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Tytuł:
Intelectualul român în tranziţie. Poziţionări după 1989
The Romanian Intellectual in Transition. Repositionings after 1989
Autorzy:
Ivancu, Ovidiu
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1050891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
intellectuals
Post-communism
Communism
transition
ideology
Opis:
The present paper aims at analysing the trajectories of the Romanian intellectuals immediately after the Revolution in 1989, and the fall of Communism. During the Communist years, the term itself (intellectual) had been used with ideological connotations. The intellectual (as a social value) was discussed according to the Marxist ideology, taking into consideration his concrete usefulness and his contribution to the Communist society. Immediately after 1989, the fundamental dilemma faced by the Romanian intellectual represents the necessity of the implication of the intellectuals inside the society or, on the contrary, the isolation in an Ivory Tower of creation. The second challenge aimed at the necessity of synchronizing the Romanian elite with the European one; the topics for debate in Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War were fundamentally different. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the influence and the commitment of the Romanian intellectuals in reshaping the Post-Communist Romanian society.
Źródło:
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia; 2014, 41, 2; 3-13
0137-2475
2084-4158
Pojawia się w:
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Temporality and permanence in Romanian public art
Autorzy:
Balko, Maria-Judit
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628431.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
public art, post-communism, monument
Opis:
This paper analyzes the relationship between permanent monuments and temporary art projects, as temporality is one of the strategies employed by Romanian artists to counterbalance the support that the Romanian state has shown only towards monuments and memorials dedicated to affirming its value. The complex nature of public art requires a careful consideration of the different dimensions this practice employs, and for that the Western debate on this matter can be a reference point in understanding Romanian public art. We will be looking at possible aspects of the functions of these two main directions in Romanian public art, as they stand methodically one in opposition to the other, in connection with the texts of Piotr Piotrowski (Art and Democracy in Post-communist Europe, 2012) and Boris Groys (Art Power, 2008).
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2015, 6, 1; 207-216
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Albanian Migration as a Post-Totalitarian Legacy
Autorzy:
Domachowska, Agata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/580213.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
ALBANIA
POST-COMMUNISM
MIGRATION
ASYLUM SEEKERS
Opis:
The totalitarian regime in Albania was considered as one of the most rigid and isolated in all of Eastern Europe from 1945 to 1991. Starting from 1990 when the system collapsed, Albania has witnessed one of the great migrations of recent times. This Balkan country has experienced the highest level of international migration after the fall of the communist regime compared to other post-communist countries in Eastern Europe. The paper seeks to understand the phenomenon of Albanian emigration (from Albania – not from other parts of the Balkans e.g. Kosovo, Macedonia) as one of the major features of post-totalitarian legacy. The first part of the text provides a brief overview of the Albanian communism system, the second part is an analysis of different waves of Albanian emigration after the collapse of communism, and the third part presents the current situation regarding Albanian migration. The article offers an overview of Albanian post-communist migration and represents a summary of up-to-date knowledge about this phenomenon.
Źródło:
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny; 2019, 45, 2 (172); 87-100
2081-4488
2544-4972
Pojawia się w:
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The struggle of Fortinbras and Horatio in Romania: removal and re-collection of the communist past in Romanian museums
Autorzy:
Ploscariu, Iemima D.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/678222.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
Eastern Europe
Post-Communism
Romania
museums
memory
Opis:
The struggle of Fortinbras and Horatio in Romania: removal and re-collection of the communist past in Romanian museumsOver twenty years after the dismantling of communist regimes began in Central and Eastern Europe, the governments and people in these former Soviet bloc countries are faced with varying and often opposing ways to approach and present the communist past. Focusing on post-1989 museums in Romania, especially the Sighet Museum in Sighetul Marmaţiei and the Romanian Peasant Museum in Bucharest, the article will examine three themes that appear in museum exhibitions of Romanian communist history: the marginalization of the communist past, the victimization of a nation, and the need by curators to “rescue memory.” these approaches to the communist past leave a great deal out. Limited and biased portraits hinder a healthy coming to terms with the past initially intended by these institutions in Romania and similar institutions across Central and Eastern Europe. However, some attempts have been made to bring in more voices and face the past on its own terms apart from the political motivation or desires for retribution, which often motivate the current interpretation of the past. Walka Fortynbrasa z Horacym w Rumunii: likwidacja i ponowne przypomnienie komunistycznej przeszłości w rumuńskich muzeachPo ponad 20 latach od chwili, gdy zaczęły się rozpadać komunistyczne reżimy w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, rządy i społeczeństwa byłych krajów bloku sowieckiego doświadczają odmiennych, często przeciwstawnych podejść do komunistycznej przeszłości i sposobów jej przedstawiania. Skupiając swą uwagę na muzeach w Rumunii po roku 1989, zwłaszcza Miejscu Pamięci Ofiar Komunizmu i Ruchu Oporu w Sighetu Marmaţiei (Syhot Marmaroski) oraz Muzeum Chłopstwa Rumuńskiego w Bukareszcie, autorka niniejszego artykułu analizuje trzy zagadnienia, które przewijają się w muzealnych ekspozycjach poświęconych dziejom Rumunii w czasach komunistycznych; są to: marginalizacja komunistycznej przeszłości, wiktymizacja narodu i potrzeba „ocalenia pamięci” przez kustoszy. Powyższe podejścia do komunistycznej przeszłości ignorują wiele kwestii. Niepełny i tendencyjny obraz opóźnia zatem dojście do ładu z przeszłością na zdroworozsądkowych zasadach, co w myśl początkowych założeń miało w Rumunii nastąpić dzięki muzeom, jak też dzięki podobnym placówkom w całej Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Jednakże podejmowane są wciąż nowe próby, aby dopuścić do głosu więcej różnych opinii i stawić czoło przeszłości niezależnie od motywacji politycznych bądź dążenia do zemsty, które często stoją za bieżącymi interpretacjami przeszłości.
