Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "przestępca" wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 20
Tytuł:
Aksjologiczne azymuty przestępców w procesie probacji
Axiological azimuths of criminals in a process of probation
Autorzy:
Goede, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1418091.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-06-25
Wydawca:
Państwowa Uczelnia Zawodowa we Włocławku
Tematy:
aksjologia
probacja
przestępca
społeczny kurator sądowy
dozór
axiology
probation
offenders
social probation officers
community
Opis:
Skazanie człowieka prawomocnym wyrokiem może świadczyć, że hierarchia wartości determinująca życiową postawę przestępcy, w tym szczególnie postawę wobec poszanowania prawa, została zachwiana. Głównym celem poddania skazanego probacji jest pomoc w poznaniu, rozumieniu/redefiniowaniu treści i podjęciu urzeczywistnienia wartości akceptowanych przez społeczeństwo oraz dających szansę życia zgodnego z prawem. Desygnowanymi do aksjologicznego wpływu na postawę osób objętych dozorem są społeczni kuratorzy sądowi. Jako przedstawiciele społeczności lokalnej z jednej strony są nośnikiem wartości, zasad i norm moralnych i społecznych, z drugiej zaś, są to osoby legitymujące się atrybutami istotnymi z perspektywy aksjologicznej, tj. kompetencjami moralnymi oraz silną motywacją do działalności prospołecznej. Na podstawie badań przeprowadzonych na Uniwersytecie UKW w Bydgoszczy starano się wyłonić wartości, ukazując ich sens i znaczenie, które dla osób skazanych stanowią aksjologiczne azymuty w ich readaptacji do życia zgodnego z normami społecznymi i prawnymi, uwzględniając determinanty wpływające na kształt hierarchii wartości osób skazanych w postaci metodycznej pracy społecznych kuratorów sądowych oraz obowiązków probacyjnych.
The conviction of a human being by a valid sentence may prove that the hierarchy of values determining the life attitude of the criminal, especially the attitude towards respect for the law, has been disturbed. The main purpose of subjecting the convict to probation is to help in learning, understanding / redefining the content and undertaking the implementation of values accepted by society and giving a chance to live in accordance with the law. Probation officers are designated to have an axiological influence on the attitude of the supervised persons. As representatives of the local community, on the one hand, they are a carrier of moral and social values, principles and norms, and on the other hand, they are people who have attributes that are important from an axiological perspective, i.e. moral competences and a strong motivation for pro-social activity. On the basis of research conducted at the UKW University in Bydgoszcz, an attempt was made to identify values, showing their meaning and significance, which for convicted persons constitute axiological azimuths in their readaptation to life in accordance with social and legal norms, taking into account the determinants affecting the value hierarchy of convicted persons in the form of methodical work of social probation officers and probation duties.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne; 2018, 14, 2; 51-70
1896-4087
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Investigating Citizens’ Concern About Corruption and Anti-corruption: A Case Study in Vietnam
Badanie postrzegania przez obywateli zjawiska korupcji i jej zwalczania. Studium przypadku w Wietnamie
Autorzy:
Van Vu, Tuan
Cao, Oanh
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964465.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
corruption
anti-corruption
offender
transparency
preventive measures
korupcja
antykorupcja
przestępca
transparentność
środki zapobiegawcze
Opis:
Corruption has been the centre of attention on a global scale. Almost all studies concentrate on corruptive effects on the governance, economics or politics. This paper investigates the citizens’ perceptions towards corruption and anti-corruption in Vietnam. This is a new look contributing to the panoramic picture of anti-corrup-tion. The study employed a descriptive approach with a researcher-made ques-tionnaire for 385 respondents selected by a stratified random sampling method based on Cochran’s formula. It was found out that preventive measures and corrup tion laws are not severe enough to admonish corruption offenders. Transpa-rency is not highly promoted for people to access information, so citizens’ super-vision is not very effective. There is a mismatch between citizens’ perceptions and external organisations’ assessment. It is necessary to implement anti-corruption law strictly and renovate people’s right to get corruptive information. Moreover, the government should recheck and adjust preventive anti-corruption laws to match each specific type of corruption. Urgently, the operation of the state appa-ratus ought to cooperate and join hands to combat corruption. It is advisable for the government to collaborate with external organisations to exchange experience in curbing corruption.
Korupcja znalazła się w centrum uwagi na skalę globalną. Niemal wszystkie badania skupiają się na jej szkodliwych skutkach w odniesieniu do rządów, ekonomii i polityki. Niniejszy artykuł bada to, jak obywatele postrzegają korupcję i antykorupcję w Wietnamie. To nowe spojrzenie przyczyniające się do szerokiego ujęcia problematyki antykorupcji. Badanie ma charakter opisowy, do jego przeprowadzenia wykorzystano autorską ankietę dla 385 respondentów, wybranych metodą losowania warstwowego w oparciu o wzór Cochrana. Okazało się, że środki zapobiegawcze i przepisy dotyczące korupcji nie są wystarczająco surowe, by stanowiły przestrogę dla sprawców korupcji. Transparentność nie jest promowana na tyle mocno, by ludzie mieli dostęp do informacji, więc kontrola obywatelska nie jest zbyt skuteczna. Istnieje niezgodność między postrzeganiem korupcji przez obywateli a tym, jak oceniają ją organizacje zewnętrzne. Konieczne jest ścisłe wdrożenie prawa antykorupcyjnego i odnowienie prawa obywateli do uzyskiwania informacji dotyczących korupcji. Co więcej, rząd powinien ponownie sprawdzić przepisy dotyczące zapobiegania korupcji i dopasować je do każdego rodzaju korupcji. Działanie aparatu państwowego powinno się pilnie oprzeć na współpracy i połączeniu sił w celu zwalczenia korupcji. Wskazane jest, by rząd nawiązał współpracę z organizacjami zewnętrznymi w celu wymiany doświadczeń w kwestii ograniczania korupcji.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2021, 13, 4; 189-216
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Karalność uczniów nieprzystosowanych społecznie
Criminal Cases of Socially Maladjusted Schoolchildren
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Wójcik, Dobrochna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699130.pdf
Data publikacji:
1984
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
niedostosowanie
zachowanie
przestępca
rodzina
środowisko
maladjustment
behaviour
delinquent
family
environment
Opis:
       1. The study discussed in the present paper is a continuation of the research on extent and determinants of social maladjustment among schoolchildren in Warsaw elementary schools, which was conducted in the years 1976-1979. Over 600 classes (grade III-VIII) were then examined, which makes the total numer of 17,662 children aged 9-16. Teachers indicated children who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment (such as regular truancy, many-hours loitering around the streets without control, running away from home, stealing, frequenting company of demoralized colleagues, drinking alcohol, sexual demoralization, vandalism and frequent aggressive behaviour). 885 boys (which makes 10 per cent of all schoolboys included in the study) and 220 girls (2.7 per cent of all girls) were found to reveal these children, which included information as to the child’s family environment, school situation, school failures, behaviour, health, and symptoms of social maladjustment.        From this general popuration of 885 schoolboys who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment, a group of 262 boys was separated  whose symptoms were particularly intense and cumulated. This group then underwent a detailed individual examination.       As a control group to match this group of 262 boys whose symptoms of social maladjustment were cumulated and intense, 151 boys were drawn by lot from among those of all schoolboys who had not been mentioned by the teachers as children who reveal symptoms of social maladjustment, and who were classmates of the socially maladjusted boys. The control group underwent the same individual examination.       2. At the stage of the study presented in the present paper the aim was to answer the following questions:                                                                                                                                                                      - how many of the schoolchildren indicated by the teachers because of various symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court before they were included in the study.                                                  – how many of them  had cases in court during the five years of follow-up study.                                       – what was the total number of children who had ever had cases in court and what was the intensity of their criminal careers.                                                                                                                                              –is there any difference between the socially maladjusted schoolchildren who had cases in court and those with a clean record, as regards any features of their  family environment or the kind of symptoms of social maladjustment, which caused  them to be included in the study. Is there any difference between them as regards their school failure or the results of psychological examination.       In order to answer these questions, in mid 1982 it was checked if the children indicated as socially maladjusted had cases in court as juveniles or as young adults (aged 17 and over). The examined persons were then aged 15-23. The cases of persons concerning whom it was impossible to obtain data, as to their criminal record were excluded from the analysis therefore, finally the examined population consisted of 859 boys and 220 girls.        3. At the moment when the examined schoolchildren were indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, 6.9 per cent of the socially maladjusted boys and 3.7 pet cent of  the girls had criminal cases in family courts.  A considerable majority of these children (5.1 per cent of the boys and all girls, 3.7 per cent) had only one case in court. The cases occurred generally at the age 14-16. The number of children who had had cases of care and protection during anamnesis is comparatively large: 5.5 per cent of boys and as many as 16.3 per cent of girls.       The examination of the schoolchildren's further criminal careers during the following 5 years produced the following results:                                                                                                                              - 20.9 per cent of boy  were convicted by courts within that period (10.2 per cent had cases in family courts, 5.7 per cent- in ordinary courts, 5 per cent- both in family and in ordinary courts).                         - 4 per cent of girls were convicted (3.6 per cent by family courts, 0.4 per cent by  ordinary courts).           It should be added that on account of the age, only 629 boys and 178 girls could have had cases in ordinary courts. Among them, 14.8 per cent of boys and one girl were convicted. The percentage is high, as part of those who „could have had cases" were only 17 years old, the probability of their conviction being  thus minimal.           25.7 per cent of boys convicted by ordinary court committed aggressive acts, while 70.7 per cent were convicted only for offences against property.       When the entire examined  period (anamnesis and follow-up period) is discussed together, it appears that every fourth boy (23.4 per cent) and every thirteenth girl among all socially maladjusted children were delinquent. This result certifies to the generally known difference between the extents of delinquency of boys and girls. However,  the represented proportion changes diametrically if one takes into account not only criminal cases, but also those of care and protection. 12.2 per cent of boys and as many as 25.4 per cent of girls had cases of care and  protection in family courts. There were  26.4 per cent  of socially maladjusted boys and 28.6 per cent of girls who had cases in family courts (criminal and care and protection together). The high percentage of girls who had  cases of care and protection may be connected to their worse family  situation which demanded intervention, as well as with the fact, that girls revealed  symptoms of sexual demoralization more frequently than boys (as many as 1/5 of socially maladjusted girls in grade VIII); these  symptoms awoke concern of the adult and may induce them to seek intervention of a court. Such symptoms, not being offences, may only be a reason for instituting tutelar proceedings.       Another problem was also examined, that is of the features of the examined persons and of their  family environment (as revealed by the questionnaires  filled in by the  teachers) which would differentiate the delinquent boys from those who had never been convicted. The delinquent boys were found to live in worse family backgrounds, in which criminality of parents or siblings or alcoholism of the father  occurred more frequently.  Instead, the delinquent boys were not found to live more frequently in broken homes or separately from their  parents. The delinquent boys were more socially maladjusted than those never convicted: they revealed a greater numer of symptoms of social maladjustment, their teachers informed more frequently of threir thefts, drinking, contacts with demoralized colleagues, and truancy. Instead, the delinquent boys were not described by the teachers as fighting with their schoolmates „often” and „very often”  more frequently than those never convicted.  It may be that such a description of a child by the teacher was unreliable;  the boy's aggressive behaviour may have been  a temporary phenomenon, resulting from actual  social situation; aggressiveness revealed at school may have been separate from the entire syndrome of social maladjustment. However, at the present stage of the study we are not in a position to take up any attitude towards these possible explanations. Neither the many-hours loitering around the streets was found to significantly differentiate the delinquent boys from those never convicted. This results from the fact that loitering is a typical way of spending time of the considerable majority of socially maladjusted boys, therefore it does not differentiate those who were convicted from the others.         4. In the group of 262 individually examined boys who revealed intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment, the extent of delinquency appeared to be larger than in the entire population of 885 socially maladjusted schoolboys from which this group has been selected. During anamnesis, 32 per cent of boys had criminal cases in family courts; 78.9 per cent of them had only one case, 18.3 per cent had two cases, and 2.8 per cent -three or more cases. During the follow-up period, 28.2 per cent of the examined boys had cases in court, including 14.1 per cent who had cases in family courts only, 7.6 per cent who had cases in ordinary courts only, and 6.5 per cent who had cases both in family and in ordinary courts. Within the whole of the examined period (both anamnesis and follow-up period), nearly half of the examined boys were convicted: 29.4 per cent  had cases in family courts only, 5.3 per cent- in ordinary courts only, and 14.1 per cent-both in family and in ordinary courts. Therefore, every second  boy from the group with intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court within the examined period, while every fourth one from the entire population had been convicted.        Poor material and housing conditions of the family, insufficient care of children, broken home and bad conjugal life of the parents were not found to be significantly connected with the delinquency of the examined boys. Instead, a correlation of statistical significance was found between delinquency and excessive drinking of the fathers, their own criminal records and periods of imprisonment, as well as between the sons' delinquency and the lack of elementary education of the parents.        On the other hand, no difference was found between delinquents and non-delinquents as regards the teachers' estimation of their intelligence level and learning difficulties pointed out by their mothers and themselves. None of the biopsychical variables taken into account in the study was found to differentiate both groups: lowered level of intelligence, eyesight defect, hearing defect,  disturbances of speech, dyslexia, probable past lesions of the central nervous system, troubles with concentration, very slow rate of working. Persisting neurotic symptoms. Indeed, these factors were present rather more frequently among the non-delinquent boys, distinctly connected with their learning problems and school failures. On the other hand, delinquents actually repeated classes more frequently than non-delinquents, got bad marks in various subjects, and their learning progress was estimated as worse by the teachers. Delinquent boys more frequently behaved badly at school beginning from the lowest standards, they played truant from various lessons, were disobedient and disturbed the course of the lessons, had lower marks for behaviour and stated that they did not like school.        The socially maladjusted delinquents used to spend time in company of friends older than themselves more often than the non-delinquent boys; they themselves described those friends as badly behaved and drinking alcohol. They were also substantially more often connected with groups of juvenile delinquents according to the teachers' opinion. They revealed a considerably larger intensity of symptoms of social maladjustment. Among these symptoms, only the frequency of aggressive behaviour failed to differentiate the delinquent and non-delinquent boys, which means that as regards the individually examined group,  the result concerning the entire population was confirmed.         Therefore, the delinquency of the examined persons was related to the greater intensity of their social maladjustment, to their negative family environment and their school situation connected not only with objective learning difficulties but also with the child's reluctant attitude towards school and teachers, and with the teachers' disfavourable opinion of his learning progress and behaviour.        It is also worth mentioning that in the control group of 151 schoolboys who were not indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, only one person was found who had been convicted by court during the entire examined period.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 143-166
