studia Interdyscyplinarne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
    Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
    Autorzy:
    Paszkowska, Hanna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1982
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępstwo
    młodociani
    przestępca młodociany
    przestępczość
    nieletniość
    recydywiści
    środowisko rodzinne
    spożywanie alkoholu
    przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
    offense
    juvenile
    juvenile offender
    criminality
    nonage
    recidivists
    family environment
    alcohol consumption
    crime against property
    Opis:
    The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been  convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were  repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no  retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had  been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of  group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted  to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They  drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending -  also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had  yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Nieletni recydywiści
    500 juvenile recidivists
    Autorzy:
    Kołakowska, Helena
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699132.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1960
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    nieletni recydywiści
    badania
    Zakład Kryminologii Państwowej Akademii Nauk
    Warszawa
    Łódź
    Katowice
    Kraków
    przestępczość nieletnich
    juvenile recidivists
    research
    Department of Criminology at the Institute of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Science
    Warsaw
    Cracow
    juvenile delinquency
    Opis:
    The research conducted by the Department of criminology of the Institute of Legal sciences has covered 240 juvenile recidivists in Warsaw, and 260 juvenile recidivists in Łodź, Katowice, Cracow and Białystok. In a total of 500 juvenile recidivists there were 463 boys and 37 girls. The age of the juveniles covered by the investigation was as follows: 116 recidivists were between 7 and 12 years of age, while 384 were between 13 and 16. The research carried out in Warsaw in the years 1954 to 1955 consisted in examining judicial records, in environment interviews, interviews at school, at the place of work, as well as in psychological and medical examinations. All the cases of recidivism, whether formal or actual, which came before the juvenile court, were included in the research. Follow-up studies, carried out several times, have made it possible to establish what were the further destinies of the juvenile recidivists after the lapse of some three years from the termination of the research. The research carried out in the four provincial juvenile courts was less detailed and did not comprise psychological or medical examination. Moreover, they could not be supplemented with follow-up studies. All the cases of juvenile recidivists which came before the juvenile courts in six months of the year 1954 were included in the research. The results of the follow-up studies in Warsaw are the following: It appeared that out of the 240 juvenile recidivists examined 116 continued to commit criminal offences within the following three years, 32 of them did not, to be sure, commit offences, but they could be considered as but partly reformed considering their unsettled way of life, their unsystematic work and the whole of their social attitude, while 54 had completely mended their ways. The remaining 38 examined persons could not be included into any of the preceding groups, since part of them still remained in correctional institutions and concerning the rest of them reliable data were lacking. Thus out of 202 juvenile recidivists in Warsaw the percentage of those who continued to commit offences within a three-year period after the termination of our research amounted to 57 per cent, and, over and above that, a further 16 per cent could not be considered as truly reformed. 1. Out of the 500 juveniles recidivists examined only 49 per cent have both parents living, 30 per cent are being brought up only under the care of solitary mothers, 16 per cent have a stepfather and mother, or else a stepmother and father, 3 per cent are brought up by a solitary father, and 2 per cent are orphans who remain under the care of relations. The percentage of factory workers among the fathers amounted to 65 per cent, 13 per cent of the fathers were unskilled manual workers, 10 per cent were clerical workers, 4 per cent were handicraftsmen, and 2 per cent farmers. 