Źródło:
Sprawy Narodowościowe; 2013, 42
2392-2427
Pojawia się w:
Sprawy Narodowościowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Two Periods of the Peripheric Capitalist Development: Pre-Communist and Post-Communist Eastern Europe in Comparison
Autorzy:
Norkus, Zenonas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810903.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
Eastern Europe
catching-up development
pre-communism
communism
post-communism
Opis:
In the long term perspective two post-communist decades in the Eastern Europe weremost recent attempt to close the economic development gap with the West after the communist “detour from the periphery to the periphery” (Iván Berend). The 1989 revolutions involved the restoration of capitalism and new integration into the capitalist world system. The paper compares the performance of post-communist capitalism in the reduction of the economic disparity with that of the pre-communist capitalism in 1913–1938. For almost all countries covered by the long-time diachronic comparison, the periods of catching up alternated with those of falling behind. All Eastern European countries except Romania decreased during pre-communist period their GDP gap separating them from the capitalist world system hegemonic power (U.S.). The catching-up performance of post-communist countries widely varies: best performers during post-communist time performed better than the best performers in the 1913–1938 period, while the worst failures under post-communism performed worse than the weakest performers in 1913–1938.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2015, 190, 2; 131-151
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reorganisation of the ‘Polish’ Space of Lviv as a Component of the Process of City Space Identity Reconstruction after 1991
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28699689.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Lwów/Lviv
Poles
heritage
society
post-communism
Opis:
The article describes the process of the reconstruction and protection of the Polish minority and Polish heritage in Lviv after 1991. This process is presented in the context of Polish-Ukrainian relations. The author indicates the most important actors in this process, focusing on presenting this phenomenon in spatial terms. Next, he describes achievements and possibilities for further development, in addition to the causes and effects of the phenomenon.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2023, 126; 101-122
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A ‘Golden Twenty Years’, or a Bad Stepmother? Czech Communist and Post-Communist Narratives on Everyday Life in Interwar Czechoslovakia
Autorzy:
Holubec, Stanislav
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/601767.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
First Czechoslovak republic
communism
Post-communism
narratives
historical memory
Opis:
The article deals with the narratives on the First Czechoslovak Republic in the Czech communist and post-communist public discourse. It is argued that the attitude to the First Republic played an important role in the political history of the Czech society in the second half of the twentieth century. The article shows that the negative narratives on this period were of key importance for the legitimisation of the communist regime whilst the positive narratives were an essential component in the discourse of anti-communists, supporters of the democratic reforms and the dissident movement in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1989 revolution was interpreted both as the return to the success of the First Republic democracy and economic system, and as the imagined return from the East to the West.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2014, 110
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Borys Jelcyn jako przywódca polityczny
Boris Yeltsin as a political leader
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/619816.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Russia
Yeltsin
Communism
democratization
post-Communism
Rosja
Jelcyn
komunizm
demokratyzacja
postkomunizm
Opis:
Boris Yeltsin successfully led to the fall of the USSR and the monopolization of power. However, he was not mentally prepared to be the leader of the nation during the transformation in the 1990s. He did not attempt to consolidate the state, but rather to build his own leadership. The power system he had created became the foundation upon which the authoritarian regime of Vladimir Putin was formed. It was Yeltsin who taught the Russian elite how to bend and even dodge democratic procedures, how to dismiss and marginalize the opposition, appropriate mass media and corrupt journalists; how to incapacitate politicians and intelligentsia; how to push society away from influencing political life; how to disintegrate and disregard political life. All these factors triggered a social longing for stability and the rule of a “strong hand.” Yeltsindiscouraged Russians from democracy and the free market, allowed the emergence of Russian “oligarchism,” restored Russia’s old perception of international reality, and legalized state violence. In fact, it was not about ideology, but about the people who stood in his way. Many elements of the Soviet state were intentionally adopted by Yeltsin. In this way, a specific transposition of communism took place. Its imperial, social and political power was adapted to the idea of new Russia. Yeltsin undoubtedly contributed to the creation of independent Russia, but the whole sphere of freedom was only an active development of the changes initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev. 
