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Tytuł:
20 years on the path – the criminal careers of Polish juvenile girls
20 lat na ścieżce – kariery kryminalne polskich nieletnich dziewcząt
Autorzy:
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375486.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-28
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
juvenile delinquency
juvenile girls
criminal career
life-course criminology
gender
developmental criminology
przestępczość nieletnich
nieletnie dziewczęta
kariera kryminalna
kryminologia drogi życiowej
płeć
kryminologia rozwojowa
Opis:
The ongoing research conducted at the Department of Criminology at the Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences into juvenile delinquency resulted in establishing a database of persons who appeared before family and juvenile court for a punishable offence before 2000. The database enabled the continuation of research into the fate of juvenile girls, including and offered a unique insight into the lives of those individuals who continued to break the law in their adulthood. Court files studies were the basis of the analysis of juvenile girls’ offending at the time. Since then, the convictions of the juveniles in question has been verified three times: in 2011 (, in 2016 (for the period 2011-2015) and in 2018 (for the years 2016 and 2017). 836 juvenile girls remained that qualified for the research covering the period 2017-2019. From among this group 167 females were convicted of a criminal offence as adults, which is every fifth juvenile female in the study. For the sake of the research the research team decided to do in-depth research on the group of women that committed at least three offences in their adulthood, for which they had at least two convictions. Such established framework yielded 64 records (7.7% of the total juveniles in the research).
The ongoing research conducted at the Department of Criminology at the Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences into juvenile delinquency resulted in establishing a database of persons who appeared before family and juvenile court for a punishable offence before 2000. The database enabled the continuation of research into the fate of juvenile girls, including and offered a unique insight into the lives of those individuals who continued to break the law in their adulthood. Court files studies were the basis of the analysis of juvenile girls’ offending at the time. Since then, the convictions of the juveniles in question has been verified three times: in 2011 (, in 2016 (for the period 2011-2015) and in 2018 (for the years 2016 and 2017). 836 juvenile girls remained that qualified for the research covering the period 2017-2019. From among this group 167 females were convicted of a criminal offence as adults, which is every fifth juvenile female in the study. For the sake of the research the research team decided to do in-depth research on the group of women that committed at least three offences in their adulthood, for which they had at least two convictions. Such established framework yielded 64 records (7.7% of the total juveniles in the research).   Rezultatem badań nad przestępczością nieletnich, prowadzonych w Zakładzie Kryminologii Instytutu Nauk Prawnych PAN jest baza danych osób, które odpowiadały przed sądem dla nieletnich w roku 2000. Istnienie owej bazy daje unikalną możliwość kontynuacji badań dalszych losów nieletnich dziewcząt, wglądu w życie tych, które popełniały przestępstwa jako osoby dorosłe. Analiza przestępczości nieletnich dziewcząt została oparta na materiale zebranych w aktach sądowych i dotyczyła spraw, które trafiły do sądu dla nieletnich w roku 2000. Od tej pory ewentualne skazania kobiet z tej grupy zostały sprawdzone trzykrotnie: w latach 2011, 2016 (dla okresu 2011–2015) oraz w roku 2018 (dla okresu 2016–2017). Na 836 dziewcząt z pierwotnej bazy, 167 (czyli co piąta) było skazanych w dorosłości za popełnienie przestępstwa. Na potrzeby badań zespół badawczy zdecydował o pogłębionej analizie akt karnych kobiet, które jako dorosłe popełniły co najmniej trzy czyny, z które zostały skazane co najmniej dwukrotnie. Dotyczyło to 64 kobiet (7,7% wszystkich z pierwotnie badanej grupy).
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 117-138
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demoralizacja i czyny karalne wśród nieletnich – dynamika i rozmiary
Demoralization and Juvenile Delinquency – the Dynamics and Dimensions
Autorzy:
Noszczyk-Bernasiewicz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371533.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-13
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pedagogium
Tematy:
demoralizacja
przestępczość nieletnich
dynamika i rozmiary przestępczości
demoralization
juvenile delinquency
the dynamics and dimensions of crime
Opis:
This paper provides data concerning the dimensions, dynamics and structure of demoralization as well as criminal acts committed by minors over the period 2000–2014 in Poland. The presented results of analyses are the Author’s own elaboration of the data from the Statistics Department of the Ministry of Justice in Warsaw. The statistical data presented herein show the decreasing number of juvenile delinquents from 25,667 to 16,388 juveniles (i.e. by 36.1%) and an increase in demoralization issues from 8,878 to 15,524, i.e. by 74.9% in the years 2000–2014. It can be said that the number of offenses committed in society by juveniles tends to be going down, but this decrease is inadequately low when compared to the reducing number of individuals in this age group. Over the period 2000–2014 the total number of 13–17-year old teenagers decreased by as much as 40%.
W artykule zaprezentowano dane dotyczące rozmiarów, dynamiki oraz struktury demoralizacji i czynów karalnych popełnionych przez nieletnich w latach 2000–2014 w Polsce. Prezentowane wyniki analiz są opracowaniem własnym danych Departamentu Statystyki Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości w Warszawie. Prezentowane dane statystyczne pokazują spadek liczby nieletnich przestępców z 25 667 do 16 388 sprawców czynów karalnych (tj. o 36,1%) oraz wzrost w zakresie demoralizacji z 8 878 do 15 524, tj. o 74,9% w latach 2000–2014. Można stwierdzić, że liczba czynów karalnych popełnianych w społeczeństwie przez nieletnich ma tendencję spadkową, ale spadek ten jest nieadekwatny do obniżenia się populacji tej kategorii wiekowej. W okresie 2000–2014 ogólna liczba osób w wieku 13–17 lat spadła aż o 40%.
Źródło:
Resocjalizacja Polska; 2016, 11; 145-162
2081-3767
2392-2656
Pojawia się w:
Resocjalizacja Polska
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Działania Policji w zakresie przeciwdziałania demoralizacji i przestępczości nieletnich
Police actions within the scope of counteracting demoralization and crime involving minors
Autorzy:
Jagodziński, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1552383.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Niepaństwowa Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna w Białymstoku
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
demoralizacja
działania Policji
zadania Policji
juvenile delinquency
demoralisation
police actions
police assignments
Opis:
Niepokojącym zjawiskiem współczesnych czasów jest rosnąca liczba nieletnich spraw-ców i rodzaj popełnianych przez nich czynów karalnych, wskazujących na pogłębiającą się brutalizację zachowań młodzieży. W porównaniu z latami ubiegłymi znacznie wzrosła liczba zaistniałych przestępstw spowodowania uszczerbku na zdrowiu, udziału w bójkach lub pobiciach, zgwałceniach. Konieczne jest niesienie pomocy tym osobom nieletnim, które jednak nie może mieć charakteru doraźnych, jednostkowych działań organizowanych w przypadkowych warunkach. Aby jakiekolwiek działania wywoływały zamierzone efekty, powinny być prowadzone w ramach systemu opartego na współpracy z instytucjami i organizacjami. Głównym celem podjętego postępowania badawczego było zgromadzenie opinii policjantów, młodzieży i nauczycieli na temat działań podejmowanych przez Policję przyczyniających się do przeciw-działania demoralizacji i przestępczości nieletnich. Sformułowano również cel praktyczny, który może rekomendować optymalne działania Policji minimalizujące demoralizację i przestępczość nieletnich.
