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Tytuł:
Rozmiary recydywy u młodocianych więźniów po upływie 10 lat od ich zwolnienia z zakładów karnych
The Recidivism in Young Adult Prisoners Ten Years after Their Release from Prison
Autorzy:
Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699240.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywa
młodociani więźniowie
recidivism
young adult prisoners
Opis:
All the young adult prisoners (17-20 years old), discussed in this work were released in Poland in 1961. In that year from 40 prisons were released a total of 6,193 young adults, of whom 1,025 (16.5%) had previous convictions, while 5,168 (83.5%) had received prison sentences for the first time after having reached the age of 17. The basic object of these follow-up studies was to establish the frequency of recidivism among young adult offenders during the 10 years following their release from prison. The overwhelming majority (894) of those who had had previous convictions were subjects of research; a sample of 1,188 prisoners without previous convictions was taken at random. Data forming the basis for dividing young adult offenders into those with prior convictions and those without, did not take into account the period when they were not yet of age, with the exception of time spent in approved schools. This is most significant, since, as was found in juvenile courts of two cities ‒ Warsaw and Łódź – a considerable percentage of those investigated had already faced trial while still juveniles: this percentage amounted among those without previous conviction to 35%; among those with previous convictions ‒ to 56%. Though these data from big city centres cannot be extrapolated in relation to those of the total of the young people studied, who also come from small towns and villages, they are nevertheless significant. When examining the extent of recidivism during the 10-year period after release, it should be borne in mind that among those with previous convictions as well as among those without previous convictions there were some who were socially maladjusted already as children and adolescents (between 10 and 16). The number of previous convictions (including also detainment in approved schools) of young adults were as follows: 79% had been once convicted, 14% ‒ twice, and 4% ‒ three times or more (as concerning the remaining 3% no accurate data were available as to the number of previous convictions). Thus almost one-fifth of those with previous convictions had already before their release in 1961 faced trial at least three times. Data related to the domicile of those investigated before they were sent to prison (released in 1961) are as follows: ‒ 57% of those without previous convictions had urban domiciles, and 43% rural; ‒ 73% of those with previous conviction had urban domiciles and 27% ‒  rural; Among the cases studied, urban residents predominate, notably among those with previous convictions. Subsequent convictions of young adult offenders were checked twice ‒ in 1967 and 1972 on the basis of their criminal records, revealing all the convictions and each prison term. After the end of the l0-year follow-up period, the average age of those investigated with and without previous convictions amounted to 30 years. After the follow-up period ‒ ten years from the time of release from prison in 1961 ‒ frequency of recidivism among former young adult prisoners amounted to: (a) 82% of those with previous convictions were convicted anew; (b) 57% of those without previous convictions were convicted again. As regards this high percentage of recidivism, it should be borne in mind that the cases studied are not representative of the total of young adult offenders but only of those who have been sentenced to imprisonment by the courts and the fact, already mentioned, that a considerable percentage of the young adults studied were socially maladjusted from childhood. Since the ten-year follow-up period was very long, it was divided into two five-year periods: 1961-1966 and 1967-1972. It was found that a very large percentage of young adult offenders were convicted in both the first and the second five years: those without previous convictions ‒ 26%, those with prior convictions ‒ 46%. As regards those convicted in the first five-year period, they account only for 23% of those without and 19% of those with previous convictions. The corrresponding percentages for those convicted in the second fiveyear period only are: 11% and 12%. If we differentiate former young adult prisoners who had no court records and those who did have them in the first five-year period, but committed no offences in the second five-year period, we find that a total of 63% of young adult offenders without and 42% with previous convictions were not convicted again after having reached the age of approximately 22-25 years. Study of the extent of recidivism during the follow-up period showed that among offenders convicted during the two five-year periods there was a marked predominance of recidivists with multiple ‒ at least four ‒ convictions: they accounted for 65% of those without and 61% of those with previous convictions. But among those convicted in only one of the five-year periods there was a predominance of those with only one or two convictions. They accounted for 65% of the relevant category of former young adult prisoners. Research among urban inhabitants without previous convictions revealed markedly more frequent recidivism (75%) than among such living in rural areas (54%). Among the group with previous convictions, 87% of those living in urban areas became recidivists and as many as 77% of those living in rural areas. Thus there exists a substantial group among young adult prisoners living in the rural areas who