32.3 per cent of the mothers did not have any trade and had never worked, 30 per cent were employed as workers, 2s per cent worked manually as cleaners, laundresses, while 9 per cent were clerical workers. In the families where both parents are alive both father and mother worked in 52 per cent of the cases, and the father only - in 48 per cent. In the families where the mother is solitary, as many as 90 per cent of the mothers work. The material situation in the families investigated was described as bad in 47 per cent of the families, middling in 36 per cent and good - in 17 per cent. Taking into consideration both the social outlook of the families and an evaluation of the total of educational factors at work in the family home, four categories of families have been singled out: Family Group A, the most negative, where we have to do, first and foremost, with a particularly intense alcoholism of the fathers, a complete neglect of the home by the parents, bad relations between the parents, a delinquency of the father, a bad attitude towards the child, a lack of care for the child and control over it, and similar factors. These are family environments of the lowest moral level, in which the habitual drunkenness of the fathers has led to a decay of family life. Of such families there were 101, i.e. 20.2 per cent. Family Group B includes the families which also deserve a negative evaluation, but the intensity of negative factors in them is less than in the Group A families. The alcoholism of the fathers is also a typical factor here, only it assumes slightly lesser proportions, while the mothers show more care for their home. A lack of protection of the child, bad educational methods, bad material conditions are present in these families too, just as they are in Group A. of such families there were 125, i.e. 25 per cent. Family Group C consists, first and foremost, of those families in which the children are usually brought up by a solitary mother (42.5 per cent of the cases), who cannot cope with all her duties, and in which the children are deprived of proper care and control. Moreover, in those families where there is a stepfather or stepmother, a very bad attitude to the child and very faulty educational methods have been found to exist. Of such families there were 162, i.e. 32.4 per cent. Family Group D is composed of the families described as ,,good home environment", in which investigators have failed to find any factors negative in the educational sense. Both the moral level of the parents, their mutual relations and the care of the child were beyond any obvious criticism. Of such families there were only 112, i.e. 22.4 per cent. It ought to be stressed, however, that on the basis of the investigation which has been carried out it was not possible to establish properly either the whole of the complicated factors which go to form the educational atmosphere of the home, or fully to elucidate the father's and mother's emotional attitude to their child. It is, therefore, probable, that a detailed analysis of such good family environments (Group D) could yet bring to light the sources of such psychical experiences and emotional conflicts with the children under investigation, as did influence them, causing character deviations. In analyzing how, apart from the delinquency factor, data concerning the degree of demoralization of the five hundred juvenile recidivists investigated looked in the several family groups, and making use of such factors only as the degree of neglecting school work, the amount of playing truant from school, the number of flights from home, strolling about the streets in the company of demoralized schoolmates, etc., on the basis of the Chi-square test a significant relationship has been stated to exist between the type of family environment and the intensity of the demoralization of the juveniles investigated. What is noteworthy, besides, is the fact that among the brothers and sisters of the investigated there were the following percentages of children above 10 years of age, showing symptoms of very serious demoralization: in Group A families - 90 per cent, in Group B families - 32 per cent, in Group C families - 30 per cent, and in Group D families - only 8 per cent. The data concerning the further destinies of 202 Warsaw juvenile recidivists after a lapse of three years also testify to the fact that there exists a significant relationship between the type of family environment and the recidivism or else improvement of the investigated in the future. Of the juveniles seriously demoralized and continuing to steal systematically only 15.2 per cent came from Group D homes, i.e. those with a good reputation, while among the juveniles who had completely mended their ways a mere 7.4 per cent came from the worst family environments (Group A). Among the investigated brought up in those worst family environments as many as 68.5 per cent continued to steal systematically after a lapse of three years, while among the investigated who belonged to Group D families only 26.6 per cent continued to show recidivism on a large scale. 2. On the basis of the results of psychological and psychiatric examination it can be stated that 42 per cent of the Warsaw juvenile recidivists exhibited various pathological traits, while among those of the investigated who later on proved unreformed the percentage of juveniles with pathological traits amounted to 53.4 per cent, among the partly reformed - to 40.6 per cent, and among the entirely reformed - to 18.5 per cent. The percentage of children with psychopahatic traits and of children with symptoms of neurosis together constituted 22 per cent of the total of those examined in Warsaw (42 cases). Of children with symptoms of a post-traumatic state there were 16, of sufferers from epilepsia - 7, with post-encephalitic disorders - 3. Mental deficiency (feeblemindedness) has been stated in g per cent of the cases. Even though the majority of the recidivists who continued to commit criminal offences in the period of the next three years exhibited pathological traits, yet 47 per cent of the recidivists, with whom no such traits were found, also committed offences. On the other hand, among the entirely reformed there were 18.5 per cent of such recidivists who also exhibited pathological traits. Although on the basis of the Chi-square test we find a significant relationship to exist between pathological traits and the lack or the presence of moral improvement, yet we ought not to forget the dependence between other factors and the lack of improvement, which has been established in the course of tests. 