An alarming phenomenon of modern times is the growing number of juvenile offenders and the type of criminal acts they commit, which indicate the increasing brutality of youth behaviour. Compared to previous years, there has been a significant increase in the number of such crimes as grievous bodily harm, rape and involvement in fights or beating. In such a situation, it is vital to provide minors with necessary assistance. However, that will not be achieved by immediate, individual actions and ad hoc measures. Effects can only be obtained through a system based on cooperation with institutions and organisations. The aim of the survey was to establish the opinions of police officers, youth and teachers on the actions tak-en by the police to counteract demoralisation and juvenile delinquency. The summary of the research offers a practical goal, which may serve to recommend optimal police actions that have the potential to deliver safety while reducing juvenile offending.
Źródło:
Zagadnienia społeczne; 2019, 1, 11; 130-176
2353-7426
Pojawia się w:
Zagadnienia społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hierarchia wartości a uczestnictwo w podkulturze przestępczej (na przykładzie nastoletnich sprawców przestępstw)
Autorzy:
Kucharewicz, Joanna
Roszkowska, Agnieszka
Trepka-Starosta, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/706103.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-06-01
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
nieletni
wartości
przestępczość
podkultura przestępcza grupom rówieśniczym o cechach grup podkulturowych. Takie asocjalne grupy nieletnich określane są z reguły jako gangi
szajki czy paczki. Jak wskazują wyniki badań
to właśnie w ramach ich aktywności generowana jest większość przestępstw nieletnich
Opis:
W psychologii społecznej powszechnie akcentuje się znaczenie, rolę i wpływ, jaki wywierają grupy rówieśnicze na funkcjonowanie i rozwój społeczno-moralny dzieci i młodzieży, oraz na nabywanie i utrwalanie się u poszczególnych członków tych grup określonych wartości, celów i wzorów zachowań. Toteż w odniesieniu do nieletniego sprawcy przestępstwa na szczególną uwagę zasługują czynniki związane z popełnieniem zarzucanego czynu w obecności grupy społecznej: pod jej wpływem czy też wraz z członkami tej grupy. Ze względu na przedmiot niniejszego opracowania szczególną uwagę poświęcono
Źródło:
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria; 2012, 2; 245-256
1230-1493
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
INSTRUMENTY PRAWNE STOSOWANE W PRZYPADKACH PRZESTĘPCZOŚCI NIELETNICH
LEGAL INSTRUMENTS USED IN THE REACTION TO JUVENILE DELINQUENCY
Autorzy:
Waluś, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/479747.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:
nieletni,
przestępczość nieletnich,
czyn karalny,
demoralizacja,
środek wychowawczy,
środek poprawczy,
resocjalizacja
juvenile,
juvenile delinquency,
criminal offense,
demoralization,
way of using eduactional measures,
correctional,
resocialization
Opis:
Istotną kwestią rozważań w zakresie problematyki reagowania na zachowania przestępcze wśród nieletnich jest stosowanie określonych przez prawo środków wychowawczych, poprawczych i leczniczo-wychowawczych. W polskim systemie postępowania z nieletnimi sprawcami czynów karalnych wyodrębniamy z jednej strony model pedagogiczno-resocjalizacyjny oparty o przepisy Ustawy o postępowaniu w sprawach nieletnich, z drugiej zaś model uwzględniający regulacje Kodeksu karnego, przewidujące w wyjątkowych sytuacjach odpowiedzialność nieletnich na prawach dorosłych. Niniejszy artykuł traktuje w swojej treści o zasadach i uwarunkowaniach stosowania środków oddziaływania wychowawczo-resocjalizującego wobec nieletnich, odnosząc się jednocześnie do sytuacji, w których nieletni odpowiada jak dorosły sprawca. Znajomość tego rodzaju zagadnień to w praktyce właściwe postępowanie wobec nieletnich, a co za tym idzie, to także prawidłowa realizacja podstawowych praw przysługujących nieletnim w zakresie ich prawidłowego rozwoju i funkcjonowania w społeczeństwie.
An important consideration in the subject matter of the issue of responding to criminal behavior among minors is to use means specified by the law of educational, correctional and therapeutic education. The Polish system of dealing with juvenile perpetrators of criminal offense is based on the one side on the rehabilitational pedagogical model based on the provisions of the Law on juvenile justice, on the other side the model takes also into account the regulations of the Criminal Code, providing a unique responsibility of minors „like adults“. This article treats in its content the terms and conditions of the way of using educational correctional resocialization measures and their impact on juveniles, referring also to the situation which applies to the juvenile as an adult offender. Knowledge of such subjects will allow in practice a proper handling of juveniles and hence also the correct implementation of the fundamental rights entitlement of minors within their proper development and functioning in society.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Humanitas. Pedagogika; 2015, 10; 65-76
1896-4591
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Humanitas. Pedagogika
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konflikty z prawem byłych wychowanków młodzieżowych ośrodków wychowawczych
Conflicts with the Law of Former Pupils of Youth Educational Centers
Autorzy:
Bartkowicz, Zdzisław
Chudnicki, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1365354.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-30
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pedagogium
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
skuteczność resocjalizacji
młodzieżowe ośrodki wychowawcze
juvenile delinquency
the effectiveness of social rehabilitation
youth educational centers
Opis:
W roku 2012 sprawdzono karalność 196 byłych wychowanków trzech młodzieżowych ośrodków wychowawczych, którzy przebywali w nich w latach 2005–2006. W świetle danych z Krajowego Rejestru Karnego do ukończenia 20. roku życia zostało skazanych przez sądy 69,4%, z których 71% miało na swoim koncie pobyt w zakładzie karnym lub areszcie śledczym. Największe ryzyko konfliktu z prawem występuje do ukończenia 19 roku życia. Nieletni, którzy zostali skreśleni z ewidencji placówki z powodu nieobecności częściej i wcześniej popadają w konflikt z prawem niż opuszczający placówkę w wyniku postanowienia sądu. Uzyskane dane przedyskutowano w kontekście resocjalizacji zakładowej.
In 2012, the criminal record of 196 former pupils of three youth educational centres who stayed there in 2005–06 was examined. In the light of data from the National Criminal Record, up to the age of 20, 69.4% of them were convicted by the courts, of whom 71% were in prison or remand centre. The highest risk of breaking the law occurs up to the age of 19. Juveniles who were removed from the register of the institution due to absence more frequently and earlier break the law than those who leave the institution as a result of a court decision. The obtained data were discussed in the context of rehabilitation in correctional facilities. 
