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Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 373
Tytuł:
Michaił Gorbaczow – prezydent upadającego państwa
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621461.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
USSR, President, perestroika
Opis:
The final years of the Soviet Union were dominated by a desperate attempt to resolve the economic and social impasse. It was also a period of searching for new ways of legislation, which would enable the efficient and least burdensome for the power transition from the post – totalitarian system to the strictly limited system of quasi-democracy. Replacement of the totalitarian state solution by imitate democratic institutions was a way of maintaining power by the elite. Implemented change did not protect from the final collapse of the Soviet Union, but even accelerated it. The election of Gorbachev as the first executive President of the Soviet Union – which was made as a result of changes in the Soviet constitution – was an attempt to consolidate (and to legitimate) of power. Nevertheless this fact did not strengthen his position, quite the contrary, undermined it. Analogous changes took place in the constitutions of the others republics and were push up by local leaders because elections for the President of the Republic gave them a real and independent of the political center power.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2009, 7; 195-208
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucja prezydenta na tle początków państwowości ukraińskiej
Autorzy:
Olechno, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Ukraine, president, Hrushevski
Opis:
The institution of the President of Ukraine, its shape and models, are even now being discussed by the constitutional lawyers, historians and politicians. There is controversy even concerning the exact date of establishing the president’s office. The evolution of this office started in the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The fall of European powers at the end of World War I gave Ukrainian elites the chance to establish an independent state. On March 17, 1917 in Kiev the Ukrainian Central Council, presided by Mykhailo Hrushevski was established. The Council’s function was to represent the Ukrainian national interests and to convene the Ukrainian parliament. In April 1917 the Council convened the first Ukrainian National Congress, where strong national tendencies emerged. They demanded the authonomy for Ukraine and stated that future relations with Russia will be defined by future Legislative Assembly. The newly organized Central Council declared itself to be the Ukrainian parliament and the executive power was vested to so called Small Council. The Council consisted of President, two vice- presidents, secretaries of the Council and of two representatives of each Ukrainian political party. Hrushevsky was elected President by 900 representatives; Volodymyr Vynnychenko and Sergei Jefremov were elected vice-presidents. There is important controversy about presidential status: was he the head of state or only the head of the Assembly? On January 9, 1918 the Central Council proclaimed full sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (Ukrainśka Narodna Respublika). During the first months of the independent state the Central Council expressed its legislative functions strongly. It was dissolved by the German occupation forces and – as a reaction to this fact – on April 29, 1918 it elected M. Hrushevsky to be the first Ukrainian president. Although on the same day ataman general P. Skoropadsky carried out the coup d’etat and restored old system, we can conclude that during this few hours the presidential office existed. The election of Hrushevsky was a formal act, which only confirmed the existing practice. He was not only the president of the Central Council, but he performed the functions of the head of state. It has to be mentioned that the constitution was saying nothing about the president’s office. It constituted the National Assembly and vested him with the supreme power of the state. The Assembly was entitled to perform the legislative functions and to create the executive power (art. 23). The president of the Assembly (Holova) was elected by the members of the Assembly and performer its functions in the name of the Republic. The president could control the acts of parlament and this function shows that he was not only the head of the Assembly. The next leaders of the Ukrainian state in 1918–1926 – V. Vynnychenko and Semen Petlura did not use the title of presient. In 1921 Ukraine occupied by the Bolsheviks and there was no chance for independent Ukraine.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2009, 8; 109-125
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ewolucja struktury Kancelarii Prezydenta RP w latach 1989–2017. Statuty Kancelarii Prezydenta
Evolution of the structure of the Chancellery of the President of the Republic of Poland in 1989–2017. Statutes of the Chancellery of the President
Autorzy:
Wicherek, Damian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/942343.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Konstytucja
prezydent
Kancelaria Prezydenta
prerogatywa
Constitution
President
the office of President
prerogative
Opis:
W artykule autor skupia się na konstytucyjnej prerogatywie Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej jaką jest nadawanie statutu Kancelarii Prezydenta RP, która jest or-ganem pomocniczym prezydenta. Pierwsza części artykuł, odnosi się do podstawach prawnych nadawania statutu przez Prezydenta RP, natomiast w drugiej części autor, przedstawia poszczególne dokumenty z lat 1989–2017. W zakończeniu autor zwraca uwagę na podobieństwa oraz różnice w nadawanych przez Prezydentów RP statutach, w których określali Oni zasady funkcjonowania Kancelarii Prezydenta RP, która umożliwia prezydentom realizację założeń swojej prezydentury.