display a distinct tendency towards recidivism; it was, however, impossible to establish whether those formerly living in rural areas may not during the follow-up period have lived or commuted to work in towns. A remarkable tendency to recidivism was observed not only among young adult offenders who in 1961 had been in prison, after having been convicted of theft of personal property (79% of the subsequent recidivists among those without and 85% of those with previous convictions), but also among those who were convicted of theft of social property (59% and 38%), for offences against the public officials and government offices (60% and 79%), and against life and health (46% and 75%). This seems to confirm the hypothesis that a substantial percentage of those convicted of such offences, are also individuals who suffered from serious social maladjustment at an early age. The results of the present work bear out the findings of various Polish as well as foreign publications to the effect that imprisonment of young adult offenders suffering from social maladjustment is of very little effect. In view of the marked probability that the majority of these young adult offenders revealed even in childhood symptoms of social maladjustment, it is clearly advisable that prophylaxis should concentrate primarily on taking precautions to avoid the appearance of social maladjustment in children and the young.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 156-177
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Społeczne inicjatywy na rzecz więźniów
Community Initiatives for Prisoners
Autorzy:
Porowski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698516.pdf
Data publikacji:
1992
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
społeczne inicjatywy
więżniowie
resocjalizacja
pomoc więźniom
community initiatives
prisoners
resocialization
assistance to prisoners
Opis:
Assistance to persons released from prison is considered an indispensable stage of the process of carrying out the penalty of imprisonment. The authors engaged in that subject agree as to the role of postpenitentiary assistance  in reduction of relapse into crime and its connection with social readjustment of offenders. In my opinion, that approach is insufficient for a full justification of the actual sense of assistance rendered to persons on release from prison. Pragmatic researchers treat the slogan of helping prisoners as obvious and focus on the related legal and organizational problems. Lacking strict criteria of appraisal, the analysis of legal solutions resolves itself usually into approving comments and to attributing the indolent functioning of the assisting agencies to sluggishness of the actual care providers. The suggested conceptions of improvement of the  after-care resolve themselves into improvement of the existing institutional and legal solutions and corrections of their model which remains the same all the time despite the fact that a succession of its versions have proved inefficient in practice. Taking the subject up, I adopted an entirely different approach and method of research. I assumed that all assistance can only be successful if those involved in it are genuinely motivated to that activity. Even if the norm „help the prisoners” is an element of the system of moral directives recognized in our culture, this fact alone by no means determines in advance the actual range and validity of that norm. Like all moral values, also this one is valid with different force, to a different  extent and has a different range for different people. For some, it is a postulate that needs to be fulfilled which they experience as a moral  obligation; for others, it is a criterion of axiological orientation. This implies the different ways of their functioning. As shown by analysis of empirical studies, the norm demanding that prisoners should be helped is not too deeply rooted in social consciousness. It has failed to win general acceptance even at the verbal level, and the readiness to fulfill it through a person’s own activity can be found but occasionally; in such cases, it is motivated situationally rather than by axi axiological experiences. The reason is probably that a moral appraisal of the object of assistance (an imprisoned offender) is transmitted to the appraisal of the duty to fulfill a norm. Instead of deciding whether help is at all necessary, we want to know if the person in need of help deserves to be helped. In so doing, we forget that all those objectively in need of help are worth being helped; we condition our decision as to rendering help upon the actualreason of a person’s helplessness, or more strictly speaking, upon  the rank on the moral scale of the acts that made that person helpless. In this situation, what becomes a signicificent factor that has a beartng on the discussed norm is the perception of un offender as a dewiant of a definite type. An offender is usually perceived through a stereotype: a specific conglomerate of simplified and mainly unfounded beliefs. Yet that very stereotype functions as a standard basing on which the actual way of conduct is chosen. Therefore, I tried to define the stereotype of an impriosoned offender that functions in social consciousness and in consciousness of professionals involved in the work with prisoners. I also tried to diagnose the psychosocial mechanism that result in the formation and consolidation of that stereotype. Which social groups and individuals tend to consider the postulate of assistance to prisoners as a norm that they themselves should follow, or at least which such groups and individuals have the strongest motivation to respond to that call? Of the many hypotheses about the origin of prosocial behaviour (and of course of helping which is a form of