Źródło:
Resocjalizacja Polska; 2015, 10; 137-148
2081-3767
2392-2656
Pojawia się w:
Resocjalizacja Polska
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kształtowanie się przestępczości nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1951-1960 w świetle statystyki sądowej
Juvenile Delinquency in Poland in the Years 1951-1960 in the Light of Judicial Statistics
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699286.pdf
Data publikacji:
1964
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
statystyka sądowa
nieletni recydywiści
juvenile delinquency
judicial statistics
juvenile recidivism
Opis:
In accordance with the criminal legislation in force in Poland, the term of juvenile delinquents comprises those persons who have committed a criminal offence before completing their seventeenth year of age. Such juveniles are prosecuted, as a rule, before special juvenile courts; they may be sentenced only to the application of various kinds of educational means, or be placed in a correctional institution. The subject of the present contribution is an analysis of the statistical materials connected with the juvenile persons found guilty within the ten years 1951- 1960. Such materials, making up the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency, are formed by adding up the records from record cards filled by the law-courts - in every single case where educational and correctional means have been decreed with regard to a juvenile person. Consequently, the above statistics are in Poland, as, incidentally, in a great many other countries, those of findings of guilt, and not of the persons found guilty; every juvenile person is counted there as many times as the application of such means was decreed with regard to him. The data contained in such and similar statistics are known not to provide information about the actual dimensions of juvenile delinquency. A sporadic perpetration of certain minor offences, particularly theft, is extremely widespread among the totality of children and young people, and the perpetrators of such offences brought to light and prosecuted before the law-courts constitute but an insignificant percentage of the total number of juveniles who have committed this or that offence. Independently of the above-mentioned record cards, which furnish us with a great many data concerning the juveniles found guilty, there exist other sources of information concerning a certain even wider category of juveniles, namely those, against whom there was a suspicion, at some stage or other of the prosecution, that they were the perpetrators of offences: special court reports and police statistics. The data taken from judicial reports inform us that the juvenile courts dealt, in the years 1951 to 1960, with 25,000 to 38,000 cases of juvenile delinquents every year. Approximately 56 to 61 per cent, of those juveniles with regard to whom the application of educational and delinquents every year. consisted of persons correctional means was decreed (i. e. the juveniles found guilty), from 20 to discontinued in the 31 per cent. - juveniles, prosecution against whom was of preparatory proceedings, 6 to 11 per cent. - the juveniles acquitted, - those, whose cases were dealt with in some other ordinary law-court, course and 7 to 12 per cent. –(most frequently by making the case over to an because of the suspect person having completed 17 years of age). quite exceptionally appealed against by the Public Prosecutor, and very rarely by the accused themselves (in a mere cent, of the cases). In at least one-half of the total number of cases maintained in force by the courts way The decrees of juvenile courts are 3 to 5 per of appeal the decrees appealed against are of appeal. It was only in very few cases that the alteration of the decrees appealed against found their expression in the finding guilty of a juvenile acquitted, or else in acquitting one found guilty; mostly they consist in changing the educational means of the making accused over to a correctional institution. Between the number of juveniles, whose cases are annually dealt with by juvenile courts, and the number of juveniles suspected by the police of the perpetration of offences there were, particularly in the years 1951 - 1954, considerable differences, which showed that a large number of juveniles with whom the juvenile courts had to deal, were directed there not by the police. ? Within recent years such differences have become much smaller, so that at considered that the large majority of cases dealt with by the juvenile courts find their way there through the intermediary of the police Year                           Rate            Index number of juveniles found guilty           1951       15641        4.5                  100.0 1952       18022        5.3                  117.8   1953       21444        6.5                  144,4 1954       18495        6.0                  133,3 1955       16307        5.5                  122,2 1956       13474        4.6                  102,2 1957       15019        4.9                  108,9 1958       16821        5.1                  113,3 1959       19730        5.6                  124,4      1960       20520        5.4                  120,0     In spite of the appearance, within the ten-year period in question, of certain variations in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty, a detailed analysis of the data provided by both judicial and police statistics has demonstrated that there were no foundations for an assumption that such variations were connected with any actual increase or decrease in juvenile delinquency. The yearly frequency of juveniles being found guilty (i. e. of persons between the ages of ten and sixteen) was expressed, throughout the 1951 - 1960 period, by an average rate equal to 5.3.   In accordance with the latest data available to us from the pre-war period, namely from 1937, the number of juveniles found guilty that year amounted to 29384, while the frequency of their findings of guilt was only slightly higher than the average rate for the years 1951 - 1960; the corresponding rate amounted to 5.5. If the frequency of juveniles being found guilty were to remain, within the nearest future, on the same level as in the years 1959 - 1960 (when the rate amounted to about 5.5), then - in connection with the ever more numerous age-groups, composed of children born after the war, and now reaching the “ juvenile” age groups - the probable number of juveniles found guilty would amount to about 26320 in 1965, consequently by some 28 per cent, more than in 1960. In order to evaluate properly the amount of the findings of guilt of larger groups of juveniles over longer periods of time, the rates which inform us about the above frequency within one year only, are of no use. Therefore in order to achieve this aim we must look for other measurements of the frequency of findings of guilt. It appears particularly tempting to take for such a measurement the percentage of persons who had been found guilty of offences committed while they were still juveniles, as compared with the total number of those born within the year in question. If the above percentage be calculated with regard to the number of persons born within one calendar year at the moment when they completed seventeen years of age, that measurement will inform us, what part of the group of persons who have just become adults consists of those who had been found guilty as juvenile delinquents.    The appropriate calculations have been made for persons born in the years 1941 to 1944, i. e. for persons who are from nineteen to twenty-two years old in 1963. At the moment when they were just seventeen, from 3.5 to 3.8 per cent, of their number consisted of persons found guilty for offences committed while they were juveniles. As for boys alone, the above-mentioned percentages were of the size of from 6.3 to 6.8 per cent., which means that, approximately, every fifteenth young man born in the years 1941 to 1944 was previously found guilty of offences committed during the period when he was still a juvenile. One of the problems which a considerable deal of attention has been devoted to in the present contribution are the local differences between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty. Two aspects of the problem were disscussed: that of the differences in the size of the rates calculated for the several voyevodships, and for town and country respectively.   