3. All the 500 juvenile recidivists examined committed thefts, even those few (16 per cent) who were tried for various other offences, also committed thefts. Barely 8 per cent of the boys examined committed thefts individually, while a typical phenomenon are thefts committed by them in a group of juvenile accomplices. 68 per cent of the investigated acted in gangs of three or more. 43 per cent of the juvenile recidivists (boys) began to steal between the 7th and the 10th  year of their lives, and 28 per cent between the 11th and 12th. There exists a significant relationship between the early starting of delinquent activities and recidivism later on. Out of the investigated with whom the first thefts took place between the 7th and the 10th year of their lives as many as 72.5 per cent continued to steal during the period of follow-up studies, while only 11.4 per cent reformed. Similarly, those recidivists who had begun stealing at the age of from 11 to 12 continued to steal systematically in 68.4 per cent of the cases. On the other hand, such recidivists with whom the first thefts took place only at the. age of 13 or 14, or even of 15or 16, later on figured in the entirely reformed groups in 44 per cent and 52 per cent respectively. There also exists a significant association between the length of the period of committing thefts and the further destinies of the investigated. Those juvenile recidivists who had previously been stealing for from 3 to 4 years and from 5 to 9 years, later on figured in the ,,unreformed" group to the amount of 69 per cent and 63.5 per cent respectively. On the other hand, those juveniles with whom the period of committing thefts did not exceed two years formed almost equal percentages in the unreformed groups (52 per cent and 48 per cent respectively). The results of the investigation seem to speak in favor of the view that the younger the age of the juvenile delinquent, and the longer the period of his criminal activities, the bigger the probability that he will continue to commit thefts for at least several years to come. Moreover, those juvenile offenders who had started stealing at the age of from 7 to 10 years continued to steal then systematically in 85 per cent of the cases, while those juveniles who had started stealing only after completing their 13th or 14th year of age, later on stole only sporadically, at least in an overwhelming majority of the cases. Moreover, there exists a significant relationship between the systematic character of committing thefts and the lack of improvement later on. Out of the juvenile recidivists who stole ,systematically only 14 per cent were found, after the lapse of three years, in the entirely reformed group, while among those who stole only sporadically the percentage amounted to as many as 47 per cent. 4. The majority of the juvenile recidivists stole, first and foremost, money, and, apart from money, food articles and single articles of clothing. OnIy 11 per cent of the investigated went in for stealing objects of greater value, such as watches, bicycles, etc. A typical theft concerned but a small number of objects and the damage thereby caused was, as a rule, negligible. The place where thefts are most frequently perpetrated are shops and kiosks, and only after them - the family home and the school. Depending on the age of the investigated and on various lengths of the periods during which they committed offences there are, of course, differences, both as to the objects of theft and as to the places where the latter were committed. The thefts committed by the 37 recidivist girls investigated differed from the thefts committed by the boys. The girls stole almost exclusively money and articles of clothing, and it was only in exceptional cases that they committed thefts in shops. Girls began stealing a great deal later in Iife than the boys, and, as a rule, stole alone, without partners. The last chapter of the contribution discusses critically the practice of juvenile courts 'concerning the fight against the recidivism of juvenile offenders and the activities of the probation officers and correctional institutions.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 55-112
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Młodociani recydywiści
    Young adult recidivists
    Autorzy:
    Szelhaus, Stanisław
    Baucz-Straszewicz, Zofia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699148.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1960
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    młodociani recydywiści
    przestępczość młodocianych recydywistów
    badania
    Zakład Kryminologii Państwowej Akademii Nauk
    wykolejenie społeczne
    młodzież
    young adults recidivists
    delinquency of young adults recidivists
    Department of Criminology at the Institute of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Science
    research
    young adult
    social maladjustment
    young adult recidivists
    delinquency of young adult recidivists
    Opis:
    Investigation has covered 100 recidivists between the ages of 18 and 21, serving their term in jail; its purpose was to bring to light the scope of social misfitting and delinquency of the individuals with whom delinquency and recidivism seem to be of recent origin. Investigation has covered the individuals domiciled in Warsaw, who have been punished for at least the second time after having reached the age when penal responsibility begins (i.e. their seventeenth year of age) and have gone to jail for at least the second time. The investigation, started at the end of 1956 and finished in the middle of 1958, was conducted in two Warsaw jails and three provincial ones. All young adult recidivists with a condemning sentence who were at that time in jail were investigated, without making any selection of the cases, apart from the criteria enumerated above. The investigation, however, has taken into consideration data from judicial records and prison records, as well as from the Convicts, Register. Talks with the mothers of the convicts have provided material concerning the family home, the diseases which the convicted person had gone through, his pre-school and school days, way of life, etc. Psychological and medical examination has also been carried out. Young adult recidivists have been examined on an average, from four to five times within a few hours. In the case of those of the investigated who have been released from prison before December 1st , 1958, follow-up studies were carried out, to comprise a period of from six months to one year. 1. In investigating 100 young adult recidivists past record it was established that as many as 79 of them had been previously tried by a juvenile court (even though the law-court which tried them after they had completed the seventeenth year of age knew about that in a mere 23 cases). Apart from that, another 12 had committed thefts during their minority without being prosecuted before the law-courts. Consequently a mere 9 of all the investigated began to commit criminal offences after they were 16. The beginnings of delinquency took place in 19 per cent of the cases before the tenth year of their rives, and in 68 per cent before the thirteenth; it is highly probable however, that in reality the beginnings of their delinquency were earlier than that. Investigation into the further destinies of 79 investigated persons who had been tried while still minors has established the fact that 85 per cent of their number found themselves in jail before the lapse of two years from the moment of being released from a house of correction, or from their last trial before a juvenile court. As far as the 43 investigated. persons are concerned who had previously been in institutions for delinquent boys (training schools), as many as 27 were arrested before the lapse of six months from their release from such an institution, 12 remained at large for periods ranging from six months to one year and only 4 from one year to two years. The total of the data concerning the number of trials before both juvenile and ordinary courts looked as follows: out of 100 recidivists 13 had been tried twice, 20 - 3 times, 29 – 4 times, 17 - 5 times, 11 - 6 times, 10 - 7 or more times. Consequently 67 per cent of the investigated had already been tried 4 or more times, and every fifth one of them - 6 or more times. As far as their first term in jail is concerned, 16 of the investigated found themselves in jail before having attained the age of criminal responsibility, as a rule owing to their having given false birthdata at the time of their arrest, 55 at the age of 17, 26 at the age of 18 and a mere 3 at 19 years of age. Nearly one half of the recidivists had spent more time in jail than at large (from the moment of having reached the age of criminal responsibility), while the longest spell at large between one arrest and the next amounted to: below six months with 49 per cent of the investigated, from six months to one year with 33 per cent, while it was more than one year with a mere 18 per cent. Taking into consideration the kind of offences committed, we may divide the material under investigation into the following groups: A. Young adult recidivists punished exclusively for offences against property (as a rule, thefts) - 39 cases. B. Young adult recidivists punished exclusively for offences against life and health (grievous injury to the body, and slight bodily harm, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability as well as for insulting a functionary of the police). There were only 10 offenders who committed such offences out of ,,hooligan" motives only, among all those investigated. C. Young adult recidivists punished for offences against property as well as for grievous injury to the body and slight bodily harm, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability and insult to police functionaries - 51 cases. A. As for the persons investigated who had been punished only for offences against property (nearly exclusively for theft), they began to commit offences at the age of from 9 to 12 years, i.e. earlier than the rest. The first thefts, as a rule, took place in the family home. The majority of the perpetrators had been punished several times for theft by a juvenile court; one half of these, recidivists are criminals whose principal source of income are thefts, and, all of them had spent more time in jail than at large. It should be emphasized that both recidivists belonging to this group and the remaining ones had, in an overwhelming majority of cases (91 per cent), lived in their parents', or else their mothers’, homes, and were able to have their meals at home (70 per cent). B. The beginnings of delinquency with the persons investigated who have been punished only for infringement of bodily inviolability, damage to the body, brawls and insults to police functionaries are considerably later and take place