Borys Jelcyn bardzo sprawnie doprowadził do rozwiązania ZSRRi zmonopolizowania władzy, nie był jednak mentalnie przygotowany do tego, by być przywódcą narodu w okresie transformacji lat 90. W jego działaniach nie widać było zamiaru umocnienia, konsolidacji państwa, a jedynie chęć umocnienia własnego przywództwa. Budowany przez niego system władzy stał się fundamentem, na którym powstał reżim autorytarny Władimira Putina. To właśnie Jelcyn nauczył rosyjskie elity, jak naginać, anawet omijać procedury demokratyczne jak lekceważyć i marginalizować opozycję, zawłaszczać środki masowej informacji ikorumpować dziennikarzy; jak ubezwłasnowolnić polityków iinteligencję; jak odsuwać społezeństwo od wpływu na życie polityczne; w jaki sposób życie to dezintegrować lekceważyć, wywołał społeczną tęsknotę za stabilizacją i rządami „silnej ręki”,zniechęcił Rosjan do demokracji i wolnego rynku, umożliwił powstanie rosyjskiego „oligarchizmu”, przywrócił Rosji stare sowieckie postrzeganie rzeczywistości międzynarodowej, na nowo zalegalizował przemoc państwową. Jelcyn zwalczał komunizm, ale tak naprawdę nie chodziło tu o ideologię, tylko o ludzi, którzy stali na jego drodze. Wiele elementów państwa sowieckiego zrozmysłem zresztą przejął.W ten sposób doszło do swoistej transpozycji komunizmu. Jego część imperialną,społeczną itę dotyczącą władzy politycznej zaadaptowano do idei nowej Rosji.Jelcyn miał niewątpliwe zasługi w tworzeniu się niepodległej Rosji, cała sfera wolności była już jednak tylko aktywnym rozwinięciem przemian zapoczątkowanych przez Michaiła Gorbaczowa.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2018, 1; 43-60
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rosja Borysa Jelcyna – polityczna spuścizna komunizmu
Boris Yeltsin’s Russia – the political legacy of communism
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Adam R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621272.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Rosja, Jelcyn, komunizm, demokratyzacja, postkomunizm
Russia, Yeltsin, communism, democratization, post-communism
Opis:
Boris Yeltsin was not able to (or could not) complete the democratic revolution, so he based state-building on the alliance of the old order and the new order. As a consequ- ence, Russia after 1991 was built on the foundation of the USSR, while further problems of the country were solved not by the intensification of democratic reforms, but rather by an increasingly stronger adaptation to new realities of solutions, people, systems, mechanisms and concepts from the communist era. The retreat from democratic ideas of society, and thus the weakening of the political power of democratic leaders, made Yeltsin more and more inclined towards the leadership model he knew from the time of his membership in the Communist party. His elite and interest management system, was in fact a copy of the Gorbachev system. It seemed to be a natural and obvious style of control and better from the state’s point of view.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2017, 16, 1; 93-110
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
EU and Agenda 2030 – Peace, Justice & Strong Institutions
Autorzy:
Silander, Daniel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1945448.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-01-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
UN Goal 16
democracy
European Union
post-communism
Hungary
Opis:
In 2015, the United Nations (UN) decided on 17 sustainable development goals. Goal 16 focused on peace, justice and strong institutions and on the importance of democracy for global sustainable development. This study explores the status of democracy in Europe and highlights tendencies of authoritarianism in some post-communist states. This happens in a global context of resurgence of autocratization. Although the European Union (EU) continues to be a solid liberal democratic order, challenges in post-communist Europe exist, especially in Hungary as a new authoritarian state within the EU.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2022, 11, 4; 18-28
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Empiryczny test hipotezy o słabnącej krystalizacji systemów partyjnych
AN EMPIRICAL TEST OF THE HYPOTHESIS REGARDING WEAKENING CRYSTALLIZATION OF PARTY SYSTEMS
Autorzy:
Domański, Henryk
Pokropek, Artur
Żółtak, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/427769.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
CLASS VOTING
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
POST-COMMUNISM
DEATH OF CLASSES
Opis:
There are many arguments for the thesis according to which political views become “separated” from social structure, but there is also substantial evidence that the relation between them continues to exist and is not changing significantly over time. We refer to certain aspects of this process, using European Social Survey data of the years 2002-2010. The subject of our analysis is strength of the relation between voters’ preferences and electoral participation on the one hand and age, religion, immigration status and position in social hierarchy on the other in several countries in the indicated period. Our analysis results in the conclusion that political systems have a rather stable footing in social structure. In particular, there is no indication that in the years 2002-2010 the impact of social class on voters’ preferences was diminishing. Although class position is a relatively weak indicator of voters’ attitude, but the influence of religion, immigration and age is weaker still, even though these are taken to be the indicators of “new” social divisions, which supposedly blur traditional voting identities.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2013, 2(209); 71-95