Even though Poland is divided into twenty-two large administrative units, called voyevodships, yet in the present contribution their number was assumed to be only seventeen; this was done by joining the five largest cities, having the status of a separate voyevodship, with the surrounding voyevodships (thus e. g. Warsaw and the voyevodship of Warsaw, Poznan and the voyevodship of Poznań, etc., have been treated as one single voyevodship). In the size of the rates, therefore, calculated on the basis of the number of the juveniles found guilty in the several voyevodships, there appeared considerable differences, which, however, proved to be smaller towards the end of the ten-year period under investigation, than they had been at its beginning. When, within each year, the voyevodships were placed in a sequence corresponding to that of the size of the coefficient of juvenile delinquency, it appeared that a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were always characteristic of some voyevodships, while others showed a relatively lower degree of frequency (W = 0.87)[1]. It also appeared that there existed a correlation between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty in various voyevodships and the degree of frequency of the convictions of young persons between the ages of seventeen and twenty (in 1955: % = 0.53; in 1957: t = 0.51)[2]; on the other hand, correlation with the intensity of adult convictions looked rather doubtful. Generally speaking, a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty was characteristic of the western and north-western voyevodships, while in the remaining areas of the country it was distinctly lower. Of course, the question arises of how to explain the above differences in the size of the rates. An attempt was made to provide an answer, by establishing whether the voyevodships with a high degree of frequency of findings of guilt were also those where such phenomena, thought to affect the increase or decrease of juvenile delinquency, appeared. For this purpose a number of demographic data of various kinds have been made use of, viz. those showing the characteristic features of , above all the dimensions and intensity of population migrations, the process of urbanization and industrialization. The following results have been obtained.[3] The voyevodships which were characterized by the highest degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were, as a rule, the very same voyevodships, in which the population migrations caused by the Second World War and by its consequences have attained the most considerable dimensions, as well as those, in which in the years 1952 to 1957 there was recorded the largest population increase and its smallest decrease connected with the voyevodship- to - voyevodship migrations. These were, moreover, the following voyevodships: those where a considerable part of the population drew their principal livelihood from sources other than agriculture; those where the bulk of the population consisted of town->dwellers, and finally those, where the urbanization process during the years 1950 to 1960, was most rapid as compared with the 1950 level. Marked differences have been observed in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between town and country. In the towns it was approximately three times higher than in the country (the corresponding rates, in 1960, amounted to 8.4 and 3.0, respectively). Consequently, one in every one hundred and nineteen juveniles was found guilty in towns, as compared with one in every three hundred and thirty three in the country. The lack of appropriately detailed demographic data has made impossible a more precise analysis of the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between towns of various sizes. All we know is that, in 1960, the rate equal to 9.7 for the five largest cities, each of which has over 400,000 inhabitants, was higher than that in the -remaining towns (8.1). Judging from the 1960 data, in the voyevodships where the intensity of juvenile convictions was relatively high in the towns, it also proved to be relatively high in the country (T = 0.56). The dimensions of the intensity of juvenile convictions in the country seem to be somewhat connected with the degree of “ urbanization” of the countryside: viz. in those voyevodships, in which the frequency of findings of guilt in the country was higher than that in others, the percentage of persons, among the rural population, who drew their livelihood from trades other than agriculture being also higher (T = 0,29). Among the total number of juveniles found guilty, the enormous majority (approximately 90 per cent.) consisted of boys, whereas their percentage increased, from 89 per cent, in 1951 to 93 per cent, in 1960. Similarly, among the young people and young adults between seventeen and twenty years of age, the share of men increased within the same period. As a result of this, while in 1951 the rate for boys (7.8) was seven times higher than that for girls (1.1), by 1960 it was already as much as twelve times higher (the corresponding rates then amounted to 9.9 and 0.8 respectively). The frequency of boys being found guilty was expressed by a mean rate amounting to 9.7, while that for girls was 1.0; in the period under investigation, therefore on an average one boy in one hundred and Tyree was found guilty, and one girl in a thousand, both of them within the age groups of from ten to sixteen years of age. Relative differences in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty which appeared as between the several voyevodships exhibited marked features of constancy, for boys (W = 0.85), as well as for girls (W = 0.82). It has also turned out that for both boys and girls, there existed a correlationbetween the frequency of their being found guilty in the several voyevodships, and the degree of frequency, in the voyevodships in question, of the above social phenomena which strongly affect juvenile delinquency. In the years 1959 and 1960 the frequency of boys being found guilty was more than ten times higher than that of girls, bath for town-dwellers and for village-dwellers. The number of juveniles found guilty gradually increases as we pass from the junior to the senior age groups. Among the total number of juveniles found guilty there were three to four times less ten-year-olds than there were fourteen-, fifteen-, or sixteen-year-olds. The average degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty within the several age groups was as follows within the period under investigation (in rates per 1000 persons in the corresponding age groups): 10-year-olds   2.4 11-year-olds   3.5  12-year-olds  4.8 13-year-olds  6.3 14-year-olds  7.1 15-year-olds  7.7 16-year-olds  6.6     The fact that the rate obtained for 16-year-olds is lower than that for 15-year-olds results from the author’s inability (because of the lack of the appropriate data) to take into consideration to a sufficient extent approximately twenty to thirty per cent, of the 16-year-olds, namely those who were convicted by ordinary law-courts after having completed their seventeenth year of age, and consequently when they were already adults.   Within the 1951 through 1960 period the average age of the juveniles found guilty in the successive years underwent changes connected, to some extent at least, with the total number of juveniles in the several year-groups. While in 1951 the average age of the juveniles found guilty was 14.0 years, by 1955- 1957 it had reached 14,2 years and subsequently it gradually dropped to 13.8 years in 1960. The above observation has proved to be very important: for, indeed, it was the changes in the juveniles’ age that made it possible for us to explain a number of discrepancies found to occur in the information concerning the juveniles found guilty in various years of the period under investigation.   The average concentration of conviction rates for boys and girls, as well as the quotient of their respective numbers are as follows in the period under investigation for the several age-groups within a year:                          Boys     Girls         for 100 boys found guilty there                                                         were girls found guilty   10-year-old      4.3      0.3            6,8 11-year-old      6. 5      0.4           6.6    12-year-old      8.9      0.6.           7.0       13-year-old     11.6     0.9           7.2 14-year-old     12. 9.  1.2            9.4 15-year-old      13.5   1.9           13.9 16-year-old.     11.2   2.0           17.2 The above remarks concerning the value of the rates for 16-year-olds, as well as the changes in the average ages of those found guilty, naturally also apply both to boys and to girls. In every year of the 1951 to 1960 period the girls found guilty were, on average, older than the boys found guilty; the differences between their average ages have proved to be statistically significant[4]. The girls found guilty within the 1959 to 1960 period were also significantly older while than the boys found guilty in the same years, only for town-dwellers, the difference was not significant for village-dwellers. It has also been established that the boys found guilty within the same years and living in towns were significantly younger than those living in the country, while no such differences have been found to occur in the case of girls. The frequency of findings of guilt of the oldest age-groups of juvenile boys from the towns has assumed serious proportions:, in 1959 and 1960 from 2.0 per cent, to 2.7 per cent, of the total number of town-dwelling 14 to 16-year-old boys were annually found guilty. Among the 20,520 juveniies found guilty in 1960 - 15,927 (77.6 per cent.) had both parents living, 3,650 (17.8 per cent.) had only a mother, 720 (3.5 per cent.) had only a father, while a mere 223 (1.1 per cent.) were orphans. In the years 1953 to 1956 the family situation of the juveniles found guilty assumed even less favourable proportions: a bare two-thirds of their number had both parents living, half-orphans constituted about thirty per cent., while complete orphans from 3 to 4 per cent.   