about the thirteenth to the sixteenth year of age. Similarly, the rate of penalties inflicted is smaller, and the spells of liberty much longer than with the thief group. Nearly all such acts (accosting and beating up a passer-by in the street, insult by word of mouth or beating up a policeman, etc.) were committed while under the influence of drink. Nearly All of the investigated who belong to this group systematically abuse alcohol, and their delinquency is closely connected with their drunkenness. C. The most numerous group of persons convicted, those punished both for theft and for damage to the body, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability and insult to a policemen, may be divided into two sub-groups: Sub-Group One, 30 strong, consists of individuals who commit more thefts then other offences. They do not fundamentally differ from the individuals who belong to the thief group, either as to the objects of theft and their value, or as to the method of committing their crime. Here, too, we have to do with individuals for whom thefts constitute their principal source of income. Sub-Group Two, 27 strong, is composed of the individuals who commit more offences of injury to the body, insulting policemen and similar offences commited out of so-called hooligan motives, than thefts. This group approaches the individuals discussed in point B. It is characteristic of them that 11 (out of a total of 15 recorded in our materials) of perpetrators of robbery are to be found in this group. In the material investigated by us robbery goes hand in hand almost exclusively with offences committed from hooligan motives. When we evaluate the general degree of social misfitting of 100 of the investigated we may state that as many as 82 per cent of them belong to the category of manifold recidivists, who, as a rule, work only, if at all, by fits and starts, and are in close connection with the criminal environment. Particularly bad in this respect was the case of 35 of the investigated. 2. In so far as the family environment of young adult recidivists is concerned, we meet with a large percentage (53 per cent) of half-orphans; out of that number in 39 cases it was the mother who took care of the person investigated, in 5 cases - the father, while in the remaining 9 cases there was a stepfather or stepmother. 79 of the fathers were workers (of which 34 unskilled ones), 16 – clerical workers, 5 had their own artisan workshops. The majority of the mothers also earned their living, as a rule, as unskilled workers. The extent of alcoholism in the families under investigation is very considerable: 38 of the fathers can be considered drunkards - for many years they have been systematically drinking, they get drunk several times a week, spend their wages on drink. In the remaining families 29 fathers drink, on the average, from twice to three times a week, while 32 drink only sporadically and do not get drunk. Taking into consideration the educational atmosphere of the home, as well as the state of care and control in the environment during the period of the minority of the persons investigated, it was established that in 58 families the whole set of educationally definitely harmful factors was present. 3. The data obtained during the investigation concerning the personality of young recidivists speak in favor of the view that the latter are characterized by features which prove their low psychical maturity, and, in particular, a domination of impulsive reactions, a considerable and uncontrollable thoughtlessness, acting in the wake of motives responsible for the desire to make the most of life, in the form of continual entertainments and adventures, and a desire to impose on one’s coevals. A striking thing here is a lack of planning, absence of reflections on their future life, as well as of any more serious considerations for work, which, with them, is not identified with the idea of any definite trade; there is also a failure to appreciate critically the effects of one's own behavior. As far as the level of intelligence is concerned, only 11 of the investigated showed signs of mental deficiency. There were 18 individuals of more than average intelligence. A psychological and psychopathological analysis of the investigated shows that 39 of those recidivists are to be included in the category of persons with personality disorders, who are usually described by the name of psychopaths. Yet it does not seem possible, on the basis of the investigation, to delimit the cases which could be diagnosed as psychopathic from such in which the normal development of the personality has suffered serious disturbances, mostly as a result of serious psychical shocks and psychical conflicts during their childhood. There can be no doubt, however, that the psychical qualities of the investigated cannot be squeezed within the framework of even a broad norm adopted, that their personality has pathological traits which exert an essential influence upon their behavior. In comparison with this most numerous group of 39 of the investigated, who are usually approached from the point of view of psychopathy, other pathological cases are not numerous in the material under investigation: with 6 of the investigated we have to do with encephalopathy after skull lesions, with 4 - with psychical changes after an 3 encephalitis, while 3 of the investigated suffer from epilepsy. In analyzing the abnormal personality traits with these 39 recidivists, the following re-occurring psychical qualities and reaction attitudes (incidentally mentioned in conversation