In this article, the author focuses on the constitutional prerogative of the President of the Republic of Poland, which is the granting of the statute of the President’s Chancellery. The aim of the article will be to analyze the individual statutes of the auxiliary body of the president, taking into account changes that have been made to the Law Office based on the documents issued. In the first part, the article refers to the legal basis for issuing statutes by the president, but the author in the subsequent parts focuses mainly on the analysis of documents issued by individual Presidents of the Republic of Poland.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2019, 4 (50); 131-144
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
a Literary History of Mental Captivity in the United States. <i>Blood Meridian</i>, <i>Wise Blood</i>, and Contemporary Political Discourse
Autorzy:
Rodriguez, Manuel Broncano
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626268.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Cormac McCarthy
Blood Meridian
US foreign policy
President Trump President Putin
Opis:
On July 15, 2018, US President Donald Trump and Russia President Vladimir Putin held a summit in Helsinki that immediately set off a chain reaction throughout the world. By now, barely two months later, that summit is all but forgotten for the most part, superseded by the frantic train of events and the subsequent bombardment from the media that have become the “new normal.” While the iron secrecy surrounding the conversation between the two dignitaries allowed for all kinds of speculation, the image of president Trump bowing to his Russian counterpart (indeed a treasure trove for semioticians) became for many observers in the US and across the world the living proof of Mr. Trump´s subservient allegiance to Mr. Putin and his obscure designs. Even some of the most recalcitrant GOPs vented quite publicly their disgust at the sight of a president paying evident homage to the archenemy of the United States, as Vercingetorix kneeled down before Julius Cesar in recognition of the Gaul´s surrender to the might of the Roman Empire. For some arcanereason, the whole episode of the Helsinki summit brought to my mind, as in a vivid déjà vu, Cormac McCarthy´s novel Blood Meridian and more specifically, the characters of Judge Holden and the idiotic freak who becomes Holden´s ludicrous disciple in the wastelands of Arizona. In my presentation, I will provide some possible explanations as to why I came to blend these two unrelated episodes into a single continuum. In the process, I will briefly revisit some key texts in the American canon that fully belong in the history of “mental captivity” in the United States, yet to be written. Obviously, I am not in hopes of deciphering the ultimate reasons for current US foreign policy, and the more modest aim of my presentation today is to offer some insights into the general theme of our conference through a novel and a textual tradition overpopulated with “captive minds.”
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2020, 13, 1; 75-97
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
POSTĘPOWANIE W SPRAWIE ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚCI KONSTYTUCYJNEJ PREZYDENTA CHORWACJI
PROCEEDINGSIN THE CASE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PRESIDENT OF CROATIA
Autorzy:
GRABOWSKA, Sabina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
constitutional responsibility
president
Croatia
Opis:
The subject of this study is the Croatian procedural regulations concerning the constitutional responsibility of the president. I try to answer the question of whether the Croatian legislator normalized the functioning of the institution in an appropriate manner.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 3; 57-62 (6)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Acts of Ukraine and the Baltic Countries: chronological comparison (1990–2004)
Autorzy:
Voitenko, Yurii
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/23050989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
law
constitution
parliament
president
independence
Opis:
The article examines the main state-building acts adopted by the highest authorities of Ukraine and the Baltic states starting from 1990 (as a result of the first free election of deputies of these republics in the post-war period) and until 2004 (when significant changes took place in the internal political and geopolitical context, in particular – the accession of the Baltic states to NATO and the EU, as well as changes in the form of government in Ukraine in amendments to the Constitution as a result of the so-called «Orange Revolution»). The article reflects not only the legal part of the specified period, but also the institutional part, in particular, in the part of the formation of both legislative and executive power in the specified countries. The interaction of political, regulatory and historical components in this article forms a holistic vision of state-building processes in their synergistic unity. The purpose of the study is to conduct a chronological comparison of the main statebuilding acts of Ukraine and the Baltic countries in the period from 1990 to 2004. The methodological basis is a chronological comparison of the normative framework of countries in the context of the processes of state formation. It was determined that the parliaments of these countries, which were elected in the spring of 1990, immediately began to fight for their sovereignty and set a course for separation from the union center. The August 1991 putsch in Moscow became the «trigger mechanism» in the declaration of independence of the Baltic states and Ukraine. From that time, these countries began to build their states independently, in particular in the political and legal sphere. First, there is a change in the name of the state itself and its parliament (getting rid of the Soviet one) at the legislative level, as well as the complete subordination of power structures and other authorities exclusively to republican structures. Subsequently, the main state symbols (flag, coat of arms and anthem), constitutions are adopted, the course of states towards a market economy through the denationalization of property and privatization is introduced, each has its own currency, property is divided with other republics, international treaties and agreements are adopted, and countries The Baltics (but not Ukraine) manage to completely get rid of Russian troops from their territory through complex diplomatic efforts. The latter also contributed to the fact that the Baltic countries, having immediately taken a course towards the West, later became full members of NATO and the EU. During this period, Ukraine only decided on its geopolitical vector, that it intends to join these international associations in the future.