The percentage of juveniles who were actually under the guardianship of both parents was, in every single year, lower by several per cent, than the percentage of those who had both parents alive. Approximately one in every four or five juveniles found guilty was under the guardianship of a solitary mother (either widowed or else deserted by her husband).   On the basis of judicial statistics alone it is impossible to form a proper opinion of what social strata the juveniles found guilty were recruited from. Only indirect and but vaguely approximate information concerning that may be found in the data on the kind of occupation of the parents or guardians of the juvenile in question; for the years 1953 to 1960 they presented the following picture: juveniles whose parents (guardians) were manual workers amounted to from 60 to 62 per cent., the children of white-collar workers - from 9 to 10 per cent., farmers (the enormous majority of them had farms of their own) - from 19 to 22 per cent., artisans working in their own workshops or small traders - from 1 to 2 per cent.; the remaining few per cent, of juveniles consisted of those, whose parents or guardians remained without any permanent occupation, or of juveniles who had neither parents nor guardians. Among the juveniles found guilty every year from 81 to 88 per cent, committed offences against property (as a rule, of theft); most them had committed crimes against the property of private citizens, while the remaining ones - against social property. Juveniles prosecuted for crimes against life and health accounted for from 3 to 6 per cent.., for sexual offences - for from 0.7 to 1.4 per cent., for forgery of documents - for from 0.5 to 2.1 per cent., while a few per cent, were found guilty every year of various other kinds of criminal offences. The perpetrators of serious crimes (such as homicide, manslaughter, serious bodily damage, robbery, rape, intimacy with minors below fifteen years of age) accounted for a mere few per cent, of the total number of the juveniles found guilty. Between the structure of the delinquency of the town-dwelling and that of the village-dwelling juveniles, as well as between that of boys and girls, certain minor differences were recorded, which – as proved by test x2 - were statistically significant. Age proved to be a factor which seriously influenced the structure of juvenile delinquency, as we move from the younger to the older age-groups, their criminality becoming more and more differentiated. Thus, e.g. in 1960 those prosecuted for the perpetration of offences against property accounted for 92 per cent, of the 10-year-olds found guilty, while only for 76 per cent, of the 16-year-olds; in the case of those prosecuted for offences against life and health the appropriate figures were 3 per cent, and 11 per cent, respectively, in sexual offences: 0.2 in document forgery: 0.1 per cent, and 1.4 per cent. Similarly the kinds of theft, the offence most frequently committed by juveniles, assumed various aspects, in accordance with their perpetrators. It appeared that certain changes in the structure of juvenile delinquency, which came to light in the course of the 1955 to 1960 period, were almost exclusively connected with the decrease in the average age of the juveniles found guilty during those years. One of the age pieces of information concerning the offence for which a juvenile was prosecuted before the courts, consists of the data recorded on the registration card, whether he or she has committed his or her offence individually or else in co-operation with other persons. Even though the entries on the registration card do not contain any information as to the character of the bond which united the juvenile to the persons who have perpetrated offences together with him, yet it could be assumed - on the basis of the results of special research on that problem - that, in every single case those found guilty of offences committed together with at least two fellow-perpetrators, were members of gangs of juvenile delinquents.                    The juveniles prosecuted for offences committed in a group (i.e. along with two or more fellow-perpetrators) constituted a considerable percentage of those annually found guilty (from 34 to 39 per cent.), a percentage only slightly lower than that of juveniles prosecuted for offences individually (from 38 to 43 per cent.). As could be surmised, the percentage of juveniles who committed offences on committed ones group was actually even higher in proportion to the total number of juveniles found guilty; for, indeed as a many of such juveniles were recorded in judicial statistics among the accused found guilty of the commission of offences perpetrated together with one fellow-perpetrator.   The percentage of juveniles who co-operated with adults (who were, as young adults, between seventeen and twenty years of age) in no single year of the period under investigation exceeded 9 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty of committing offences together with other persons. The considerable importance which is ascribed, in the etiology of juvenile delinquency, to groups, has encouraged the author to check the question of whether, in the voyevodships with a relatively high frequency of juveniles being found guilty, those found guilty of the commitment of crimes perpetrated in a group were also relatively more numerous. That assumption was proved to be well-founded: for the data from the successive years of the 1957 to 1960 period the values of t obtained remained within years the range of from 0.50 to 0.60.   High percentages of juveniles found guilty of offences committed in a group (from 45 to 55 per cent.) among the total number of juveniles found guilty in the voyevodship in question, as well as low percentages (from 25 to 30 per cent.) were recorded in approximately the same voyevodships, in the 1957 to 1960 (W = 0.74).   Both the above observations also apply to boys, while in the case of girls, we lack foundations for considering that the territorial distribution of the girls who had committed offences in a group was connected with the degree of frequency of their being found guilty.   Neither has the assumption found its confirmation that there could exist a connection between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the frequency of adult persons appearing in groups of juveniles. Cases of committing offences in a group were considerably more frequent for boys (from 36 to 41 per cent.) than girls (from 9 to 12 per cent.); approximately three-fourths of the girls found guilty were prosecuted for offences committed individually, while for boys the corresponding figure was only slightly above one-third. A marked dependence has been found to exist between the sex of a juvenile and the fact of his or her committing offences individually or else in groups. The juveniles who committed offences in groups have proved to be than those who committed them individually; this significantly younger observation holds for both boys and girls. Significant differences have been found to exist between the structure of the delinquency of the juveniles who acted as a group, and those who committed offences individually; these found their expression, foremost, in the juveniles who belonged to gangs of juvenile offenders frequently committing offences against property. On the basis of the materials contained in the judicial statistics only formal recidivism could be stated to exist, consequently it was possible to find out how many (and what kind of) juveniles found guilty e.g. within any given calendar year had already been found guilty before. Even such data, however, are far from complete; this is connected, in particular, with certain peculiarities of Polish criminal procedure, as of the recording of the findings of guilt of juveniles in judicial statis- first and more well as with the scope tics. Some of the more important among the data mentioned above are as follows: The percentages of recidivists among the juveniles found guilty within every single year of the 1953 to 1960 period were found within the range of from 12 per cent, to 18 per cent. About four-fifths of the recidivists consisted of juveniles who had only 1 In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to one appearance in court in the past; there were less than one hundred juveniles yearly who had previously been found guilty three times, and merely from fifteen to thirty who had been found guilty four or more times. An analysis of the local differences between the percentages of recidivists among the total number of juveniles in the several voyevodships has led to the conclusion that there did not exist any correlation between the degree of frequency of findings of guilt and the formal recidivism of juveniles. Juvenile recidivists were considerably more numerous among those found guilty who lived in cities and towns (from 14 per cent, to 23 per cent.) than among those who lived in the country (from 6 per cent, to 10 per cent.), considerably more numerous among boys (from 12 per cent, to 19 per cent.) than among girls (from 5 per cent, to 10 per cent.), among older offenders than among younger ones, among orphans and half-orphans than among those juveniles who were under the guardianship of both parents.   