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcja podkultury przemocy a wyjaśnianie przestępczości agresywnej
The subculture of violence thesis and explaining violent criminal behavior
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699216.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
subkultura
przestępczość agresywna
pojęcie kulturowe
zachowanie
przemoc
brutalny przestępca
zachowanie jednostek
teoria
koncepcja
subculture
aggressive crime
concept cultural
behaviour
violence
violent criminal
individuals behavior
theory
concept
Opis:
This article dears with some problems related to application of Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti's subculture of violence theory explanation of violent criminal behaviour. Wolfgang and Ferracuti adopted in their concept cultural  approach to explanation of crime in general, and violent crime in  particular. Doing so, they rejected openly usefulness in this particular area of Merton’s anomie theory. They adopted so-called normative theory of culture, when means that they understand under the term culture a normative system consisting of values, norms and behavioral patterns, which exert pressure over individuals being under their influence, what results in uniformity of human behaviour. Application of this concept in criminology means that there may exist specific normative systems containing such values and norms which may lead individuals influenced by them to criminal behaviour. In other words it means, that when we observe within certain social group high criminality rates, higher than the average ones in a given society we may explain  them in terms of  the specific features of the culture of this group. This way of thinking is not totally new in American criminological literature. The best example of it constitutes W.B. Miller’s concept of flower-class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency. Wolfgang and Ferracuti claim that disproportionately high rates of violent crimes among and members of American lower-class (especially members of ethnic minorities) result from specific subculture existing within this social group, which they call subculture of violence. This subculture is the specific normative system which is characterized by tolerance and permissiveness which respect to the use of violence in interpersonal relations. The use of violence is  perceived by members of such subculture as something normal and natural, they do not consider it as either illegal or immoral. On the contrary, violent people showing physical prowess and readiness of high enjoy many social rewards, high social status and prestige. People who do not conform to the requirements of such subculture face many troubles within their groups, including even possible ostracism.             Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept contains evidently two separate layers. The first one, sociological, deals with subculture of violence as a social phenomenon and the problems related to the existence, functioning and transmission of violence related norms and values within society. The concept of subculture itself plays here a key role. The second one, psychological, deals with psychological consequences for the individuals of being under influence of such subcultural ethos. The main concern here are changes in attitudes and ways of perceiving environment resulting from the adoption of subcultural values, which one observes among violent people. These two layers are connected by very important thesis that aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour deeply internalised in the personalities of individuals. As it was said before subculture of violence thesis was conceived by Wolfgang and Ferracuti primarily to explain excessively high rates of violent crime among members of American lower class. But they point out as well to other examples of such subcultures as for example barbaricino code in Sardinia, customary vendetta in Albanova district in Italy, Colombian violencia or ,,criminal tribes'' in India. All  this means that they treat their concept as a broader integrated criminological theory of violent criminal behaviour not limited to specific American context.      One can point out to many attempts in the USA at empirical verification of the violent subculture thesis. First of all it is necessary to mention researches done by S. Ball-Rokeach and H. Erlanger. They attempted to verify Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's claims that there must exist significant differences in value systems and attitudes towards the use of violence between violent and non-violent persons, and that people who engage very often in violent incidents enjoy within their communities many social rewards including high status and prestige. The subculture of violence thesis was also used to explain a well-known in the American literature phenomenon of excessively high rates of violent crimes, especially homicides in the southern states. Among attempts at cultural explanations of this phenomenon one can point out first of all to contributions by Hackney, Gastill and Erlanger as well. All mentioned above researches hardly brought conclusive results. They involve many methodological shortcomings' and generally speaking seem to be too simply conceived, using too crude tools to pretend to be real tests of the subculture of violence thesis. This concept still awaits real, comprehensive attempt at empirical verification.             When evaluating Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept from the theoretical point of view one has to start from the proposition which seems - as it was said before-to constitute the core of the entire concept: aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour. At this moment it is easy to observe similarity with E. D. Sutherland's differential association theory. Sutherland was speaking about conflict between criminal and non-criminal cultures. Existence of this conflict made it possible for an individual to have contacts with patterns of both criminal and law-abiding behaviour.  Prevalence of one of them in the immediate environment of the individual decided about its future behavior. Very similarly Wolfgang and Ferracuti speak about the conflict between dominant culture (which they call non-violent culture) and subculture (which they call subculture of violence). This conflict makes possible differential association in the Sutherland’s meaning of the term. There is however one important difference. Sutherland, as it is well know, was strongly influenced in his thinking by G. H. Mead’s symbolic interactionism and sociology of Ch. H. Cooley, what resulted in particular attention paid to the primary social groups  and direct interaction. For Sutherland the process of learning criminal behaviour could take place only by means of direct interaction within primary social groups. It is not easy to interpret Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti’s theory with respect to this problem, as they are not very explicit within the subculture. It makes it necessary to  carry out a more detailed analysis of what they understand under the term subculture. They say on the one hand that the concept of subculture is strictly connected with the concept of social group. It seems however that this last concept they understand very broadly, when they say that individuals  sharing certain values, norms and behavioral patterns constitute social  groups. This means that under the term subculture they understand just individuals sharing particular norms and values, at least partly distinct from those existing in the dominant culture. This means as well that such sharing of values does not require direct interaction between individuals. It leads finally to a very important statement that subculture may exist widely dispersed spatially. It is necessary to underline that such understanding of the term subculture is not totally alien even to the contemporary adherents  of symbolic interactionism. An article by A. Fine and S. Kleinman constitutes clear example. The essence of this approach is an attempt to avoid ,,reification’’-as above authors call it-of the concept of subculture, what means equaling it with certain social structure, in other words social group. It seems however that one should not press this point of view to the extreme. Interpretation of the meaning of the term culture in terms of individuals behaviour is quite popular in social anthropology, to mention only R. Linton. But it may lead also to certain consequences absurd from sociological and behaviour point of view. It may mean that if somebody behaves in a certain way, he adheres to certain norms and values of which his behaviour is a result. If not, it means that he  does not adhere to them. In fact, it is a great simplification from the point of view of the mechanisms of human behaviour. In such a situation the concept of subculture lacks clear empirical meaning and loses its explaining potential. It seem  that Wolgang's and Ferracuti's stance results from a very individualistic approach paying attention only to the relation culture-individual, while neglecting a very important one: culture-social group.  