that behaviour), let us first consider the one which states that prosocial behaviour results from the structure of ,,ego” and the parallel observation that another person at a disadvantage is similar to oneself in some respect. That similarity may concern both the bodily and spiritual structure and all the other components of one’s self-image. Thus diagnosed, the similarity releases or at least catalyzes the readiness to prosocial behaviour. Basing on this hypothesis, it should be assumed that ex-offenders, ex-convicts, or generally speaking, persons affected by imprisonment are particularly likely to recognize that norm, and further, that the motivation to help prisoners growth with a reduced distance between the offender and the cultural circles that approximate him with respect to mentality and custom. Considering this hypothesis, we come across still another dependence: the actual condemnation of an offender depends on the degree of acceptance of the normative system which that offender has infringed. The discrepancy between values protected by law and the individual or group preferences results in a change in attitudes. A person convicted by force of a disapproved law is perceived as a victim and not an enemy. The offender thus meets with fellow-felling, and the authors and executors of the disapproved law, with resentment. This dependence, cannot be limited to the subcultural negation of law that is characteristic of criminal circles. It follows from the division of the bulk of crime into mala per se and mala prohibita. After all, stigmatization takes a different, course in the case of an obvious evil vs. one that is simply considered evil by law which cites reasons that are by no means necessarily either obvious or good, or which is directed against an interest that is not perceived in accordance with the official standpoint. Prohibitions lacking the proper axiological foundation proliferate with the instrumental treatment of penal law, reduced to the role of political tool; in such situations, all public activity of any importance whatever is usually subordinated to politics. What significantly differentiates the extent to which the norms that concern helping others are perceived as valid are the emotional and social bonds (e.g. fomily ties). From the psychological viewpoint, they constitute a particularly active and natural stimulator of motivations, one that defines the actual circle of the most involve addressees of the norn. In this case, the one who helps is not only personally interested in the fates of the one who gets help, but also acts for his own good  rendering that help. The social situation resulting from imprisonment of a family member gives rise to special problems in the legal, economic and social sphere. Quite obviously, the other members of that family should be allowed to participate in the solution of those problems which  are also their own. We have therefore distinguished the groups that are willing, as can be expected, to adopt the norm of helping prisoners and to act accordingly. Of course, we deal here with a selective range of that norm’s validity which is subject to a double limitation: not everybody is willing to help prisoners, and that readiness does not concern all prisoners. This follows from the contents of the discussed hypothesis which after all assumes the similarity of partners in interaction as the necessary condition of emergence of motivation. The fact that a person considers a definite behaviour his/her duty may as well result from that person’s internalization of certain moral norms or ideals that can only be fulfilled through such behaviour (the love of one’s fellow man, brotherhood, general kidness). What is released here, as opposed to the hypothesis discussed above, is a general sense of duty not related to any definite person or situation but directed at all those in need of help. The group of thus motivated person includes possible addressees of the norm helping prisoners. With ages, the social practice formed a variety of forms of orginization of those who treat assistance to prisoners as a moral norm. Concerned here are initiatives based initially on the model of charity and constituting part of the general charitable activities. In the l9th century, they developed into specialized patronage societies which in turn acquired, and preserved till the present day in the world, the status of an indispensable element of the rational prison system. The Polish model of society’s participation in the execution of the sentence of imprisonment eliminated all the above-mentioned subjects  from any activities whatever on behalf of prisoners. Finding this situation irrational, I tried to investigate its causes and to disclose the motives of those who had made it that way. Depending upon the object that serves as the system of reference for prosocial behaviour, that behaviour can be divided into allocentric and sociocentric. The allocentric behaviour is activity undertaken for reason of another person’s interests, i. e. aimed at securing the best possible functioning, protection, or development of that person. If, instead, the subject acts on behalf of an institutional or group, that is if the addressee of his/her action is a definite social arrangement, we deal with the sociocentric prosocial behaviour. This latter motivation was adopted in Poland as the basis for designing the institutional structures charged with the task of helping prisoners. Namely, after-care was inserted in that particular segment of criminal policy which is called in the legal language ,,participation of the community in crime prevention and control”. The term community used here expresses the principle of joint action. The whole means a specific kind of participation aimed at assisting