The structure of the delinquency of juvenile recidivists differed signifi- cantly from the structure of the delinquency of those juveniles who were prosecuted for the first time; in particular, juvenile recidivists were more frequently prosecuted for offences against property than were non-recidivists. Among those data of the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency which have not been discussed in the present contribution, particularly noteworthy is the information concerning the amount of school education received by the juveniles found guilty. Even though, in the course of the period under investigation, the situation in so far as their training was concerned underwent a considerable improvement, it is still most unfavourable in various respects.    In the years 1954 to 1958 barely from 61 to 65 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty attended school (by 1960 the percentage had increased to 81); in the same years from 20 to 25 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty neither attended school nor worked (in 1960 - 13 per cent.). The percentage of those not attending school at an age of below 14 years (i.e. those still within the school-attending age) 1[5] was by several per cent, higher among the juveniles found guilty in all age groups than it was among all the children in Poland (in whose case it did not exceed 1 or 2 per cent.).   The belatedness in school curriculum of the juveniles found guilty was enormous and considerably exceeded the belatedness to be met with among the total number of school children in Poland.   Among the latter there were - depending on the class attended - from two-thirds to nine-tenths of the total number of pupils who had the age proper for the class in question, while among the juveniles found guilty who attended school there were (in the majority of the classes attended) considerably below one-half such pupils. The percentages of juveniles belated by three or more years in their school curriculum were many times higher among the juveniles found guilty than they were among the total number of school children.   The education level of those juveniles who had abandoned learning and were found guilty in the 1954 through 1960 demonstrated that barely from 36 per cent, to 46 per cent, of them finished the seven-class obligatory elementary education.   21. The materials contained in judicial statistics also make possible an analysis of the law-courts’ policy in the field of decreeing educational and correctional means, as well as providing some information on the application of the means mentioned above. The presentation of the results of such an analysis, however, would require a separate publication.   [1] This dependence was fixed by making use of Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W. (Cf. M. C. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). In this case, as well as in all the others, the values of statistical tests have been provided, when the hypothesis of the independence of the variables investigated could be rejected at least at a level of significance of 0.05. [2] For the purpose of establishing the relation between the two rankings use was made of Kendall’s rank correlation coefficient %. (Cf: M.G. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). [3] As a measurement of the correlation between the frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the several demographic variables investigated the rank correlation coefficient, was accepted. [4] Cf. H. Cramer: Mathematical Methods of Statistics (Polish translation, Warszawa 1958). [5] In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to 18 years, comprising eight classes of the elementary school.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 9-144
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Neutralizacja normy „nie kradnij” w genezie przestępczości nieletnich
Neutralization of the Rule „DO NOT STEAL” in the Origin of Juvenile Delinquency
Autorzy:
Stańdo-Kawecka, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699040.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
neutralizacja
normy
przestępczość nieletnich
zachowania przestępcze
badania kryminologiczne
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
zakład poprawczy
neutralization
rule
juvenile delinquency
delinquent behavior
criminological research
crimes against property
youth detention center
Opis:
The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization  techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of  reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types  accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual  delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories.  Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency.  Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the  findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 21-51
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletni jako poufne osobowe źródła informacji polskiej Policji. Cz. 1
Autorzy:
Horosiewicz, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933516.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-15
Wydawca:
Akademia Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawcze
policjant obsługujący osobowe źródło informacji
przestępczość nieletnich
poufne osobowe źródła informacji
nieletni informatorzy
Opis:
W 1990 r., w związku z dokonującymi się w Polsce przemianami ustrojowymi, kwestia korzystania z pomocy poufnych osobowych źródeł informacji (POZI) w zwalczaniu przestępczości budziła wiele kontrowersji. W efekcie w przygotowanym pospiesznie projekcie ustaw policyjnych, które uchwalono 6 kwietnia 1990 r., ograniczono się do przepisów zaledwie sygnalizujących możliwość korzystania przez Policję z tej metody prowadzenia czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawczych. Pomimo kolejnych modyfikacji istniejącego systemu tzw. prawa policyjnego, dokonanych na przestrzeni blisko 30 lat, do korzystania z POZI nadal uprawnia tylko jeden artykuł ustawy o Policji, który stanowi, że: „Policja przy wykonywaniu swych zadań może korzystać z pomocy osób nie będących policjantami”. Lakoniczność tak sformułowanego przepisu jest szczególnie widoczna na tle precyzyjnych i zrozumiałych regulacji prawnych dotyczących tej sfery, obowiązujących w innych państwach, a w szczególności w Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej oraz Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Korzystanie z pomocy nieletnich informatorów nie uregulowano również na poziomie wewnętrznych, niejawnych (lub: tajnych) przepisów policyjnych, co utrudnia policjantom zwalczanie przestępczości nieletnich. Celem badań było ustalenie, czy obowiązujące w Polsce uwarunkowania prawne uniemożliwiają korzystanie z pomocy POZI będących osobami nieletnimi. Przeprowadzona analiza doprowadziła do wniosku, że brak jest przeszkód natury prawnej, ale korzystanie z nieletnich POZI powinno być uzależnione od spełnienia określonych warunków.
Źródło:
Przegląd Policyjny; 2021, 141(1); 19-31
0867-5708
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Policyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletni jako poufne osobowe źródła informacji polskiej Policji. Cz. 2
Autorzy:
Horosiewicz, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933576.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-02
Wydawca:
Akademia Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawcze
policjant obsługujący osobowe źródło informacji
przestępczość nieletnich
poufne osobowe źródła informacji
nieletni informatorzy
Opis:
W 1990 roku, w związku z dokonującymi się w Polsce przemianami ustrojowymi, kwestia korzystania z pomocy poufnych osobowych źródeł informacji (POZI) w zwalczaniu przestępczości budziła wiele kontrowersji. W efekcie w przygotowanym pospiesznie projekcie ustaw policyjnych, które uchwalono 6 kwietnia 1990 r., ograniczono się do przepisów zaledwie sygnalizujących możliwość korzystania przez Policję z tej metody prowadzenia czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawczych. Pomimo kolejnych modyfikacji istniejącego systemu tzw. prawa policyjnego, dokonanych na przestrzeni blisko 30 lat, do korzystania z POZI nadal uprawnia tylko jeden artykuł ustawy o Policji, który stanowi, że: „Policja przy wykonywaniu swych zadań może korzystać z pomocy osób nie będących policjantami”. Lakoniczność tak sformułowanego przepisu jest szczególnie widoczna na tle precyzyjnych i zrozumiałych regulacji prawnych dotyczących tej sfery, obowiązujących w innych państwach, a w szczególności w Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej oraz Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Korzystanie z pomocy nieletnich informatorów nie uregulowano również na poziomie wewnętrznych, niejawnych (lub: tajnych) przepisów policyjnych, co utrudnia policjantom zwalczanie przestępczości nieletnich. Celem badań było ustalenie, czy obowiązujących w Polsce uwarunkowania prawne uniemożliwiają korzystanie z pomocy POZI będących osobami nieletni. Przeprowadzona analiza doprowadziła do wniosku, że brak jest przeszkód natury prawnej, ale korzystanie z nieletnich POZI powinno być uzależnione od spełnienia określonych warunków.
Źródło:
Przegląd Policyjny; 2021, 142(2); 126-140
0867-5708
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Policyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletni przed sądem. Uwagi o niektórych założeniach ogólnych oraz praktyce
Juveniles Before Courts. On Some General Principles and Practice
Autorzy:
Bojarski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698892.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieletni
przestępczość nieletnich
sąd
odpowiedzialność nieletnich
karanie nieletnich
postępowanie sądowe
juvenile delinquency
juvenile
juvenile court
court action
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 269-285
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletni recydywiści
500 juvenile recidivists
Autorzy:
Kołakowska, Helena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699132.pdf
Data publikacji:
1960
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieletni recydywiści
badania
Zakład Kryminologii Państwowej Akademii Nauk
Warszawa
Łódź
Katowice
Kraków
przestępczość nieletnich
juvenile recidivists
research
Department of Criminology at the Institute of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Science
Warsaw
Cracow
juvenile delinquency
Opis:
The research conducted by the Department of criminology of the Institute of Legal sciences has covered 240 juvenile recidivists in Warsaw, and 260 juvenile recidivists in Łodź, Katowice, Cracow and Białystok. In a total of 500 juvenile recidivists there were 463 boys and 37 girls. The age of the juveniles covered by the investigation was as follows: 116 recidivists were between 7 and 12 years of age, while 384 were between 13 and 16. The research carried out in Warsaw in the years 1954 to 1955 consisted in examining judicial records, in environment interviews, interviews at school, at the place of work, as well as in psychological and medical examinations. All the cases of recidivism, whether formal or actual, which came before the juvenile court, were included in the research. Follow-up studies, carried out several times, have made it possible to establish what were the further destinies of the juvenile recidivists after the lapse of some three years from the termination of the research. The research carried out in the four provincial juvenile courts was less detailed and did not comprise psychological or medical examination. Moreover, they could not be supplemented with follow-up studies. All the cases of juvenile recidivists which came before the juvenile courts in six months of the year 1954 were included in the research. The results of the follow-up studies in Warsaw are the following: It appeared that out of the 240 juvenile recidivists examined 116 continued to commit criminal offences within the following three years, 32 of them did not, to be sure, commit offences, but they could be considered as but partly reformed considering their unsettled way of life, their unsystematic work and the whole of their social attitude, while 54 had completely mended their ways. The remaining 38 examined persons could not be included into any of the preceding groups, since part of them still remained in correctional institutions and concerning the rest of them reliable data were lacking. Thus out of 202 juvenile recidivists in Warsaw the percentage of those who continued to commit offences within a three-year period after the termination of our research amounted to 57 per cent, and, over and above that, a further 16 per cent could not be considered as truly reformed. 1. Out of the 500 juveniles recidivists examined only 49 per cent have both parents living, 30 per cent are being brought up only under the care of solitary mothers, 16 per cent have a stepfather and mother, or else a stepmother and father, 3 per cent are brought up by a solitary father, and 2 per cent are orphans who remain under the care of relations. The percentage of factory workers among the fathers amounted to 65 per cent, 13 per cent of the fathers were unskilled manual workers, 10 per cent were clerical workers, 4 per cent were handicraftsmen, and 2 per cent farmers. 32.3 per cent of the mothers did not have any trade and had never worked, 30 per cent were employed as workers, 2s per cent worked manually as cleaners, laundresses, while 9 per cent were clerical workers. In the families where both parents are alive both father and mother worked in 52 per cent of the cases, and the father only - in 48 per cent. In the families where the mother is solitary, as many as 90 per cent of the mothers work. The material situation in the families investigated was described as bad in 47 per cent of the families, middling in 36 per cent and good - in 17 per cent. Taking into consideration both the social outlook of the families and an evaluation of the total of educational factors at work in the family home, four categories of families have been singled out: Family Group A, the most negative, where we have to do, first and foremost, with a particularly intense alcoholism of the fathers, a complete neglect of the home by the parents, bad relations between the parents, a delinquency of the father, a bad attitude towards the child, a lack of care for the child and control over it, and similar factors. These are family environments of the lowest moral level, in which the habitual drunkenness of the fathers has led to a decay of family life. Of such families there were 101, i.e. 20.2 per cent. Family Group B includes the families which also deserve a negative evaluation, but the intensity of negative factors in them is less than in the Group A families. The alcoholism of the fathers is also a typical factor here, only it assumes slightly lesser proportions, while the mothers show more care for their home. A lack of protection of the child, bad educational methods, bad material conditions are present in these families too, just as they are in Group A. of such families there were 125, i.e. 25 per cent. Family Group C consists, first and foremost, of those families in which the children are usually brought up by a solitary mother (42.5 per cent of the cases), who cannot cope with all her duties, and in which the children are deprived of proper care and control. Moreover, in those families where there is a stepfather or stepmother, a very bad attitude to the child and very faulty educational methods have been found to exist. Of such families there were 162, i.e. 32.4 per cent. Family Group D is composed of the families described as ,,good home environment", in which investigators have failed to find any factors negative in the educational sense. Both the moral level of the parents, their mutual relations and the care of the child were beyond any obvious criticism. Of such families there were only 112, i.e. 22.4 per cent. It ought to be stressed, however, that on the basis of the investigation which has been carried out it was not possible to establish properly either the whole of the complicated factors which go to form the educational atmosphere of the home, or fully to elucidate the father's and mother's emotional attitude to their child. It is, therefore, probable, that a detailed analysis of such good family environments (Group D) could yet bring to light the sources of such psychical experiences and emotional conflicts with the children under investigation, as did influence them, causing character deviations. In analyzing how, apart from the delinquency factor, data concerning the degree of demoralization of the five hundred juvenile recidivists investigated looked in the several family groups, and making use of such factors only as the degree of neglecting school work, the amount of playing truant from school, the number of flights from home, strolling about the streets in the company of demoralized schoolmates, etc., on the basis of the Chi-square test a significant relationship has been stated to exist between the type of family environment and the intensity of the demoralization of the juveniles investigated. What is noteworthy, besides, is the fact that among the brothers and sisters of the investigated there were the following percentages of children above 10 years of age, showing symptoms of very serious demoralization: in Group A families - 90 per cent, in Group B families - 32 per cent, in Group C families - 30 per cent, and in Group D families - only 8 per cent. The data concerning the further destinies of 202 Warsaw juvenile recidivists after a lapse of three years also testify to the fact that there exists a significant relationship between the type of family environment and the recidivism or else improvement of the investigated in the future. Of the juveniles seriously demoralized and continuing to steal systematically only 15.2 per cent came from Group D homes, i.e. those with a good reputation, while among the juveniles who had completely mended their ways a mere 7.4 per cent came from the worst family environments (Group A). Among the investigated brought up in those worst family environments as many as 68.5 per cent continued to steal systematically after a lapse of three years, while among the investigated who belonged to Group D families only 26.6 per cent continued to show recidivism on a large scale. 