Very helpful in solving presented above problems may be more detailed analysis of the psychological mechanisms of learning. What is interesting is that Wolfgang and Ferracuti do not go into details with respect to this, and mention only eventual usefulness of either Eysenck's or Bandura’s concepts. This lust one seems to be particularly suitable for the purposes of interpreting subculture of violence concept. Bandura's concepts of observational learning, as well as clear distinction between learning and performance, and analysis of the process of learning from three separate points of view, i.e. acquisition mechanisms instigation mechanism and maintenance mechanisms may be here particularly useful. It means that subculture of violence supplies to individual patterns of violence and aggression which are observed, memorized and in this way learned. It is also obvious that these patterns are not supplied by abstract subculture itself, but by behaviour of other individuals in the immediate environment. It is clear however that there are no people who behave constantly violently, what Wolfgang and Ferracuti admit, but do not elaborate on it. Learned violent patterns may result in violent behaviour only sometimes, when they meet necessary instigating stimuli. They may become more consistent and durable behavioral patterns only when necessary maintaining mechanisms come into being. It is obvious that subculture of violence may, serve as the supplier of both instigating and maintaining mechanisms. Especially these last may be very important. Bandura provides a very important distinction between internal and external control of human behaviour .Internal control means rewards, reinforcements coming from the individual's self. Here internalized values and norms come into action and play on important role. Behaviour, being in accordance with them brings satisfaction to the individual. This aspect of maintaining mechanisms constiutes main subject for Wolfgang and Ferracuti. But there is another one: external control, reinforcements, rewards coming from social environment, from social groups. Wolfgang and Ferracuti pay less attention or almost none to this aspect, because to analyse it one has to connect the meaning of the term subculture with the term social group, what they refuse to do. External control can not be an attribute of subculture itself. It is the function of groups. When one recognizes that subcultural system may be analysed only as a normative system of given- social groups, the possible influence of it becomes much broader. In such an interpretation subcultural influence is not limited only to mechanisms of internal control. Individuals may behave violently because they receive many external rewards for such behaviour. Because of this violent behaviour does not have necessarily to bring special satisfaction to the individual. Such behaviour may result from well known in social psychology mechanisms of group pressure and conformity with group standards.    In sum, it seems to be very profitable to use Bandura’s social learning theory to interpret and to broaden Wolfgang's and Ferracuti’s subculture of violence thesis. It is necesary of course to modify their use of the term subculture and connect it strictly with social structures and groups. In such a situation subcultural influence from the psychological point of view may not be limited to the mechanisms of internal control but extended to the external control by social groups, -what makes possible application of the theory as a theory of violent behaviour in general.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 7-42
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
Autorzy:
Paszkowska, Hanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępstwo
młodociani
przestępca młodociany
przestępczość
nieletniość
recydywiści
środowisko rodzinne
spożywanie alkoholu
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
offense
juvenile
juvenile offender
criminality
nonage
recidivists
family environment
alcohol consumption
crime against property
Opis:
The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been  convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were  repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no  retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had  been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of  group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted  to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They  drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending -  also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had  yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
(Nie)zorganizowana przestępczość w Polsce - perspektywy i zagrożenia dla wymiaru sprawiedliwości
Autorzy:
Kosatka, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788418.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sieć przestępcza
zawodowy przestępca
multiprzestępczość
upadek polskiej mafii
policja skarbowa
metodyka postępowania przygotowawczego
criminal network
professional criminal
multi crime
the end of Polish mafia
Central Bureau of Investigation
fiscal police
methodology of investigation
Opis:
This article is paying attention to the problem of contemporary organized crime from the side of justice, and in particular evidence problems associated with it. The article shows the chance for curbing organised crime by proper leading an investigation. The author included the historical part in order to show the change of criminal structures in the period of last 20 years and suggested direction in which fighting the organised crime should head.
Artykuł zwraca uwagę na problem współczesnej przestępczości zorganizowanej od strony wymiaru sprawiedliwości, a w szczególności związane z nią trudności dowodowe. Dostrzega jednak również szanse na skuteczne ograniczenie jej działalności poprzez odpowiednie przeprowadzenie postępowania przygotowawczego. Autor zawarł w nim część historyczną aby ukazać przebranżowienie struktur przestępczych w okresie ostatnich 20 lat i zaproponował kierunek w jakim powinno zmierzać zwalczanie współczesnej przestępczości zorganizowanej. This article is paying attention to the problem of contemporary organized crime from the side of justice, and in particular evidence problems associated with it. The article shows the chance for curbing organised crime by proper leading an investigation. The author included the historical part in order to show the change of criminal structures in the period of last 20 years and suggested direction in which fighting the organised crime should head.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2016, 23; 128-139
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O ukształtowaniu granic zatrzymania procesowego — refleksje prawnoporównawcze oraz na tle nowelizacji kodeksu postępowania karnego z 27 września 2013 roku
Autorzy:
Sypko, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1920619.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-11-15
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
zatrzymany
podejrzany
policja
uzasadnione podejrzenie
postępowanie karne
dowody
oskarżony
przestępca
popełnić przestępstwo
sąd
Opis:
Publikacja została poświęcona wybranym aspektom dotyczącym granic zatrzymania procesowego osoby. Swoją szczególną uwagę autor skupia wokół przedmiotowych granic zatrzymania, z uwzględnieniem znowelizowanych przepisów kodeksu postępowania karnego. Granice podmiotowe oraz temporalne zatrzymania zostały zasygnalizowane przede wszystkim w kontekście nowych uregulowań prawnych. Uwaga autora skierowana została również na granice prawne związane z kontrolą zatrzymania procesowego. Omawiając wybrane rozwiązania prawne, autor stara się je ocenić na tle rozwiązań konwencyjnych oraz konstytucyjnych, w wyniku czego dochodzi do określonych wniosków. Stąd w podsumowaniu sformułowane zostały wnioski de lege ferenda jako wynik rozważań autora nad zgodnością krajowych przepisów prawnych z przepisami międzynarodowymi mówiącymi o zatrzymaniu osoby.
