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Wyszukujesz frazę "political will" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
Tytuł:
Мотиваційні детермінанти політичної волі
Determinanty motywacyjne woli politycznej
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489468.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will
political responsibility
collective political will
individual political will
political compromise
arbitrary rule
unpopular political decisions
voluntarism
freedom of will
Opis:
Political will acts as a key component of the political process, the understanding of the essence of political events and the development of mechanisms for the modernization of socio-political life. The systematization of the motivational factors for implementing political will in decisions of the ruling elite and consolidation of the social outlook within the framework of the national identification process will allow establishing the essence of the determination of the political process, as well as identifying the key problems of balancing the socio-political environment and rationalizing the methodology of public policy development. Of particular importance is the above-mentioned problem within the Ukrainian socio-political space. The complexity of modernizing management institutes, regulating channels of power-public interaction and leveling up the confrontation of social initiatives requires the urgent development of algorithms for the transformation of a political system based on the materialization of social political will and the reconciliation of public expectations with the functional guides of key political actors. A prerequisite for these progressive advances is the theoretical understanding of the processes of practical implementation of the political interests of civil society in political decisions of the ruling elite, which is possible on the basis of studying the motivation of political will as the basis for reforming the socio-political sphere and the driving force of the gradual improvement of the political arrangement of the state system. Understanding the will as a regulator of human behavior and activity is expressed in the ability to overcome internal and external difficulties in the process of the implementation of purposeful actions and actions. It is the will to control the incentive to act and act in accordance with the purpose. Will and her motivation are the most important components of the deliberate behavior of a statesman. If the motivation is primarily responsible for initiating behavior (the formation of intentions), the will is responsible for their implementation. Considering the essence of the concept of «political will» through the prism of the practical measurement of the political process, the extraordinary value in the context of the search for the root causes and the development of mechanisms for modernizing public administration is to prevent the negative phenomena of politics - the centralization of political power and authoritarianization of the political system. After all, the greatest potential and opportunities for the implementation of motivated political will are fixed by the political actors endowed either by democratic procedures or through the form of organization of the political regime of power preferences. As with the functioning of representative democracy of the Western model with the prevalence of the legislative institution and the presidential form of the organization of political power inherent in certain countries of the post-Soviet political space, the implementation of a functional program for modeling state policy is de facto consolidated by representatives of the authorities. In any case, the political will of a separate political actor in the implementation of national policies should not prevail over the collective initiatives of civil society. Only then, representative democracy, based on the articulation of public interests by democratically oriented politicians, will not turn into a state system of an authoritarian type, where the definition of the course of foreign and domestic policy of the country will be in the plane of individual beliefs of one or more political actors. Expansion of the motivational paradigm of political will becomes especially relevant for defining the content of democratization processes in the post-Soviet political space, including in Ukraine. The long process of formation of Ukrainian statehood was accompanied by the arrival of a number of political forces, which were marked by different political views and a change in the constitutional matrix of the organization of political space. However, not always the political will of the country’s elite to form the course of state policy was in the field of national benchmarks of the Ukrainian public. As a result, the dissonance of the political will of the authorities and public institutions has led to political activation of the public and reformatting political power on the basis of popular will. The coincidence of various factors of a subjective and objective nature put the Ukrainian state in front of the choice of a vector for further political development. Challenges are not only in the field of consolidation of public landmarks, but also in rationalizing the administrative and management system and improving the program of political actions of the ruling elite. So, as a general conclusion, we note the following. Whatever the active role played by the will in the activity of a statesman, one can not completely deny that it is determined by a set of objective conditions and subjective factors, the material relations in which a person is. Will, as a driving force, is the concentration of energy that the subject receives from society, a form of manifestation of political activity, which includes the political consciousness and behavior of the subject of politics, and is directed, first of all, to the realization of interests and needs, related to the achievement of power, its maintenance, strengthening and use. An essential characteristic of political will is the ability of a political entity, through the appropriate volitional effort, to