2. On the basis of the results of psychological and psychiatric examination it can be stated that 42 per cent of the Warsaw juvenile recidivists exhibited various pathological traits, while among those of the investigated who later on proved unreformed the percentage of juveniles with pathological traits amounted to 53.4 per cent, among the partly reformed - to 40.6 per cent, and among the entirely reformed - to 18.5 per cent. The percentage of children with psychopahatic traits and of children with symptoms of neurosis together constituted 22 per cent of the total of those examined in Warsaw (42 cases). Of children with symptoms of a post-traumatic state there were 16, of sufferers from epilepsia - 7, with post-encephalitic disorders - 3. Mental deficiency (feeblemindedness) has been stated in g per cent of the cases. Even though the majority of the recidivists who continued to commit criminal offences in the period of the next three years exhibited pathological traits, yet 47 per cent of the recidivists, with whom no such traits were found, also committed offences. On the other hand, among the entirely reformed there were 18.5 per cent of such recidivists who also exhibited pathological traits. Although on the basis of the Chi-square test we find a significant relationship to exist between pathological traits and the lack or the presence of moral improvement, yet we ought not to forget the dependence between other factors and the lack of improvement, which has been established in the course of tests. 3. All the 500 juvenile recidivists examined committed thefts, even those few (16 per cent) who were tried for various other offences, also committed thefts. Barely 8 per cent of the boys examined committed thefts individually, while a typical phenomenon are thefts committed by them in a group of juvenile accomplices. 68 per cent of the investigated acted in gangs of three or more. 43 per cent of the juvenile recidivists (boys) began to steal between the 7th and the 10th  year of their lives, and 28 per cent between the 11th and 12th. There exists a significant relationship between the early starting of delinquent activities and recidivism later on. Out of the investigated with whom the first thefts took place between the 7th and the 10th year of their lives as many as 72.5 per cent continued to steal during the period of follow-up studies, while only 11.4 per cent reformed. Similarly, those recidivists who had begun stealing at the age of from 11 to 12 continued to steal systematically in 68.4 per cent of the cases. On the other hand, such recidivists with whom the first thefts took place only at the. age of 13 or 14, or even of 15or 16, later on figured in the entirely reformed groups in 44 per cent and 52 per cent respectively. There also exists a significant association between the length of the period of committing thefts and the further destinies of the investigated. Those juvenile recidivists who had previously been stealing for from 3 to 4 years and from 5 to 9 years, later on figured in the ,,unreformed" group to the amount of 69 per cent and 63.5 per cent respectively. On the other hand, those juveniles with whom the period of committing thefts did not exceed two years formed almost equal percentages in the unreformed groups (52 per cent and 48 per cent respectively). The results of the investigation seem to speak in favor of the view that the younger the age of the juvenile delinquent, and the longer the period of his criminal activities, the bigger the probability that he will continue to commit thefts for at least several years to come. Moreover, those juvenile offenders who had started stealing at the age of from 7 to 10 years continued to steal then systematically in 85 per cent of the cases, while those juveniles who had started stealing only after completing their 13th or 14th year of age, later on stole only sporadically, at least in an overwhelming majority of the cases. Moreover, there exists a significant relationship between the systematic character of committing thefts and the lack of improvement later on. Out of the juvenile recidivists who stole ,systematically only 14 per cent were found, after the lapse of three years, in the entirely reformed group, while among those who stole only sporadically the percentage amounted to as many as 47 per cent. 4. The majority of the juvenile recidivists stole, first and foremost, money, and, apart from money, food articles and single articles of clothing. OnIy 11 per cent of the investigated went in for stealing objects of greater value, such as watches, bicycles, etc. A typical theft concerned but a small number of objects and the damage thereby caused was, as a rule, negligible. The place where thefts are most frequently perpetrated are shops and kiosks, and only after them - the family home and the school. Depending on the age of the investigated and on various lengths of the periods during which they committed offences there are, of course, differences, both as to the objects of theft and as to the places where the latter were committed. The thefts committed by the 37 recidivist girls investigated differed from the thefts committed by the boys. The girls stole almost exclusively money and articles of clothing, and it was only in exceptional cases that they committed thefts in shops. Girls began stealing a great deal later in Iife than the boys, and, as a rule, stole alone, without partners. The last chapter of the contribution discusses critically the practice of juvenile courts 'concerning the fight against the recidivism of juvenile offenders and the activities of the probation officers and correctional institutions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 55-112
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletnie dziewczęta 10 lat później - badania katamnestyczne
Juvenile girls 10 years later – a catamnestic study
Autorzy:
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
przestępczość dziewcząt
badania katamnestyczne
kariery kryminalne
juvenile girls
criminology
crime
Opis:
History of criminal studies dates back to the 1930s. However, since 1990s it has been going through a revival. Presently, it is called developmental criminology or life-course criminology. The object of the study was to trace further criminal histories of under-age girls who committed a punishable offence in 2000. Between 2003 and 2005, files of 873 under-age girls were examined . In 2010 it has been 10 years since the studied girls had a court trial. The youngest ones were 23, the oldest ones 27 – and adult women are most frequently sentenced between the age of 23 and 27. The first stage of the study was to apply to National Criminal Registry for information if the perpetrators of criminal deeds committed in 2000 broke the law within the next 10 years as adults, if they were sentenced, if so – how many times, and for what types of crimes. The second stage was to analyse the data from the Registry according to a questionnaire. The third stage was to compare the results with the data obtained previously in the study of the under-age: the crimes which had been committed as well as social and family backgrounds. Data concerning education, profession and work history are hardly present in the Reg-istry. The only information available is profession. It is impossible to obtain information how many sentenced women actually worked as adults. 7 of them (6%) declared “unemployed” so we know they were unemployed but it is unknown if they actually had any profession. Un-doubtedly more than a half of the sentenced women (52%) had no profession. Those who had a profession were cooks (9%), shop assistants (6%) and dressmakers (5%. Three persons (2,7%) were technicians (graduated from technical colleges) of economy and administration, sales, and environment protection. Most women (61%) were sentenced only once, 19 of them twice (17%). Two “record holders” were convicted 11 times during the 10 years. In the adult life, just like previously, most offences are against property. 39% are deeds of exclusively such nature, 23% are offences against property related to other types of offences (e.g. against life and health, safety in transport, documents or related to drug possession and trafficking). In total In total, 62% of crimes were against property. Second noticeable category of crimes (which was not committed by under-age girls) were crimes against transport safety (13,5%). Crimes against health and life were 13% of the overall number. Definitely more adult women than under-age girls commit crimes against document credibility (8%). There are also more punishable deeds related to drug production, trafficking and possession (7%). The study confirms legitimacy of risk factors known for a long time.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2011, XXXIII; 163-195
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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