the police, courts, and prison administration. As opposed to voluntary associations of those interested in helping prisoners and to patronage societies, such institutions are organized from without, follow the orders of State administration, base membership on the principle of  delegation or nomination, are organizationally included in the system of State agencies whose activities they supplement within their imposed competences, and are fully controlled by those agencies. Thus organized, the voluntary forces are used to support the machine involved in carrying out penalties; they become advocates of the so-called social interest and executors of the official State policy. The main conclusion that follows from the present study resolves itself into a postulate for a reform which would make it possible also, and perhaps in particular, for those with the allocentric motivation to become engaged in helping prisoners.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1992, XVIII; 51-101
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wielka Ilustrowana Encyklopedia Powstania Warszawskiego. T. 4
Współwytwórcy:
Rozwadowski, Piotr. Repolemika
Wiśniewska Maria. Recenzja
Kunert, Andrzej Krzysztof (1952- ). Opracowanie
Walkowski, Zygmunt (1936- ). Opracowanie
Data publikacji:
1997
Wydawca:
Warszawa : ARS Print Production
Tematy:
Order Wojenny Virtuti Militari odznaczeni biografie spis encyklopedia
Żołnierze ranni i chorzy Warszawa 1944 r. spis encyklopedia
Jeńcy wojenni polscy Niemcy 1944-1945 r. encyklopedia
Uprising
Prisoners of war
Casualties and sick soldier's
Orders and awards military distinetions
Powstanie warszawskie (1944)
Encyklopedia
Recenzja
Opis:
Kilka uwag o encyklopedii Powstania Warszawskiego
Nowa metodologia? : polemika w sprawie Wielkiej Ilustrowanej Encyklopedii Powstania Warszawskiego
List do dr. Andrzeja Kunerta
W odpowiedzi na polemikę w sprawie Wielkiej Ilustrowanej Encyklopedii Powstania Warszawskiego
[W odpowiedzi na polemikę w sprawie Wielkiej Ilustrowanej Encyklopedii Powstania Warszawskiego]
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Książka
Tytuł:
Więźniowie „niebezpieczni” w polskim systemie więziennym
‘Dangerous Prisoners’ in the Polish Penitentiary System
Autorzy:
Kremplewski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699096.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
więziennictwo
więźniowie „niebezpieczni”
system penitencjarny w Polsce
dangerous prisoners
Polish penitentiary system
Opis:
The subject of the presentation are the so-called dangerous prisoners in the Polish penitentiary. The number of such prisoners (remand and sentenced prisoners) is continuously changing, now in the whole system there are approximately 400 persons (347 as of 31 May 2005, the whole population was 82,867 prisoners). Dangerous prisoners are qualified into this group by the prison administration on an ex lege basis (those who committed very serious crimes) or for an extremely negative behaviour of the prisoner at the time of his/her isolation. The author describes the group of dangerous prisoners from the sociological, legal and especially human rights points of view. He discusses the methods of their treatment and the issue of the penitentiary learning to deal with such prisoners.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 227-232
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zachowania korupcyjne osadzonych (wstępne wyniki badań)
Corrupt Practices of Prisoners (Initial Research Results)
Autorzy:
Pływaczewski, Emil W.
Szczygieł, Grażyna B.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698975.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
korupcja
zachowania korupcyjne
służba więzienna
osadzony
corruption
corrupt practices
prisoners
prison service
Opis:
An analysis of the research questionnaires shows that most respondents (64%) think corruption is a significant problem of the Prison Service. Twenty-eight respondents (14%) quoted having received a corruption offer from a convict. If we consider the fact that one out of 7 respondents received a corruption offer and every second respondent thinks corruption is a significant issue, such an assessment does not reflect the experience of most people who deemed corruption a significant issue, but rather their feelings of threat or concern. Certainly, such feelings might be influenced by the multitude of such information in the media. In the newspapers, and inthe Penitentiary Forum which reaches every Prison Service member in particular, there are detailed accounts of specific cases of corrupt practices that were uncovered. As concerns corruption offers, we have to underline that they were twice more frequently addressed to warders than to counsellors. As stated in the survey, 19 warders and 9 counsellors admitted having received such offers. The fact that corruption offers were more often addressed at warders than counsellors might be explained to some extent by the fact that prisoners have more contact with the warders than the counsellors (prison yard, baths).
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 299-311
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Izolacja spotęgowana – kilka pytań na temat oddziałów dla tzw. więźniów niebezpiecznych
Isolation Enhanced: Some Questions on Units for the So-Called Dangerous Inmates
Autorzy:
Lasocik, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698754.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
więźniowie niebezpieczni
oddziały
badania empiryczne
izolacja spotęgowana
system penitencjarny
dangerous prisoners
“N” unit
empirical research
penitentiary system
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 703-718
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 185

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