Źródło:
Przegląd Policyjny; 2016, 1(121); 106-125
0867-5708
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Policyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz przestępcy w prozie Sergiusza Piaseckiego
The Image of the Criminal in the Prose of Sergiusz Piasecki
Autorzy:
Szuba-Boroń, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698756.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia
Sergiusz Piasecki
przestępca w literaturze
przestępstwo w literaturze
wartość poznawcza prozy autobiograficznej
criminology
offender in literature
crime in literature
cognitive values of autobiographical prose
Opis:
Twenty years of personal experience in crime-related field that furthermore inspiredreflection on the reasons of crime made a Polish writer, Sergiusz Piasecki, interestingfor forensic sciences. His life started with a turbulent and difficult childhood, hematured among the turmoil of the Soviet Revolution and joined the guerrillas fightingBolsheviks, finally to graduate from the School of Infantry Cadets in Warsaw and beassigned to the Lithuanian-Belarusian Division in Vilnius. After the Bolshevik War,being a decommissioned soldier, Piasecki painfully experienced life in poverty. Thiswas when he began to earn his sustenance by smuggling. He later entered a few-yearlongcooperation with the 2nd Division of the High Command of the Polish Army andbecame an intelligence agent. In 1926, being unemployed again, he robbed a suburbantrain. In accordance with the law in force, the summary court sentenced him to death.However, the President of the Republic Ignacy Mościcki pardoned Pia secki, exchangingthe penalty to 15 years in prison. Piasecki served 11 years of his sentence in the prisonsof Lida, Nowogódek, Rawicz, Mokotów, Koronowo, and finally in the toughest prisonof the Second Republic – at Święty Krzyż (the Holy Cross) near Kielce. The 20 yearsfrom 1917 to 1937 were the period decisive for the writing realism and thoroughnessof descriptions of the criminal world and presented protagonists, as well as analysesof psychological and social circumstances that lead individuals to the path of crime.Beginning with Piasecki’s first published book Kochanek Wielkiej Niedźwiedzicy (Lover of the Greater Bear, aka Lover of the Ursa Major) whose author enjoyed a quite uniquestatus of criminal prisoner, and which presented the facts of life of smugglers onthe Polish-Soviet fringe in 1922–1924, the precious study of the criminal world wascontinued in the trilogy Jabłuszko, Spojrzę ja w okno, and Nikt nie da nam zbawienia(Apple, Shall I Look into the Window, and No One is to Redeem us). In Żywot człowiekarozbrojonego (Life of the Human Disarmed), the protagonist moves through all the levelsof conflict with the law, and the reader follows the process of his reflections to becomefamiliar with the impact of the external world on the dramatic choices made.The work of Piasecki follows the current of prose keen on social environmentof the 1930s, based on authenticity and autobiographic experience, and whose cog -nitive values result among others from the personal involvement of the author, whocorroborates knowledge based on experience and direct contact. It is a specific typeof participatory observation: a method of researching criminal phenomena wherethe observer is part of the criminal world.The goal of the writer, which he actually frequently emphasised, was the eagernessto share the knowledge on criminals with the society, with the provision thatthe criminal world he portrayed was multidimensional rather than just a separate,specific social group, standing out from among the “normal” people. He also paidspecial attention to the life’s circumstances that can “make” anyone a criminal. It is alsocharacteristic of Piasecki to juxtapose criminals against people who are “mechanically”honest. In examining the writer’s views on crime, such a ploy demolishes the positivistdivision of the society into criminals and decent people. Honest by default, manya decent citizen proves to be a bad man. On the other hand, many derailed outcastsfrom the society are in fact good and truly honest. Some stories presented by Piaseckiare quite precise illustrations of theories in the crime sciences. In his descriptionsof the demimonde of the Minsk thieves, Piasecki described them in terms very closeto those presented by Edward Sutherland in The Professional Thief, a book writtenby a professional thief with Sutherland’s sociological commentary.The history of literature knows many writers whose works were based on the introspectionof their respective authors, and whose content allows delving into the socialreality of a given time and an insightful analysis of criminal personalities, as well as anattempt at defining the factors that influence criminal behaviours. Such a knowledgeof the human/the criminal is especially well articulated in realistic prose (Balzac,Zola, Faulkner, Steinbeck, Marquez, Remarque, Piasecki, Nachalnik, Wiskowski, Mironowicz).Certainly, the belles-lettres play a special role in this context, providinga source of knowledge, especially if by the virtue of the vicissitudes of his or her life andthoughts the author can convey information helpful in explaining and understanding the assessment of the phenomena investigated by criminal sciences.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 535-560
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obszary ryzyka w pracy społecznego kuratora sądowego
Risk areas in work of social probation officer
Autorzy:
Miarka-Lachendro, Joanna B.
Kowalska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1035777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Śląski Uniwersytet Medyczny w Katowicach
Tematy:
kurator sądowy
osoba dozorowana
probacja
obszary ryzyka
dozór sądowy
przestępca
probation officer
supervised persons
probation
risk areas
judicial supervision
convicted felon
Opis:
The work of a probation officer is classified as a hazardous profession. Probation officers in the course of their duties must have regular contact with supervised persons. These are the persons convicted by a final judgments for punish-ments of a libertarian nature. Most often these persons come from pathological social environments. Contact with them or their surroundings is usually associated with verbal or active aggression towards the probation officer. The aim of this paper is to present the risk areas in social work of probation officers in criminal matters based on a review of available literature. The authors focused on the aspects that allow the operational safety of probation officers to be increased or improved. The review of literature made it possible to group and systematize the risks. It amounts to areas such as the risks associated with personality traits of the probation officer, its legal status, the risks associated with the ward's environment as well as with the health status of person on probation.
Zawód kuratora sądowego zaliczany jest do niebezpiecznych. Kurator sądowy w ramach pełnionych obowiązków musi mieć stały kontakt z osobami dozorowanymi, skazanymi prawomocnymi wyrokami na kary o charakterze wolnościowym, wywodzącymi się najczęściej z patologicznych środowisk społecznych. Kontakt z nimi lub ich otoczeniem często wiąże się z agresją słowną lub czynną wobec kuratora. Celem prezentowanej pracy jest przedstawienie obszarów ryzyka w pracy społecznych kuratorów sądowych ds. karnych na podstawie przeglądu dostępnej literatury przedmiotu. Autorki skoncentrowały się na aspektach pozwalających na zwiększenie lub poprawę bezpieczeństwa pracy kuratorów. Przegląd piśmiennictwa pozwolił na ich pogrupowanie oraz usystematyzowanie. Sprowadza się on do takich obszarów, jak zagrożenia związane z cechami osobowościowymi kuratora, jego statusem prawnym, ze środowiskiem podopiecznego, a także stanem zdrowia osoby dozorowanej.
Źródło:
Annales Academiae Medicae Silesiensis; 2018, 72; 101-107
1734-025X
Pojawia się w:
Annales Academiae Medicae Silesiensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Patologie w cyberprzestrzeni. Psychologia sprawców przestępstw internetowych
Autorzy:
Łysik, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/518046.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Wydział Ekonomiczny
Tematy:
cyberprzestrzeń
haker
Internet
przestępca
psychologia
Opis:
culture, trade and business. Unfortunately, the expansion of global network has also brought many new forms of crime. In order to fight the phenomenon, one of the key tasks for the enforcement has become to create a psychological trait of their perpetrators. The paper introduces the problem of Internet crime and provides an attempt to sketch a psychological profile of criminals operating in cyberspace.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Studenckie Wydziału Ekonomicznego „Nasze Studia”; 2015, 7; 97-106
1731-6707
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Studenckie Wydziału Ekonomicznego „Nasze Studia”
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska myśl kryminologiczna od schyłku XIX w. do 1939 r.