consistently pursue its goals and objectives in the field of political life, which involves the development, clear and clear articulation of political requirements and programs, the ability to adjust its goals and actions in relation to certain circumstances. The main motivational factors and at the same time the semantic core of the realization of political will are political values and the installation of social and individual consciousness, the political and legal culture of the subject of political activity. Volitional efforts can be related to biologically determined predispositions of the individual. Along with this, the motivation of political leaders in resolving political problems by volitional efforts is often caused by external factors, which indicates a significant reduction in their role of internal moral control. External motives can drive a policy maker in favor of a solution that will bring immediate benefits, but its long-term consequences will be negative. Therefore, when making decisions, one must always take into account the voice of conscience and think about how one or another solution will affect other people. Ideally, volitional activity of subjects of political activity should be limited not only to moral values, but also to the corresponding rules and norms. Only in this case, it will meet the idea of achieving the public good.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 214-222
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political Will, Political Skill, Network Resources and Personal Reputation: A Serial Two-Mediator Model
Autorzy:
Demirbağ, Orkun
Demir, Hale
Yozgat, Uğur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933564.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
political will
political skill
network resources
personal reputation
Opis:
Purpose: Although social capital and positive reputation in organizations are essential for career success, there is a limited perspective in the literature on the political characteristics (motivation and ability) that enable one to acquire and develop the two elements. This study seeks to investigate the sequential role of political skill and network resources as serial mediators of the political will–personal reputation relationship. Methodology: In total, what provided data for the study were 457 sales executives from 13 different sectors in the cities of İstanbul, Kocaeli, and Bursa, which is an economically leading region of western Turkey. Executives rated their political will, political skill network resources, and personal reputation. Based on the complementary theories of political influence, social network, and signaling, we analyzed the relationships between constructs with structural equation modeling. Findings: Political skill mediated the relationship between political will and network resources, network resources mediated the relationship between political skill and personal reputation, while political skill and network resources sequentially mediated the relationship between political will and personal reputation. Implications: The data were collected from a single source. Practical Implications: Political will, political skill training, and social networks may help individuals manage their personal reputation at work, thus benefiting their careers. Originality/Value: This is one of the first studies to sequentially investigate how individuals’ characteristics (motivation and ability) develop their social network and personal reputation at work. Moreover, theories of political influence, social capital, and signaling were jointly used for the first time ever.
Źródło:
Central European Management Journal; 2020, 28(3); 26-56
2658-0845
2658-2430
Pojawia się w:
Central European Management Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Відсутність політичної волі до демократичних перетворень як чинник поглиблення деструктивних процесів
Lack of political will to democratic transformations as a factor in the deepening of destructive processes
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489440.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will,
democratic transformations,
destructive processes,
neopatrimonyalism,
political modernization,
incomplete modernization,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The analysis of controversial and ambiguous political processes that have taken place in recent decades in all regions of the world without exception requires further in-depth study. This is especially true of the determining influence of the lack or insufficient utilization of power-volitional aspects in the conditions of transition from authoritarianism to democracy. Fuse deployment destructive processes of social development and statehood must be working effectively state-administrative apparatus at the system level and the political will at the level of functioning of individual and collective actors political and decision-making. In fact, the political will of the national elite as a generator of reforms in the face of modernization challenges appears as a systemic characteristic and prerequisites for the effectiveness of the state-management system as a whole. The lack of consistency in the interaction management, and state authorities, in turn, leads to the expansion and deepening of destructive processes at national or regional level, which is convincing proof of lack of political will in political and business decision-making. The political development of the post-Soviet countries in the last quarter century, that is, after the collapse of the USSR, proves that one of the examples of deliberate election by the representatives of the national political elite of the destructive vector of state development is the countries of Central Asia, where autocratic regimes of the sultanist type were formed, accompanied by the simultaneous archaization of socio-cultural and economic The life of these countries. Choice destructive vector of development of Central Asia in the form sultanizmu demonstrates the lack of political will of the ruling class of these countries at the beginning of national state when making a decision to break as the colonial and Soviet traditions patrymonializmu, cronyism and nepotism and the transition to democratic practices. The choice of archaism socio-cultural and political life of the national elites in Central Asia was primarily driven by their fear of radical systemic change as a potential threat to personal specifically for these elites, quite correctly be interpreted as a manifestation of the lack of will for democratic change. Thus, due to the absence or lack of political will of the ruling class in countries neopatrymonialnymy political systems there involutional public-policy process - from upgrading often quietly move to kontrmodernizatsiyi, preserving or incomplete socio-political transformation and publicly reject any changes as Those that are not inherent in the national traditions and mentality of the people. The indicated processes are extremely destructive for the national-state development of countries with incomplete modernization, because they provoke unpredictable consequences in the future. And these consequences can be unpredictable delays at the time, but they do gosudarstvennichesky national development in the future unsecured and non-competitive compared with countries where the political will of the ruling class helped bring modernization transformation to its logical conclusion. Accordingly, further research of the proposed problem should focus on the study of the classification characteristics of manifestations of individual and collective political will and its absence in the modern world.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 238-244
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Facing increased Russian aggressiveness: popular militias, a potentially effective extra political and military instrument aimed at strategic deterrence
Autorzy:
Diaconu, Florin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576169.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-06-23
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
Russia
imperial expansionism
NATO
strategic deterrence
political will
effectiveness
balance of power
popular militia
Opis:
The text starts by briefly exploring the present strategic situation on NATO’s Eastern rim. In a situation clearly dominated by sharply increased Russian aggressiveness, and by the fact that Russia has already made several attempts directly aimed at shaping, by force, a new regional and continental balance of power (see war against Georgia, in 2008, the annexation of Crimea, in 2014, and an extensive set of military actions against Ukraine), Russian plans and actions are legitimately worrying NATO and, above all, the small or medium-sized countries on the Eastern border of the North Atlantic Alliance. Starting mainly in 2014, Russian aggressiveness generated some significant reactions within NATO, including the political decision to increase defence budgets and deploying (mainly by rotation) military forces belonging to Western member states in the directly threatened countries. These countries (the three small Baltic republics, Poland and Romania) are also strengthening their defensive capabilities, buying new weapons systems, and by hosting or organising NATO defensive exercises. But all these deterrents are costly, and implementing them is time-consuming. It is for these reasons that the article examines the political- strategic necessity of implementing national policies aimed at quickly generating and consolidating potent popular militias. These militias, which are an obvious embodiment of a very strong political will at national level, might be, if properly used, an extra significant deterrent, directly telling Putin’s regime it has no real chance of winning a quick and cheap victory, if it behaves aggressively against states on the Eastern rim of NATO. At this very moment, more than ever before (at least for the almost 30 years since the end of the Cold War), NATO is confronted with the openly aggressive foreign policy, strategic plans and strategic actions of the Russian Federation.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2017, 15, 2; 38-53
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
О рисках политики управления документами, связанных с отсутствием политической воли и безответственностью высшего уровня принятия управленческих решений
O ryzyku związanym z polityką zarządzania dokumentami związanym z brakiem woli politycznej i nieodpowiedzialnością na najwyższym szczeblu decyzyjnym
Autorzy:
Дроков, Сергей
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969696.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra
Tematy:
данные
политика управления документами
риски
профессиональная компетентность
политическая воля
ответственность
цифровая трансформация
data
document management policy
risks
professional competence
political will
responsibility
digital transformation
dane
polityka zarządzania dokumentami
ryzyko
kompetencje zawodowe
wola polityczna
odpowiedzialność
transformacja cyfrowa
Opis:
W artykule omówiono ryzyko związane z procesami dokumentowania informacji, strukturyzowania i systematyzowania danych dokumentowanych działań organizacji, które są spotęgowane niedopasowaniem kompetencji zawodowych najwyższego szczebla w podejmowaniu decyzji zarządczych. Ustalono konsekwencje braku woli politycznej i odpowiedzialności: 1) wykorzystanie systemów komunikacji z użyciem znaków z abstrakcyjnych systemów, 2) twórcze przeformułowanie terminologii zawodowej, 3) reinterpretacja podstawowej wiedzy zawodowej, 4) zastąpienie umiejętności praktycznych mimetyczną i sceniczną (wykonawczą) reprodukcją działań, bez znajomość procesów i relacji, 5) manipulowanie znaczeniami określonych rodzajów pracy; 6) wprowadzenie technologii i rozwiązań IT itp. Autor proponuje środki zapewniające warunki do realizacji strategicznego programu zarządzania systemami dokumentacji i funduszami dokumentacyjnymi o wystarczającym poziomie elastyczności, umożliwiającymi przedsiębiorstwom i organizacjom skuteczne funkcjonowanie i reagowanie na oczekiwania udziałowców, podmiotów gospodarczych i społeczeństwa oraz stymulowanie długoterminowych inwestycji związanych z cyfrową transformacją danych z udokumentowanych obszarów działalności.
Źródło:
Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny; 2019, XVI, 4; 149-160
1731-982X
Pojawia się w:
Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problems of Enclaves from the Perspective of Interethnic and Interstate Relations in the Ferghana Valley
Problemy enklaw z perspektywy stosunków międzyetnicznych i międzypaństwowych w Kotlinie Fergańskiej
Autorzy:
Karinbayev, Zhandos
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1878634.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
enclave
exclave
kinstate
surrounding state
delimitation
demarcation
national states
overlaid plots
isolation
true enclave
ethnic identification
ethnic conflict
conflict generation
titular ethnic group
political will
administrative border
enklawa
eksklawa
państwo
macierzyste
państwo otaczające
delimitacja
demarkacja
państwa narodowe
nakładanie
się wytyczonych działek
izolacja
prawdziwa
Opis:
The Ferghana Valley is the most densely populated part of Central Asia. The borders of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan intersect across the Valley. The state lines of these three post-Soviet states were determined during the national-territorial land division in the 1920s. Borders of these three post-Soviet states were drawn during the 1920s, which was a period of territorial land divisions in the early Soviet period. The boundaries drawn at that time have not been universally accepted by these modern post-Soviet states, and have thus become the subject of fierce debate since the time of their independence. This region has a high population density and a high growth rate. These facts, along with the water policies and the objectives of each state, has caused the Ferghana Valley to become a geographical focus of regional conflicts. Enclave problems appear as one of the factors leading to local conflicts at the interstate level. The purpose of this article is to classify Ferghana enclaves in accordance with international scientific definitions and to assess their impact in the context of relations between the kin- and surrounding states. This problem will be discussed from the perspective of interethnic and interstate relations in the Valley. The article shows the evolution of enclaves in Ferghana, their problems, the history of interstate relations in the post-Soviet period, the position and role of the Ferghana states in resolving disputes about the state borders.
Kotlina Fergańska to najgęściej zaludniona część Azji Środkowej. Na terenie Kotliny przecinają się granice Uzbekistanu, Kirgistanu i Tadżykistanu. Granice państwowe tych trzech państw poradzieckich zostały określone podczas narodowo- terytorialnego podziału ziemi w latach 20. XX wieku, a więc w okresie podziałów terytorialnych we wczesnym okresie sowieckim. Wytyczone w owym czasie granice nie zostały powszechnie zaakceptowane przez Uzbekistan, Kirgistan i Tadżykistan, a tym samym w dobie niepodległości tych państw stały się przedmiotem zażartej debaty. Region ten charakteryzuje się dużą gęstością zaludnienia i wysokim tempem wzrostu. Fakty te, jak również polityka wodna i partykularne cele każdego z państw, spowodowały, że Kotlina Fergańska stała się geograficznym ogniskiem konfliktów w regionie. Problemy enklaw należy postrzegać jako jeden z czynników prowadzących do lokalnych konfliktów na poziomie międzypaństwowym. Celem artykułu jest sklasyfikowanie Fergańskich enklaw zgodnie z międzynarodowymi definicjami naukowymi oraz ocena ich wpływu w kontekście relacji między państwami macierzystymi oraz otaczającymi. Problem ten zostanie omówiony z perspektywy stosunków międzyetnicznych i międzypaństwowych w Kolinie. W artykule zaprezentowano również ewolucję enklaw w Ferganie, ich problemy, historię stosunków międzypaństwowych w okresie poradzieckim, miejsce i rolę państw Kotliny Fergańskiej w rozstrzyganiu sporów o granice państwowe.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2020, 34 (41); 93-126
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uświęcony dylemat operatywności. Recenzja książki „Opus Dei. Archeologia dell’ufficio” (Homo sacer II.5) Giorgio Agambena
Il sacro dilemma dell’inoperoso. A proposito di Opus Dei di Giorgio Agamben [The Sacred Dilemma of Inoperosity. On Giorgio Agamben’s Opus Dei]
Autorzy:
Negri, Antonio
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1013469.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-04-21
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
duty
will
ontology
political philosophy
operativity
Giorgio Agamben
Antonio Negri
obowiązek
wola
ontologia
filozofia polityczna
operatywność
Opis:
Esej ten stanowi krytyczną recenzję książki Opus dei Giorgio Agambena, będącej piątym tomem drugiej części cyklu Homo sacer. Antonio Negri nie tylko analizuje najważniejsze argumenty książki, lecz prowadzi także dyskusję z Agambenem dotyczącą całości jego filozoficzno-politycznego projektu.
A review of Giorgio Agamben’s Opus Dei by Antonio Negri.
Źródło:
Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2015, 17, 3
2081-8130
Pojawia się w:
Praktyka Teoretyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Idea wolności w filozofii grecko-rzymskiej
Ideas of Freedom in Greco-Roman Philosophy
Autorzy:
Kowalczyk, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1858031.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
anarchia
człowiek
demokracja
dyktatura
wolność
wolność woli
wolność społeczno-polityczna
państwo
państwo totalitarne
anarchy
man
democracy
dictatorship
freedom
freedom of will
socio--political freedom
State
totalitarian State
Opis:
Ancient philosophy distinguished three meanings of the notion of freedom: an individual man's freedom of choice and decision, freedom of social-political life and freedom (sovereignty) of the state. This latter meaning was considered the most important form of freedom. In his conception of an “ideal state” Plato advised abolition of private property and monogamy for the political élite (the so called “guards”), which is a feature of a totalitarian state. He distinguished three models of state: monarchic, aristocratic and democratic. He accepted the latter model, but he warned against maximising individual freedom, as it leads to anarchy in social life, which in turn is a source of tyranny. Aristotle appreciated democracy more, as it best puts into effect the postulates of freedom, equality and justice. The other form of freedom, according to his approach, is freedom understood as enabling a man to choose rationally, which should be preceded by reflection. His conception of man's existential freedom (proaíresis) is close to the theory of free will (liberum arbitrium) in the Christian thought. The Stoics concentrated their attention on inner-moral freedom that they identified with the attitude of keeping a distance to man's existential vicissitudes. Some of them (Marcus Aurelius) joined the idea of inner freedom with philosophy of naturalistic pantheism, others (Epictetus) considered God as the source of moral freedom. Plotinus was also mainly interested in man's inner freedom, which he explained in the context of the pantheistic conception of the absolute.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 1999, 27, 1; 17-31
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Subiektywne komponenty czynu a bezprawność i okoliczności ją wyłączające. Kilka uwag o przyjmowanych w piśmiennictwie karnistycznym płaszczyznach i metodach analizy subiektywnych elementów bezprawności
Subjective components of the act in light of unlawfulness and circumstances excluding it. A few comments about accepted in the criminal literature planes and methods of subjective analysis elements of unlawfulness
Autorzy:
Kardas, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1596056.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
act
unlawfulness
circumstances excluding unlawfulness
behavior
consciousness
will
intention
purpose
wake-up
sanctioned norm
sanctioning norm
structure of crime
inept attempt
directional offenses
axiological plane
ontological plane
criminal-political plane
pragmatic-procedural plane
monistic unlawfulness
pluralistic view of illegitimacy
subsidiarity
proportionality
consciousness as an objective characteristic of behavior
czyn
bezprawność
okoliczności wyłączające bezprawność
zachowanie
świadomość
wola
intencja
cel
pobudka
norma sankcjonowana
norma sankcjonująca
struktura przestępstwa
usiłowanie nieudolne
przestępstwa kierunkowe
płaszczyzna aksjologiczna
płaszczyzna ontologiczna
płaszczyzna kryminalnopolityczna
płaszczyzna pragmatyczno-proceduralna
monistyczne ujęcie bezprawności
pluralistyczne ujęcie bezprawności
subsydiarność
proporcjonalność
świadomość jako zobiektywizowana cecha zachowania
Opis:
W opracowaniu przedstawiono aktualny stan analiz dogmatycznych w odniesieniu do zagadnienia tzw. subiektywnych komponentów: czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. W pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono rekonstrukcyjne uwagi dotyczące obecnego stanu badań nad problematyką komponentów subiektywnych w strukturze czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. Na bazie zarysowanej dychotomii prezentowanych w polskiej teorii prawa karnego ujęć – obiektywnego oraz subiektywnego – zarysowano część płaszczyzn, na których dokonywać należy analizy oraz weryfikacji koncepcji odnoszących się do funkcji i znaczenia komponentów subiektywnych w ramach karnoprawnych ujęć: czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. Odwołując się do płaszczyzny teoretycznej, normatywnej, dogmatycznej oraz strukturalnej, przedstawiono wady i zalety konkurencyjnych koncepcji. W podsumowaniu zamieszczono propozycję zobiektywizowanego ujęcia świadomości, jako jednej z właściwości opisywanego w ustawie zachowania, stanowiącego możliwy kierunek rozwiązania paradoksów łączących się immanentnie z prezentowanymi dotychczas w polskim piśmiennictwie konkurencyjnymi ujęciami analizowanego zagadnienia.
The paper presents the current state of dogmatic analysis in relation to the issue of the so-called subjective components: act, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness. First of all reconstructive remarks concerning the current state of research on the subject matter of subjective components in the structure of the act, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness were presented. On the basis of the outlined dichotomy of the conceptual and objective perspectives presented in the Polish criminal law theory, some areas have been outlined for analysis and verification of concepts relating to the function and meaning of subjective components within the framework of criminal legal actions, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness. Referring to the theoretical, normative, dogmatic and structural levels, the advantages and disadvantages of competing concepts are presented. The summary contains an offer of objectivized recognition of consciousness as one of the properties described in the Behavior Act, constituting a possible direction of solving the paradoxes immanently combining with the previously presented in the Polish literature competing perspectives of the analyzed issue.
Źródło:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis; 2018, 21, 1; 7-43
2083-4373
2545-3181
Pojawia się w:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9

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