Źródło:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2023, 8(1); 35-43
2543-9227
Pojawia się w:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucja prezydenta w systemie politycznym Federacji Rosyjskiej
Autorzy:
Ross, Wiktor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630036.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Politics; Constitution; Political system; President
Opis:
This article presents the course that passed the political system of USSR going from the old soviet structure to the modern form of the state. Total economic and political crisis forced the last General Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Gorbatchev to seek the new political institutions and were helpful in the process of maintaining socialist character of the state and social relations and, simultaneously, to carry out the changes of the political system which became necessary. These efforts were a failure because of strong resistance, on the one hand, communist nomenklatura and the other hand, the new democratic movement in the Russian Federation conducted by Boris Yeltsin and independent movements in Soviet Republics. After the trial to stop the process of reforming of the state undertaken by communist leaders of USSR during coupé d'etat in August 1991 the initiative passed to the democratic forces in Russia. The fall of the USSR and foundation of the CIS as the platform of the reintegration of Post-Soviet area started the new stage of the political conflict in the Russian Federation. The objective needs occurred in the process of reforming of the economic structures, growing of the protest attitudes, necessity to relief the mood of the local authorities in order to attain their support for the course of modernization, pushed President Yeltsin to concentrate enormous power. The old Soviet Constitution was more comfortable for such political conditions than modern solutions based on the power's division in three branches - Parliament, Government and independent jurisdiction. Contradictions of the Post-Soviet period brought to the deep conflict between President Yeltsin and Supreme Soviet in October 1993. The defeat of the conservative forces in this confrontation meant the end of Soviet system in Russia, however political system that was created on such ground had authoritarian features, which was used all Yeltsin's presidential decade bringing, as a result, the system very far to the principles of the democracy. 
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 63-81
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Judicial Administrative Cognition, and Refusal to Appoint a Judge – Several Reflections against the Background of the Supreme Administrative Court’s Decision of 7 December 2017, Ref. I I OSK 857/17
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1966007.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
presidential prerogatives
administrative court
president
Opis:
The paper indicates the most important arguments raised by the participants in the dispute concerning the possibility of control by the administrative courts of decisions of the President of the Republic of Poland on the refusal to appoint a judge and an attempt to make a substantive evaluation of them. In my opinion, the refusal to appoint a judge, as well as refusal to accept the judge’s position under the amended Act on the Supreme Court (SC) should be strictly exceptional and in principle be justified at the constitutional level, which should be seen as the duty of the President to ensure compliance with the Constitution. Both of these resolutions should contain the motives of the President, which would make this act, with all its arbitrariness, more transparent. This is important not only from the point of view of the person concerned, but this also has an important social dimension. The public has the right to know, not only which candidates, who met the requirements for the appointment as a judge and were recommended by the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland (NCJ), were not appointed by the President, but also what reasons were at the heart of such a decision of the Head of State.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2019, 11, 3; 206-225
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Correlation Between The Electoral System in The Presidential Elections and The Constitutional Position of The Head of State in The Light of The Discussion on The Change of The Polish Constitution
Autorzy:
Danel, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2003811.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
constitution
president
electoral system
referendum
Polska
Opis:
Amending a constitution or replacing it with a new one is never easy. Even if politicians usually have a lot of ideas how it should be done, the real problem is to put these ideas into practice. If the President Duda’s initiative is to succeed, so in other words – if such a referendum is to be held, the consent of the Senate of the Republic of Poland, i.e. the second chamber of the Polish parliament is needed. According to the Article 125 of the current Constitution the consent of the Senate is given “by an absolute majority vote taken in the presence of at least half of the statutory number of Senators”. And while Law and Justice has such an absolute majority of seats in the Senate, it is difficult to say with certainty whether today, in the face of a rather tight relationship between President Duda and the Law and Justice’s leadership, Senators of this party will support the president’s initiative. And even if the referendum is held, it will only be the first step. The change of the constitution itself requires either the so-called ‘constitutional majority’ or a bipartisan consent, that is the agreement between the ruling party and at least part of the opposition. For the moment Law and Justice does not have such a constitutional majority, even if it joins forces with Kukiz ’15 parliamentary faction – the only political group that welcomed President Duda’s initiative with great enthusiasm. Other Polish political parties do not want to hear about any constitutional change accusing both Law and Justice and President Duda of repeatedly violating the constitution that is currently in force. Of course, it may change after the next parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2019 and 2020 respectively, especially if Law and Justice gets even better results, what – at least today – is suggested in the opinion polls. Maybe then, to change the constitution, they will not need agreement with any other political party, just like the Hungarian Fidesz after the 2010 elections. However, there is no doubt that disputes on the competences and powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, especially (but not only) in the context of the way he/she is elected, will return regularly in the discussions on potential constitutional changes. The possible evolution of the Polish parliamentarism into the presidential or semi-presidential regime would force a significant increase in the powers of the head of state, still elected directly by the people. Staying within the framework of the parliamentary regime would require a more precise definition of the constitutional position of the President of the Republic of Poland, leaving open the issue of the way he/she is elected.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2017, 22; 7-18
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Formuła zastępstwa głowy państwa w świetle art. 57 niemieckiej ustawy zasadniczej
The rule of the vacancy of the Head of State in the light of art. 57 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany
Autorzy:
Pastuszko, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953843.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-09-25
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
zastępstwo Prezydenta
zastępca Prezydenta
Prezydent Republiki Federalnej Niemiec
Przewodniczący Bundesratu
the substitution of the President
a stand-in for the President
the President of the Federeal Republic of Germany
the President of Bundesrat
Opis:
Artykuł dotyczy zagadnienia instytucji zastępstwa Prezydenta Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Pierwsza jego część zawiera krótki opis rozwiązań regulujących te kwestie w okresie obowiązywania Konstytucji Republiki Weimarskiej z 1919 r. Dopiero na tak zarysowanym tle prezentowane są uregulowania współczesne. Pojawiają się tu takie wątki jak: 1) pozycja ustrojowa prezydenckiego zastępcy, 2) przeszkody w sprawowaniu urzędu przez prezydenta, 3) ramy temporalne wykonywania zastępstwa. W swoich dociekaniach autor stawia tezę, że obecny model zastępstwa funkcjonujący w Niemczech jest wyraźnie niedoregulowany, co w praktyce ustrojowej może rodzić poważne problemy interpretacyjne.
The article deals with the issue of the substitution of the President of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its first part involves a short outline of this institution by the time of  Weimar Constitution of 1919. Next, there appears the relevant part of the text, which refers to the contemporary legal rules predicted by the Constitution of 1949. It touches upon three following problems, namely: 1) the legal position of the  deputy President, 2) the so-called obstacles that cause disability of the President in holding his office, 3) the timeframe for playing a role of the substitute by the President of Bundesrat. Describing all these issues, the author formulates a thesis indicating that the present model of the substitution of the president suffers from being regulated not sufficiently detailed which may  trigger serious interpretation troubles in the area of political praxis.
Źródło:
Studia Prawnicze KUL; 2016, 3; 113-129
1897-7146
2719-4264
Pojawia się w:
Studia Prawnicze KUL
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 373

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