The Polish Criminological Thought from the Close of the 19th Century till 1939
Autorzy:
Nelken, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699220.pdf
Data publikacji:
1986
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia
prawo karne
historia
filozofia
szkoła antropologiczna
psychopatia
socjologia
osobowość
przestępca
polityka kryminalna
criminology
criminal law
history
philosophy
anthropological school
psychopaty
sociology
personality
criminal
criminal policy
polish criminological thought
Opis:
Both the anthropological school of Lombroso, established in the late half of the 19th century, and the sociological school established by Ferri and other criminologists ( Liszt, Prins, van Hammel, Tarde) met with a keen interest in Poland. However, the anthropological school was criticized, as it was the case in other countries too, both by the classical school of penal law, and from the sociological point of view. A critical analysis of the views of Lombroso and his successors was made by the leading representative of the classical school of penal law in Poland in those days Krzymuski who  postulated that recognition of the individual’s free will to be condition of his penal liability, Krzymuski opposed free will to be conception of a born criminal propagated by Lombroso. Lombroso’s theory was also criticized by  Krzywicki, a sociologist and anthropologist who considered the former’s  approach towards the conditions of crime to be too narrow, leaving out of account those resulting from the social and economic conditions. On the other  hand, Polish criminologists considered it to be Lombroso’s unquestionable merit that he had called attention to the necessity of studying the offender's personality, and in this way initiated the modern criminology. Opinions of various sociological schools were discussed in the Polish literature and accepted by the majority of authors starting from the close of the 19th century. In particular, the most accepted one was the opinion that offence is a result of both individual and social factors, and the aim of punishment meted out by the court should be not only to deter. the perpetrator from committing offences, but also to reeducate him. Due to the fact that in the 19th-centuiy judicial practice the sentence depended on the extent of damage caused by the offender, it was emphasized in the Polish literature that punishment should take into consideration also the offender's individual features, as it is only then that it can fulfil its tasks (Stebelski). With the accepted division of offenders into professional and causal, the fact was stressed that - if the offender reveals a tendency to relapse into crime- the measures the society applies towards him should be more drastic since the society has to defend itself against incorrigible criminals in an effective way. Instead, more lenient measures should be applied towards causal offenders, such measures  being sufficient for their reeducation. In the period between the two world wars, criminology in Poland became a separate branch and extended its range; the establishment of the Polish Criminological Society in 1921 and of the Department of Criminology at the Free Polish University in 1922, later (I932) transformed into the Criminological Institute, contributed to this situation. The Polish criminology of that period faced the task of studying and defining in detail the basic factors of crime: individual (endogenous) and social (exogenous). This was related to the necessity to learn about the sources of crime with the aim of its effective control by means of preparing a Penal Code and properly shaping the criminal policy (Wróblewski). When studying the individual factors of crime, particular attention was paid to the psychopathic personality. Criminal psychopaths were believed to suffer from a pathological moral defect resulting from their underdevelopment in the sphere of emotions. It was stated that psychopaths who committed an offence should not be recognized as mentally irresponsible (Nelken). Psychopathy cannot be treated psychiatrically; on the other hand, intensified resocialization of the offender is necessary here, conditions for this treatment created during his prison term. At the same time, an adequate segregation of prisoners should be applied based on the psychopathological criterion (Łuniewski). The science of the offender's personality was called criminal biology; it dealt with the physical and mental structure of the offender. Criminal biology was to make use of the general anthropological, psychological and psychiatric data as well as those gathered by means of other clinical methods. Aimed at  gathering comprehensive data concerning the whole of the offender’s mental and physical properties, criminal biology should not confine itself to a mere specification of his various traits: it should also study their origin, methodically examining the development of these properties in the milieu in which the offender’s personality was formed. Thus the criminal-biological research must be made from the psychological and medical as well as sociological points of view. Particular importance was attached to detailed environmental research in the study of juvenile delinquents (Batawia). In the early Thirties, the Ministry of Justice initiated criminological- biological research in prisons. The research was carried out by special commissions with the use of a specially prepared comprehensive questionnaire . The greatest part was played by psychiatric and psychological examination. The  criminal-biological research in prisons was interrupted by the outbreak of the war. In connection with the criminogenic role of alcoholism, criminologists spoke for a considerable reduction of production and sale of spirits. Moreover, an opinion was expressed that a commission of an offence in the state of a normal (the so-called physiological) intoxication should not result in the recognition of the offender as mentally irresponsible. Only pathological intoxication may be considered from the point of view of irrespossibility. The offender should not avail himself of his intoxication as a mitigating circumstance (Nelken). The scientists opposed the introduction of compulsory sterilization which was to be applied toward persons whose children could inherit serious  pathological traits from them. The opposition had both scientific and humanistic grounds (Łuniewski, Nelken). Compulsory sterilization was not introduced. The main trend of the Polish criminology in the period between the wars corresponded with the sociological school which took into account the relationship between the endogenous (biological) and the exogenous (social) factors in the origins of crime. A vast majority of Polish criminologists opposed the conception of a “born criminal” put forward by Lombroso. Some of the Polish scholars of the period between the wars who used the term “criminal anthropology” (e.g. Rabinowicz), emphasized the evolution of this science which differed from the Lombroso’s doctrine, and postulated the social milieu as a factor be largely taken into consideration in the studies on the causes of crime. In the Polish criminology of those days, the stress was laid principally on criminal biology due to the fact that the internal factor is usually less  conspicuous and more difficult to prove than the external one in the etiology of crime. It was emphasized that not all of persons who  found themselves in unfavourable social conditions turned offenders (Neymark, Lemkin); therefore, the biological (somato psychological) factor determines the individual’s moral resistance to the unfavourable external conditions. On the other hand, also the social factor, in addition to the biological one, was included in the causes of crime, due to the considerable impact of living conditions on the human mind. The opinion was that - though the etiology of an offence is usually determined by a combination of the external and internal factors - in each case one should attempt to find out which of these factors prevailed in the origin of a given act; this should also be taken into account in the criminological prognosis. In general, the chance for correction is smaller in the case of an offender of the endogenous type who requires a more thorough and longer resocialization as compared with one of the exogenous type; this should be taken into account by the court when meting out punishment (Rabinowicz, Lemkin). The Polish  Penal Code of 1932 (in force till 1969) was an expression of the compromise between the classical school of penal law and the sociological school. In the code, many legal structures included in the General Part were formulated in accordance with the achievements of the science of penal law in its classical form; this concerns particularly the definition or the essence of crime and the principles of liability including that of subjectivism as responsibility for a culpable act. A compromising character was given in the code to meting out punishment which was conditioned not only  by the weight of the offence according to the classical principle of retribution and deterrence, but also by the offender's personality and the life he had led hitherto according to the instructions of the sociological school (Art. 54). The discussed code did not adopt from the Italian positivism the so-called ante-criminal prevention, i.e.. the application of sanctions towards an individual who has not committed any prohibited act yet. Also indeterminate sentences were not adopted in the Code in relation to penalties and not protective measures, as this would be contradictory to the principle of individualization of punishment. Under the influence of the sociological school the Code contained of a possibility of suspension of ęxceution of the penalty, and of its extraordinary rnitigation, as well as the release from prison before the expiration of term (separately regulated by the law of 1927-) and a possibility to mete out a more severe penalty in the case of recidivists. In addition to the medical security measures, which consisted in the commitment of the offender to a mental hospital and which the court could apply towards the persons guilty of acts committed in the state of mental irresponsibility or decreased responsibility, the code introduced - basing on the postulates of the sociological school-isolating security measures applied towards the offenders whose acts were connected with reluctance to work, and towards recidivists and professional as well as habitual criminals if their staying at liberty endangered the legal order. The isolating security measures were applied together with the penalty (not instead of it), the necessity of their application connected with the ‘’ state of danger", i.e. the perpetrator's probability of commission of further offences; in the criminological literature, subjective and state of objective criteria of the danger were distinguished (Strasman). According to Art. 84 of the  Penal Code, offenders of this type were  committed to a special institution  for at least 5 years, and the court decided after the termination of each such period whether it was necessary to prolong the commitment for the next five years. In the Penal Code of 1932, also the measures applied towards juvenile delinquents were divided into educational measures on the one hand, and commitment to a corrective institution on the other hand, depending  on the juvenile's age and of his possible discernment or lack there of when committing the forbiden act.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 223-260
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie programy resocjalizacyjne jako sposób oddziaływania na przestępców
Autorzy:
Muras, Szymon
Las, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788459.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-21
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
resocjalizacja
programy resocjalizacyjne
przestępca
przestępstwo
resocialization
rehabilitation programs
criminal
crime
Opis:
Przedmiotem badań prezentowanych w artykule jest problematyka resocjalizacji. Celem opracowania, opartego m.in. na analizie badań przeprowadzonych przez autorów jest ukazanie, w jaki sposób programy resocjalizacyjne oddziałują na przestępców. Badania przeprowadzono na grupie więźniów z jednego z zakładów karnych w Polsce za pomocą kwestionariusza ankiety. Artykuł stanowi próbę zbadania skuteczności oddziaływań resocjalizacyjnych w polskich zakładach karnych. Omówione zostały defnicje resocjalizacji, oraz założenia polskich programów resocjalizacyjnych w zakładach karnych. Artykuł może być podstawą dla dalszych szczegółowych badań nad zjawiskiem resocjalizacji.