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Role of Trauma in Romania’s Ontological Security
Autorzy:
Salajan, Loretta C.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594630.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
identity
trauma
post-communism
Romania
foreign policy
ontological security
Opis:
This paper analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the first post-communist years, by employing a theoretical viewpoint based on ontological security and trauma. It uncovers the elite efforts to secure the post-totalitarian state’s identity and international course. Romania’s search for ontological security featured the articulation of narratives of victimhood, which were linked with its proclaimed western European identity. The Romanian identity narrative has long struggled between “the West” and “the East”, trying to cope with traumatic historical events. These discursive themes and ontological insecurities were crystallized in the controversy surrounding the Romanian-Soviet “Friendship Treaty” (1991). Key Romanian officials displayed different typical responses to cultural trauma and debated the state’s path to ontological security, which was reflected in the foreign policy positions.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2018, 1 (47); 67-76
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wpływ przynależności klasowej na postawy wyborcze w latach 1991-2001
THE IMPACT OF CLASS IDENTITY ON ELECTORAL CHOICES IN 1991-2001
Autorzy:
Domanski, Henryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/427400.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
CLASS VOTING
DEATH OF CLASSES
POST-COMMUNISM
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
Opis:
In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West - it concerns whether class divisions in creaseas the post-communist societies under go transition to the market system. Using Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting beha ior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, the Autors presents evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does in deed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less significant than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification known as in sociological literature 'class politics' - has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland can not be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lo wer compared with most of Western societies. Data from 17 countries found in allows to compare relative strength of this association European Social Survey 2002.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2011, 1(200); 583-610
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reply to Disclosure Scandals in Romania Political Parties and the Romanian Orthodox Church
Autorzy:
Mica, Adriana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929528.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-08-27
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
post-communism
Romanian Orthodox Church
transitional justice
disclosure
scandal
Opis:
In this paper the evolution of specific types of scandals within the field of transitional justice in Romania is shown. Furthermore, the study makes an inquiry into the reactions of different actors, socio-professional categories and organizations to the implementation of the disclosure law in Romania and to the flourishing of several legislative proposals on lustration and decommunization in the years following the 1989 anti-communist revolution. The actors under scrutiny are main political parties and the Romanian Orthodox Church respectively. The cases under review indicate that scandal is a quite versatile institution, and that the outcome of the disclosure scandals might as well be the advancement of disclosure and lustration measures, as well as also the hampering of such initiatives.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2009, 165, 1; 39-61
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political Alienation and Government-Society Relations in Post-Communist Countries
Autorzy:
Mierina, Inta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1930069.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-03-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
post-communism
government-society relations
political alienation
political efficacy
Opis:
On the basis of 1996 and 2006 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) data this paper explores the character of government-society relations in post-communist countries, and its dynamics. The use of comparative data and the application of Paige’s (1971) political alienation model and Woolcock’s and Narayan’s (2000) model of government-society relations allows to shed new light on citizen’s political attitudes by analysing them in the context of the overall political environment in the country. The results reveal that while citizens in most established democracies bear allegiant attitudes, citizens of post-communist countries feel alienated. Distrust of each other and of the political authorities leads to dysfunctional government-society relations. Since the time of transitional reforms people in post-communist countries have become more confident in their political capability, yet there is no general trend with regards to confidence in political authorities. Those at the margins of society often feel alienated, and dissident attitudes are on the rise, especially among youth.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2014, 185, 1; 3-24
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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