by the investigated themselves) have been met with: a great irritability, lack of self-control, a tendency to provoke conflicts owing to an impulsive pattern of behavior, considerable difficulties in trying to subordinate oneself to various kinds of discipline, frequent states of depression and bad feeling, o tension and anxiety. It ought to be emphasized that out of 39 recidivists with serious personality disorders there were as many as 30 cases of very bad family environment in childhood. Besides, in all this material in which the family home so frequently assumes a negative outlook, it is noteworthy how many of young adult recidivists showed no emotional attachment whatsoever to their parents, including a large percentage of individuals of a very aggressive attitude. Among 47 young adults of a definitely aggressive attitude there were 30 lacking any emotional ties with the family home, and among the others there were only 10 free from an aggressive attitude. It is a significant thing that it is precisely with those of the investigated, revealing clear tendencies to aggression, over-impulsive, uncontrolled, that, in comparison with the other investigated, the various emotional conflicts appear much more conspicuously conflicts going back to childhood days, caused by an atmosphere in the family home (a feeling of loneliness due to the lack of manifestations of any tenderer feeling on the part of the mother, jealousy of a brother or sister, because the father liked them better, experiences of fear evoked by the brutality of a drunken father and an ambivalent attitude towards him, etc.) 4. As far as their mode of life was, concerned, only 16 of the investigated, who worked systematically, led a life similar to that of the generality of young people of the same age and of similar social environment. With the remaining ones we find a definitely negative attitude to work, while 32 of them worked very unsystematically, and 52 did but odd jobs or did not work at all. An overwhelming majority of the investigated spent most of their time strolling about the town, sitting in restaurants or nighthouses etc. Alcoholism reached big proportions with 56 of the investigated. They drink at least four or five times per week and frequently get drunk, while the majority of this group drink, and get drunk, every day. All the sons of alcohol addicts belong to this group. 27 of the investigated drink alcohol from once to three times per week, and it is only of 17 of them that it can be said that they either do not drink at all, or else drink only on rare occasions. 5. In our investigation, problems concerning the penalty and prison have been taken into consideration, first and foremost, under two of their aspects: whether or not, and if so, to what extent, the penalty of imprisonment does act, as a deterrent upon the persons investigated, according to their own opinion, and what influence a spell in prison had previously exerted upon them. Nearly all of them (70 answers have been obtained) believe that a penalty of imprisonment can act as a deterrent only on those who have not been in prison yet. Afterwards, that deterrent action ceases, since the prisoner comes to the conclusion that ,,you can get used to anything and bear any conditions". All the investigated also think that a spell in prison, so far from favouring their reformation, derailed them even further. Questioned whether after serving their present penalty they would go on committing criminal offences, 45 of the investigated answered indecisively, while admitting the possibility of their further committing offences, 15 declared bluntly that they would go on stealing, and a more 10 asserted that they would never again appear in the dock (their previous offences had, as a rule, to do with alcoholism). After the investigation was terminated, the further destinies of the 100 young adult recidivists who had been investigated were checked and it appeared. That 42 of them still served prison sentences, 29 had been released and remained at large, while another 29 had been once more arrested after their release for the commission of a new crime. Of the latter group, 17 remained free less than six months, 9 - from six months to one year, and only 3 for more than one year. It ought to be emphasized that out of the 29 investigated persons who were not arrested again after having been released from prison, 10 had been free for only about six months at the time of the last follow-up study. The results of the investigation bear witness to the fact that 80 per cent of young adult recidivists systematically commit criminal offences and belong to the category of the socially entirely depraved. The fundamental conclusion boils down to the following questions: The prophylaxis of young adults recidivism is closely connected with the problem of the recidivism of juvenile delinquents and with the problem of the earliest possible interception of the process of the juvenile's demoralization. With regard to recidivists aged from 17 to 20 the imprisonment penalty ought to be altogether eliminated and long-term educational-cum-correctional methods applied, similar to those used with older juveniles with a high minimum term (two years). Young adult recidivists ought to be submitted to detailed psychological and psychiatrical examination in order to find and apply the appropriate, individualized methods of re-education.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 165-214
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-13 z 13

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