The subject of the research in this article is the issue of social rehabilitation. The aim of the study is to show how social rehabilitation programs affect criminals. The defnitions of both social rehabilitation, along with Polish rehabilitation programs, as well as criminals and crimes were also discussed. The research methods used include the analysis of research carried out by the authors. The research was carried out on a group of prisoners from one of the prisons in Poland using a questionnaire. The article is an attempt to examine the effectiveness of social rehabilitation in Polish prisons. The article may be the basis for further detailed research on the phenomenon of social rehabilitation.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2020, 27; 93-108
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prognoza recydywy u nieletnich przestępców oraz wyniki badań prognostycznych 180 recydywistów w wieku 15-16 lat
Prediction studies on juvenile recidivists
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699316.pdf
Data publikacji:
1965
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia
nieletni
przestępca
recydywista
criminology
recidivist
juvenile
delinquent
Opis:
Predictions of recidivism may be formulated solely in categories of probability. In predicting human behaviour it is impossible to take account and to control all factors that influence it. Causal relationships and the general laws that explain it are still largely unknown and generally the data available on the subject are incomplete. It is therefore necessary to expect that there may be disagreement between predicted and actual behaviour. Predictions of recidivism may be formulated solely in categories of probability. In predicting human behaviour it is impossible to take account and to control all factors that influence it. Causal relationships and the general laws that explain it are still largely unknown and generally the data available on the subject are incomplete. It is therefore necessary to expect that there may be disagreement between predicted and actual behaviour. Nonetheless, despite these reservations, individual predictions of recidivism of juvenile delinquents are to all practical purposes a constant factor in the decisions of the law courts. The essential problem therefore is not whether it is possible to make individual predictions, where there is always a chance of error, but how to arrive at predictions a large proportion of which will be correct. Literature in the field of criminology devoted to this subject distinguishes the statistical and clinical methodes of prediction. These two methods were studied by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences. The object of the study was to investigate a number of questions that were raised by research conducted in other countries on the Department's own empirical material.Below are given the problems related to the subject of clinical predictions: 1. Since clinical predictions play an important role in present practice it was advisable to learn to what extent the predictions made in our study were correct as regards juvenile recidivism. 2. It was equally important to discover how a given prediction was justified, what factors are considered significant in predictions made in individual cases. 3. It was resolved to make a study of the subjective aspects of clinical predictions: whether persons who received the same education and professional training tend to make the same predictions regarding the same juveniles? Whether predictions made by different persons for two groups of juveniles will prove to be accurate in the same extent? Problems of statistical predictions were related to the following questions: 1. Whether the predictive factors established in the projects carried out in other countries have any bearing in the predictions relating to juvenile delinquents in Poland? 2. It was resolved that predictive factors found in one group would be incorporated into the experimental prediction table and used in making predictions for another group. It was further resolved to check-up on the correctness of the predictions. In constructing the experimental prediction table the goal was not to construct a table designed for practical use but on the basis of our own experiments to identify the problems that arise when using a prediction table. 3. Special importance was attached to a careful analysis of cases where the predictions made with the aid of the table were incorrect. The research planned according to these guidelines was conducted in two stages. In the first stage clinical predictions were made and experimental prediction table was constructed for a representative sample of 15 and 16 year old recidivists of Warsaw. In the second stage data was tested on a new sample of 15 and 16 year old recidivists and instances were analyzed where the statistical predictions proved incorrect. The initial research embraced 100 recidivists of 15 and 16 years of age out of 202 recidivists, of the entife population of juvenile recidivists who in 1954 came before the juvenile court of Warsaw on charges of larceny and who were embraced by earlier research on juvenile recidivism conducted by the Department of Criminology. The earlier research yielded data on the after-conduct of the recidivists studied that covered a span of three years. It was established that 51 per cent of them commited offences in the follow-up period. First of all the clinical predictions on the 100 recidivists were based on the findings of environmental as well as psychological and medical examinations and without knowledge of the findings of the follow-up studies. Two psychologists who had experience in criminological studies made predictions for each of the 100 recidivists. The psychologists were not in touch with each other and did not estabiish joint criteria beforehand. Good behaviour was predicted if it was assumed that the recidivist would not commit any offences in the future, bad predictions were made if the feeling was that he could commit offences and uncertain if no definite decision was reached. If the two psychologists differed in their predictions they would discuss the subject and try to arrive at a consensus. The predictions made in this manner shaped up as follows: 18 per cent were good, 57 per cent bad and 25 per cent uncertain. There was a significant statistical relationship between the predictions and the commission or non-commission of offences in the course of the next three years by the 100 recidivists studied that may be expressed by a level of significance of p < 0.001. The bad predictions were correct in 70 per cent of the cases, the good in 83 per cent. Thus an overwhelming proportion of the predictions was correct and the proportiorr of uncertain predictions (25 per cent) inconsiderable. The problem arises what part do subjective factors play in the clinical predictions made by two different persons? Two separate predictions regarding the same juvenile agreed in 70 per cent of the cases. Greater agreement was found in the bad predictions (77 per cent) than in the uncertain (60 per cent) and the good (61 per cent) predictions. Moreover, there were large differences in the reasons given for the predictions issued to the same individual. The two psychologists frequently listed different factors in arriving at the same decisions. A great many factors were listed as reasons for the predictions which, based on an analysis of data relating to the individual cases, seemed to bear significantly upon the predictions regarding the juveniles studied. Among those mentioned were envinonmental factors, personality traits, demonstration of antisocial behaviour and information about the offences committed. The next step in the first stage of the project focused on statistical predictions. A study was made of the relationship between 23 factors and the behaviour of the 100 recidivists of 15 and 16 years of age under study over a span of three years. Account was taken of factors which were found significant in the prediction of juvenile recidivism by the research conducted in other countries and of factors which were seemed significant to the problem in the study of juvenile recidivism in Poland. It was established that a significant statistical relationship existed between the following factors and the continued antisocial behaviour of the subjects under study: 1) early age (below 11) of the onset of symptoms of demoralization, 2) early age of onset of antisocial behaviour (below 13), 3) persistent stealing, 4) membership in a group of delinquents or keeping bad company, 5) personality disorders, 6) drinking, 7) running away from home, B) Iack of schooling or work. The findings indicate that the early age of the onset of antisocial behaviour and the far-gone demoralization of the juvenile are important factors in predicting recidivism. However, no relationship was found, and this seemed strange and called for explanation, between recidivism and any of the factors that characterized the family environment. This contrasted with the findings of the previous study that embraced all the juvenile recidivists between the ages of 8 and. 16. The oldest of these were included in the present study. In order to find an explanation for the disparity an additional study, one that was not initially planned, was made of the 28 factors and their relationship to recidivism that continued over a period of three years among the youngest of the recidivists studied at an earlier time in the Department of Criminology. Toward this end 68 of the youngest subjects between the ages of 8 and 13 were isolated from the whole population of recidivists ranging from 8 to 16 years of age. It was found that the following factors had a statistically significant relationship with continued recidivism in the younger age group: 1) alcoholism in the family, 2) the home atmosphere, 3) lack of supervision by parents, 4) systematic truancy, b) early age of first symptoms of demoralization, 6) early age of first offences, 7) membership in a delinquent group, B) personaiitv disorders. Consequently, a slighty different set of factors ought to be taken into account when making predictions for younger recidivists. Environmental factors of the home are far more significant in predictions for younger delinquents. In older delinquents it was totally immaterial whether they came from a good or a bad home environment as far as predictions were concerned. A good home which had failed to guard a child of up to 15 and 16 years of age from becoming a delinquent couId handły guard the child against recidivism. In younger delinquents a good lamily atmosphere, excellent supervision, absence of alcoholism all are positive predictive factors. Younger juveniles are still highly responsive to the influence of the home and careful supervision may guard them against further demoralization. Our research substantiated the thesis that research on the prediction of juvenile recidivism ought to be conducted separately for narrow and strictly defined age levels. The age of the subject at the time the prediction is made is an important factor that must be kept in view.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1965, III; 121-281
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przyczyny i czynniki stymulujące przestępstwa rozbójnicze
Causes and Factors of Crime Racketeering and Extortion
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140563.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej
Tematy:
demoralizacja
przestępca
rodzina patologiczna
agresja
demoralisation
offender
family pathological
agresion
Opis:
W artykule omówiono przyczyny i czynniki mające wpływ na przestępczość rozbójniczą. Przybliżono wpływ środowiska rodzinnego, rówieśniczego, czynników osobowościowych, sytuacyjnych i wiele innych w oparciu o badania sondażowe przeprowadzone w Areszcie Śledczym w Poznaniu wśród osadzonych. Określono związki korelacyjne pomiędzy poszczególnymi czynnikami a przyczynami przestępczości rozbójnicze tj. jak bezrobocie, zatrudnienie, gęstość zaludnienia.
The article discusses the causes and factors that influence crime robbery. Approximated the effect of family environment, peer, personality factors, situational, and many others. Discusses the survey carried out in Remand in Poznan among inmates. The parsed correlations of variables IE. as unemployment, employment, population density.
Źródło:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego; 2017, 11, 2; 156-173
1896-8848
2450-3436
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawcy podpalenia – charakterystyka psychologiczna
Firesetters – Psychological Profile
Autorzy:
Piotrowski, P.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/372796.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Centrum Naukowo-Badawcze Ochrony Przeciwpożarowej im. Józefa Tuliszkowskiego
Tematy:
podpalenie
psychologia
motywacja
przestępca
arson
psychology
motivation
offender
Opis:
Cel: Celem pracy jest dokonanie przeglądu badań oraz koncepcji teoretycznych dotyczących zarówno psychologicznego funkcjonowania sprawców podpaleń, jak i kryminologicznych aspektów przestępstw polegających na umyślnym wzniecaniu pożarów. Metody: W pracy przeanalizowano angielskojęzyczną oraz polską literaturę na temat psychologicznego, kryminologicznego i psychiatrycznego podłoża przestępczego wywoływania pożarów. Wyniki: Podpalenie to jedno z przestępstw powodujących poważne zagrożenie porządku publicznego oraz niebezpieczeństwo odniesienia obrażeń, utraty życia i mienia przez jednostki. Popełnienie tego czynu nie wymaga najczęściej ani szczególnych umiejętności, ani pomocy innych osób, a sprawcom dość łatwo jest zachować anonimowość. W literaturze wyróżnia się najczęściej kilka głównych motywów popełnienia przestępstwa podpalenia. Są to: zemsta, podniecenie, wandalizm, maskowanie dowodów, odnoszenie korzyści oraz ekstremizm polityczny (terroryzm). W opracowaniu omówiono między innymi jedną z najnowszych koncepcji wyjaśniających tło przyczynowe podpaleń – wielotorową teorię podpaleń. Populacja sprawców podpaleń jest wewnętrznie zróżnicowana. Gdyby jednak dokonać zabiegu ekstrapolacji, typowym sprawcą podpalenia okazałby się młody mężczyzna o niskim statusie społecznym i zawodowym, notowany przez policję, zmagający się z problemami natury psychologicznej lub psychiatrycznej, których źródeł można doszukiwać się w dysfunkcyjnym środowisku wychowawczym. Wnioski: Literatura poświęcona psychologicznym uwarunkowaniom dokonywania podpaleń nie jest zbyt bogata. Uzyskanie jednoznacznych danych jest utrudnione z kilku względów. Przede wszystkim badacze reprezentujący nauki społeczne nie są zgodni co do terminologii dotyczącej przestępczego wzniecania pożarów. Ponadto niektóre projekty badawcze obejmują stosunkowo niewielką grupę podpalaczy. Charakterystyka osób wzniecających pożary jest też niejednokrotnie wycinkowa w tym sensie, że koncentruje się wyłącznie na wybranym aspekcie zjawiska. Nawet jeśli uznamy, że dotychczasowy stan wiedzy na temat psychospołecznych przyczyn podpaleń nie jest zadawalający, dotychczas zgromadzone dane będzie można wykorzystać w procesie opracowywania metod oddziaływań prewencyjnych i terapeutycznych. Powinny one uwzględniać psychologiczne i kryminologiczne mechanizmy leżące u podstaw przestępczego wzniecania pożarów oraz wewnętrzne zróżnicowanie populacji sprawców.
Aim: To review the literature on research and theoretical concepts related to the psychological functioning of firesetters and the criminological aspects of arson (deliberate firesetting). Methods: A thorough analysis of the English and Polish literature on the psychological, criminological and psychiatric determinants of criminal arson. Results: Arson is a crime causing threat to public order and resulting in injuries, death or property damage for individuals. It is easy to start a fire, because it does not require special skills or help from other people; it is also relatively easy for perpetrators to remain anonymous. According to the literature on the subject, the main motives for committing arson include revenge, excitement, vandalism, crime-concealment, profit and political extremism (terrorism). The article provides an overview of the latest concepts explaining the causal background of criminal arson, including the FBI classification, the Canter and Fritzon typology, Fritzon’s et al. analysis of firesetting as an “action system”, Jackson’s functional analysis of arson and Multi-Trajectory Theory of Adult Firesetting (M-TTAF). The population of deliberate firesetters is not a homogenous group. However, some conclusions on the characteristics of this group can be drawn. “The typical fire-raiser” is likely to be a young, single male, usually of low social and professional status, with a police record, struggling with psychological or psychiatric problems, whose sources can be traced back to a dysfunctional family environment. Conclusions: The literature on the psychological conditions of firesetting is still relatively scarce. Achieving a clear understanding is difficult for several reasons. First of all, there is no consensus among social scientists on the terminology used to describe criminal arson. Some research projects include a relatively small group of firesetters. The profile of offenders is often partial in the sense that it focuses only on the selected aspect of the phenomenon. Even if we assume that the current state of knowledge on the psychosocial causes of arson is not satisfactory, the collected data should be considered when designing prevention and treatment programmes. In particular, psychological correlates and criminological mechanisms underlying firesetting, along with the internal diversity of the population of offenders, should be taken into account.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza; 2017, 45, 1; 88-100
1895-8443
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 20

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies