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Tytuł:
Концепт «публічна політика» у міждисциплінарному науковому дискурсі
Concept "public policy" in a cross-disciplinary scientific discourse
Autorzy:
Чальцева, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489271.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
public policy,
category,
public actors,
civil society,
political networks institutionalization,
political process,
state, civil society
Opis:
The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the XX century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon. Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches. Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions. Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy. The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external. Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept. Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government. Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors. As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems. Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out. So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 182-193
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Середній клас як гарант політичної стабільності сучасного українського суспільства
Średnia klasa jako gwarant stabilności politycznej współczesnego społeczeństwa ukraińskiego
Autorzy:
Сухачов, Станіслав
Лужанська, Тетяна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489470.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
the middle class
political stability
the modern Ukrainian society
the lower class
clan-oligarchic groups
Opis:
The article concerns the middle class in Ukraine, which is a determining factor of the political stability in any democratic society. The middle class is a complex social formation that has a political dimension and determines the level of citizen social and political activity, which is determined by their status of the working owner, which denies populism, political indifference and political exclusion. The criteria for belonging to the middle class are not only the high level of material security, but also the way of life, independence and the labor nature of income sources - a certain standard of living. Due to the lack of opportunities to realize their economical potential in their own country, millions of ukrainian citizens have left to work in other countries, where the process of the modern ukrainian middle class formation is taking place. In the ukrainian society due to the availability of the lowest social standards in Europe by income, to the middle class, not so much representatives of mental labor belong, but as so-called «servicemen of the oligarchs». Deepening in the income inequality is largely the result of the development of not so much market, European mechanisms, as many pseudo-market, that make the formation of the middle class impossible. Further functioning of the Ukrainian society political system in the format of its commitment to the interests of not the middle class, but a handful of oligarchs, only preserves the neo-feudal division of society into an absolute majority of the poor - hereditarily poor, and an unaccountably rich minority. It is therefore logical that the political system should deviate from the paradigm of state use, its organs and finance to enrich the ruling class. A serious problem arose before ukrainian politologists and sociologists - the problem of studying the conditions of the middle class formation, which should include the presence of a clear and understandable for everyone normative base, which determines the process of the middle class formation. This, in turn, provides for the deprivation of the petty care from the state, which makes impossible the neo-feudal principle: friends must have everything, and enemies deserve the law. It is clear that the institutions of the political system must establish equality of everyone before the law, which is an important way of the middle class formation in modern Ukrainian society. Until political institutions remain channels for collecting corrupt rents from the Ukrainian population, which is considered as a natural resource from which you can rent for owning it, it is impossible to talk about the effectiveness of reforms and the success of the middle class formation. The leading way not only of quantitative growth but also of widespread strengthening of the economic, social, political, and spiritual positions of the middle class is a significant limitation of the political power of the clan-oligarchic groups, the reliable basis of which is the shadow economy, which concentrates millions of able-bodied Ukrainians and is an essential brake on the establishment of European civilized market relations and civic structures based on labor private property. An important way of a middle class formation and development in a transformational ukrainian society is the creation (with the state’s sake) a large number of enterprises, firms, producing material and spiritual values, whose employees demonstrate high motivation to work. Now the middle class is replaced by the lower class and does not perform in practice its socially important functions, does not act as an effective guarantor of political stability and the basis of democratic transformations in today’s transformational Ukrainian society. Therefore, one of the priorities of the Ukrainian state should be firstly, creating the necessary conditions for the widespread development of the middle class, first of all, through real economic reforms aimed at realizing socio-economic, political, and spiritual interests. Secondly, the middle class should embody the best features of professionalism, individualism and tolerance, which are based on its strong positions as a working owner as a reliable guarantor of stable and sustainable social development. Thirdly, in order to form a middle class as a guarantor of political stability, there should not be a huge mass of poor people alienated from power, property and social respect. A characteristic feature of modern Ukrainian society is that those who would have belonged to the middle class, are very close to the lower class for their low incomes and the level of satisfaction of their needs. Without the practical implementation of these logical processes, it is extremely difficult to imagine any positive prospects for the development of the middle class as the political stability of modern Ukrainian society.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 164-170
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Роль і місце опозиції в політичній системі Швейцарії
The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland
Autorzy:
Рудич, С.Ф.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22676906.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-10-27
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Institute of World History
Tematy:
Швейцарська Конфедерація
політична система
опозиція
конкорданс
магічна формула
референдум
пряма демократія
народна ініціатива
консолідоване суспільство
Swiss Confederation
political system
opposition
concordance
magic formula
referendum
direct democracy
people’s initiative
consolidated society
Opis:
У статті розглядається роль та спосіб функціонування опозиції в політичній системі Швейцарської Конфедерації. Показано, що відсутність опозиції в політичному житті країни в традиційному розумінні пояснюється, у першу чергу, досягнутим між головними політичними силами згодою або конкордансом, оформленим офіційно у вигляді так званої “магічної формули”. Функціонуючий за цим принципом федеральний уряд у поєднанні з чітко відпрацьованим механізмомпрямої, а точніше сказати, напівпрямої референдумної демократії: з одного боку дозволяє ефективно реалізувати конституційне право громадян брати участь у політичному житті країни, а з іншого – уникати перманентних парламентських та урядових криз. У статті досить докладно описується політична система Конфедерації. Окрему увагу приділено Швейцарській народній партії, потужній політичній силі, яка протягом останніх десяти років стабільно досягала високих результатів на парламентських виборах та з повним правом вважати себе опозиційною. У цьому зв’язку автором ставиться питання щодо можливості використання існуючої нині в Швейцарії політичної системи, а, тим більше, способу функціонування опозиції, як моделі для інших країн? В публікації докладно розкрито, як діє на практиці інститут прямої демократії. Наголошується на тому, щонародна ініціатива та референдум дають громадянину можливість постійно впливати на конституційний процес у державі та виносити розроблені урядом проекти на суд народу. Часте звернення у такий спосіб до виборців примушує суспільство постійно перейматися актуальними політичними питаннями. При цьому, великі авторитетні партії користуються цим правом рідше, ніж дрібні суспільні організації або позапарламентські опозиційні групи. Крім того, швейцарцям вдається таким чином постійно тримати під контролем політичний курс уряду, і Федеральна рада згідно конституції країни має постійно радитись з народом, який свою думку щодо політичних пропозицій висловлює, опускаючи бюлетені до скриньок для голосування. При цьому підкреслюється, що головний виклик швейцарському федералізмові полягає не в мультикультуралізмі нації, який склався не в наслідок імміграції  громадян, як, наприклад, у в США, Канаді або Австралії, а навпаки, сягає своїм корінням у вікову історію спільнот, які споконвічно мешкали в Швейцарії. Коротко охарактеризовані відносини Швейцарії з Європейським Союзом протягом останнього двадцятиріччя. Характеризуючи українсько-швейцарські відносин, автор робить акцент на значенні, яке має Швейцарія для нашої держави, зокрема в контексті війни Росії проти України. Аналізуються переваги та недоліки прямої референдумної демократії. Робляться певні висновки щодо можливості використання швейцарського досвіду у політичному житті інших країн.
The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland.  Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.
Źródło:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії; 2022, 19; 82-97
2707-6776
Pojawia się w:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Особливості політичної комунікації у етнополітичному конфлікті
Specyfika komunikacji politycznej w konflikcie etniczno-politycznym
Autorzy:
Родик, Габріелла
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political communication,
mediatization of the political communication,
ethnopolitical conflict,
representative democracy,
civil society
Opis:
The article analyzes the main features of the crisis political communication and the peculiarities of political communication impact on the multiethnic society during the ethnopolitical conflict. The key aim of the article is to discover the circumstances under which political communication serves as a hinder of ethnopolitical conflict intensification or as a mechanism of conflict regulation. It was taken into consideration that modern political communication is proceed its mediatization stage where the transmission of information and communication is based on using media channels, information and communicative technologies. Conditions under which political communication obtains crisis characteristics are defined. The basic manipulative techniques of modern mass media in ethnopolitical sphere that can be used for the purposeful influence on emotional and perceptual sphere of human’s feelings are determined. A theoretical analysis of the basic features of propaganda in ethnopolitical conflict is performed. Specific recommendations for optimizing the communicative space in the interethnic interaction are given. The mechanisms of the crisis political communication rationalization, based on the concept of representative democracy and civil society are proposed.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 292-296
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Еволюційні тенденції у діяльності ліворадикальних організацій Західної Європи (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Німеччина)
Evolutional Tendencies in the Activity of the Left Radical Organizations in Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany)
Autorzy:
Рева, Тетяна
Вільчинська, Ірина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489537.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
left radicalism
far left political parties
Western Europe
anti-capitalism
revolution
«society of justice»
democratic centralism
terrorism
Opis:
The main evolution tendencies of the radical left organizations of the largest counties of Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany) are researched in the article. It consists of the analysis of their origins, development and modern condition. The actuality of the article is the necessity of the political historical analysis of forms and manifestations of the phenomenon. It is also important to study such its features as variety, ideological transformations and dynamic processes. The researching of the new tendencies of left-wing political parties and movements in the well-developed European countries is very useful for Ukraine in the context of the decommunization process. The term «radicalism» ( from Latin, radix – root) is used to characterize the extreme-orientated organizations, parties, movements and groups which show their inclination to the radical reformation of the modern social political institutions to solve different social problems. Left radicalism is the social political phenomenon, based on the aspiration of political active groups of some people for destruction of the existed system of the state authority to put in practice the ideas of the «society of justice» and communist conceptions of ХІХ-ХХ centuries. The main tendencies of the modern leftwing groups are: 1) Revolutionary idea. They support the idea of the transformation and the elimination of the existed social regime by the upheaval; 2) Anti-capitalism. Left radicals rudely criticize the world economic system as the form of the slavery of the end of XX century – the beginning of XXI century. It is characterized by the domination of the great corporations’ interests; 3) Democratic centralism. A man has the right of choice in the different fields of social life. Only one political party or group gets the state power; 4) Strategy of protest. Left radicals take part in single terroristic acts or organisations and various movements of protests. 5) Armed struggle. Using of the violence is one of the main methods to influence the community. For example in the second half of XX century, many powerful extreme-left terroristic groups acted in Western Europe. They are «RAF» (Germany), «Red Brigades» (Italy), «GRAPO» Spain, «Action Directe» (France). The fundamental principles of the left radicalism are the idea of the society of justice and critical analysis of state imperialist policy. Left radicals call for the elimination of the capitalist system and building of the socialism by the revolutionary-armed fight. The most part of the left movements and political parties are anti-American. They fight against the political influence of the USA as the centre of world imperialism and call states for leaving such imperialistic organisation as the NATO. There is the ideological regionalism of the political radicalism in Europe. Its various kinds dominate in the different parts of the country. These ideological orientations depend on many social economic and historical factors. For example, we can see the ideological regionalism in Italy between North (right wing radicalism) and South (left wing radicalism) and in Germany between West (far left) and East (far right). In general, in the modern Europe comparing extreme right and extreme left, we can see the decadence of the far left and the activation of the far right political tendencies. The main reason of extreme right success is the modern migrant crisis in European countries. Left radicals are popular only in the countries with political economic crisis and associated with populism. The researchers of left radicalism distinguish three potential electoral groups of far left political parties and movements: 1) Extreme left subcultures. They are groups or people who have taken part in the various demonstrations and have been a member of the far left political party for a long time; 2) Left centrists. They have neutral political position and prefer vote for “green” parties; 3) Protesters. They are groups of young people who support the populist tactics and join different demonstrations against globalization and the EU. In the second half of the XX century left radicalism was more aggressive then the right one in the biggest countries of Europe. The most powerful terroristic organisations of this period were left wing. They are «Red Brigades», «RAF», «GRAPO» and «ETA». The scientists connect the “revival” of left ideologies in Western Europe after the Second World War with the spreading of anti-fascist ideas in the former fascist and national-socialist countries (Italy, Germany, Spain, Romania, Hungary and Portugal etc.). Today political radicals actively influence the internal and external policy of the European Union. The main vectors of their activity are the fight against the EU enlargement, the limitation of immigration, the revision of the social guarantees for migrants and their families and the state control in all spheres of a society. All these issues were manifested in the attempt to stop the temporary regime of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement in September 2014. The activity of the Eurosceptics led to the enlargement of the number ( 99 up to 124) of the representatives of right and left out-system organisations in the European parliament in 2014. The European left parties even established political block, called «European United Left – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL)».
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 169-178
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:
We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakterystyka pryncypiów i głównych założeń myśli politycznej i prawnej Thomasa Jeffersona
Autorzy:
Zygmunt, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/941681.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Chełmie
Tematy:
Thomas Jefferson
myśl polityczna
demokracja jeffersońska
społeczeństwo amerykańskie
demokracja amerykańska
umowa społeczna
instytucje demokratyczne
credo polityczne
political thought
Jeffersonian democracy
American society
US democracy
social contract
democratic institutions
political credo
Opis:
Autor analizuje kształtowanie i krzepnięcie myśli politycznej Thomasa Jeffersona. Nie będąc twórcą nowej, oryginalnej doktryny polityczno-prawnej, Jefferson był przede wszystkim wybitnym liderem politycznym. Dzięki umiejętnemu odczytywaniu oczekiwań społecznych, miał ożywczy wpływ na rozwój idei demokratycznych w społeczeństwie amerykańskim. Demokracja jeffersońska nie mogła też istnieć ani rozwijać się w przyszłości bez dwóch ważnych składników: powszechnego systemu edukacyjnego oraz niezależnej i samorządnej władzy lokalnej. Jefferson wierzył, że społeczeństwo jest zdolne rządzić się samodzielnie i podejmować właściwe decyzje, dlatego też był optymistą, jeśli idzie o przyszłość instytucji demokratycznych w USA.
This article analyzes the shaping and solidification of Thomas Jefferson's political thought. Without being the creator of a new, original political and legal doctrine, Jefferson was above all an outstanding political leader. Thanks to skillful reading of social expectations, Jefferson had a refreshing effect on the development of democratic ideas in American society. The Jeffersonian democracy could not exist or develop in the future without two important components: a universal educational system and independent and self-governing local authority. Jefferson believed that society was able to govern itself and make the right decisions, which is why he was optimistic about the future of democratic institutions in the US.
Źródło:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal; 2019, 1; 131-145
2450-3576
2719-3217
Pojawia się w:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Struktura systemu politycznego
Autorzy:
Żebrowski, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/12209312.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political system
group
rule
society
law
democracy
Opis:
The entire political activity of a country resolves around the idea of o political system. It is based on several elements: human individuals (prime elements), political parties, mutual interest groups and authority units (secondary elements). Political parties and lobbies perform the role of a mediator in the process of communication between society and establishment. Various relations within the political system are regulated by legal and common laws.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2006, 16; 87-104
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Społeczne procesy konstruowania koncepcji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego: historyczna analiza dynamiki europejskich języków
Social processes of constructing a civil society concept: historical analysis of a dynamics of european languages
Autorzy:
Załęski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/412945.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
społeczeństwo cywilne społeczeństwo polityczne społeczeństwo obywatelskie republikanizm
liberalizm
państwo opiekuńcze
civil society
political society
republicanism
liberalism
welfare society
Opis:
Mimo tendencji do prezentowania koncepcji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w ramach spójnej narracji opartej na założonych podobieństwach, można odnotować kilka radykalnych zmian jego znaczenia, dokonanych przez łatwo identyfikowalnych autorów. Wspólna dla całej Europy tradycja, która od czasów klasycznych rozumiała cycerońskie societas civilis jako rodzaj politycznej wspólnoty, została zmieniona przez Hegla na początku XIX w. Adaptowana zarówno przez liberalną myśl Tocqueville’a jak i socjalistyczną krytykę Marksa, koncepcja „społeczeństwa cywilnego” rozumiana była w ramach refleksji nowoczesnej jako sfera cywilnej ekonomii w opozycji do świata polityki, czyli społeczeństwa politycznego. Komunistyczni intelektualiści w Polsce dokonali znaczącej zmiany tej koncepcji, zastępując ją po II wojnie światowej terminem „społeczeństwo obywatelskie”, w celu zmylenia czytelników polskich tłumaczeń Marksa i Engelsa. W takiej formie koncepcja ta została połączona pod koniec lat siedemdziesiątych z fenomenem polskiej opozycji antykomunistycznej – przez Smolara, który przebywał wówczas na emigracji we Francji. Na początku lat osiemdziesiątych inny emigrant z bloku wschodniego, Arato użył koncepcji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego do opisu zjawiska trzeciego sektora. Ta forma, pochodząca z francuskiego dyskursu politycznego, może być uznana za rzeczywisty początek ponowoczesnego dyskursu o społeczeństwie obywatelskim, dyskursu zmonopolizowanego w latach dziewięćdziesiątych przez organizacje pozarządowe na skalę globalną.
Although there is a strong tendency towards interpreting a history of a “civil society” idea as a coherent narration founded on the presupposed similarities, there can be noticed few radical changes applied in the past to the concept by easy to identify authors. Common to whole Europe republican tradition that since the classical times drew on the idea of civil society as a political community was replaced in German milieu by Hegel at the beginning of nineteenth century. Employed both by a liberal appraisal of Tocqueville and a socialist critique of Marx the idea was understood in a modern reflection as a sphere of civilian economy in opposition to a world of politics, i.e. political society. However communist thinkers in Poland made a significant change to the idea replacing it after Second World War with a term “civic society” in aim to confuse readers of polish translations of Marx and Engels. In such a form idea was connected at the end of 1970s to a phenomenon of prodemocratic opposition in Poland by Smolar who was staying then as an exile in France. At the beginning of 1980s, another exile from Soviet block Arato picked up idea of civil society, applying it to a “third sector” issue, which was burgeoning since middle of 1970s in France. This manifestation stemming from a French political discourse may be assumed as a true beginning of a postmodern discourse on the civil society that was monopolized in 1990s by the NGOs on a global scale.
Źródło:
Przegląd Socjologiczny; 2008, 57, 2; 97-119
0033-2356
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od podziału postsolidarnościowego do polaryzacji. (Krótkie) studium relacji między Prawem i Sprawiedliwością a Platformą Obywatelską i ich wyborcami
From Post-Solidarity Division to Polarization. A (Brief ) Study of the Relationship between Law and Justice and Civic Platform and Their Voters
Autorzy:
Zagała, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/33729193.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Polish society
political polarization
affective polarization
społeczeństwo polskie
polaryzacja polityczna
polaryzacja afektywna
Opis:
Toczący się spór między partiami – Prawem i Sprawiedliwością a Platformą Obywatelską – nosi znamionapolaryzacji o charakterze totalnym, czyli takiej, która obejmuje niemal wszystkie sfery życiaspołecznego. W każdej z nich dochodzi do ciągłej konfrontacji liderów i członków partii, wyborcówi zdecydowanej większości członów społeczeństwa. Proces ten uruchomiony został w 2005 rokuprzez elity polityczne, po zakończonych niepowodzeniem negocjacjach, które nie doprowadziły dopowstania rządu opartego na, zapowiadanej w kampanii wyborczej, większościowej koalicji POPiS.Zasadniczą dynamikę temu procesowi nadawały czynniki o charakterze afektywnym, a w zdecydowaniemniejszym stopniu czynniki ideologiczne. W artykule podjęto próbę przyjrzenia się polaryzacjiwspółczesnego społeczeństwa polskiego oraz odpowiedzi na niektóre związane z tym problemempytania: W jaki sposób polaryzacja została zapoczątkowana?; W jaki sposób się rozwijała?; Na czympolega jej specyfika? Podstawą obserwacji i formułowanych wniosków są wyniki badań ilościowychzrealizowanych przez różne instytucje, w tym przede wszystkim przez CBOS.
The ongoing dispute between the parties – Law and Justice and Civic Platform – bears the hallmarks oftotal polarization. This polarization is present in almost all spheres of social life. In all of them, there isa constant confrontation between the parties involving their leaders and members, voters, and the vastmajority of members of society. This process started in 2005 after a failed attempt to form a coalitiongovernment (POPiS) that was announced during the election campaign. The essential dynamics ofthis process were driven by affective factors and, to a much lesser extent, by ideological ones. Thearticle attempts to look at the polarization in contemporary Polish society and answer some of thequestions related to this problem: How was the polarization initiated? How did it develop? What areits specifics? The observations and the conclusions are formulated based on the results of quantitativesurveys carried out by a variety of institutions, especially the Public Opinion Research Center.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL; 2023, 66, 3; 107-126
0044-4405
2543-9715
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Perswazyjna "ceremonia" jako dominujący dyskurs o społeczeństwie obywatelskim
Persuasive "Ceremony" as a Dominant Discourse About Civil Society
Autorzy:
Woroniecki, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567196.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Civil Society
Political Discourse
Opis:
The article presents a problem of similarity of persuasive potential included in discourses of politics and political ones in their treatment of a subject of civil society. We say that - in conditions of mass society - various political orientations share persuasion which promotes public spirit as their instrument of political mobilization.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2007, 6 - Odmiany dyskursu politycznego; 169-187
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
South African Post–Apartheid Transitional Remembrance Policy (1994–1999)
Autorzy:
Wawrzyński, Patryk
Stańco-Wawrzyńska, Alicja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594739.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Rainbow Nation
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Nelson Mandela
Desmond Tutu
remembrance narratives
political narratives
reconstruction of society
democratisation
Opis:
The paper presents results of the qualitative–to–quantitative narrative analysis of the transitional remembrance policy in South Africa during Nelson R. Mandela’s presidency. It refers to findings on the structure of political applications of historical interpretations to the issue of national identity reconstruction during democratisation. Therefore, the paper considers a degree in which remembrance story–telling was used to legitimise, justify, explain and promote the Rainbow Nation, the inclusive and non–racial vision of South Africa’s ’ideal self’ based on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s theology of Ubuntu hoping. It investigated these relationships on eight levels – legitimisation of new elites, presence of former elites, transitional justice, social costs of transformations, promotion of new standards, the symbolic roles of democratisation, need for national unity and the new state’s identity in international politics. Moreover, the paper introduces a draft comparison with other cases of transitional remembrance policy – Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland and Spain – and it offers the structural model of the use of historical interpretations in South African transition, as well as discussing it with reference to the general model of the transitional remembrance policy.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 145-154
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elity etniczne północnego Kaukazu
Ethnic elites of Northern Caucasus
Autorzy:
Wasiuta, Olga
Wasiuta, Sergiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Północny Kaukaz
elity etniczne
rozwarstwienie społeczne
polityczna niestabilność
Northern Caucasus
etno-political elites
society segmentation
political instability
Opis:
Ze względu na liczne sprzeczności polityczne i gospodarcze, Kaukaz Północny jest regionem współczesnej Federacji Rosyjskiej, który z punktu widzenia Moskwy stanowi źródło największych problemów. Wiążą się one m.in. z funkcjonowaniem miejscowych elit gospodarczych. Proces ich formowania się nie przebiegał w sposób harmonijny, co wynikało ze zmiennych decyzji władz, które od czasu do czasu oddawały region (w sposób daleki od demokratycznych procedur) pod kontrolę przywódców federalnych lub regionalnych. Władze federalne nie wypracowały strategicznej koncepcji rozwoju regionu uwzględniającej jego zróżnicowanie etniczne. Charakterystyczną cechą procesów formowania się elit gospodarczych na Kaukazie jak i w całej Rosji, była ich ideologiczna ambiwalentność i niechęć w stosunku do procedur stosowanych powszechnie w krajach cywilizacji zachodniej, a ponadto dążenie do wzbogacenia się za wszelką cenę. Władze centralne działają destrukcyjnie w stosunku do samych elit jak i do mieszkańców, często wykorzystując elity do walki z przeciwnikami politycznymi, oraz do obrony swoich przywilejów i unikania odpowiedzialności dzięki posłusznym sobi
The article is devoted to the role of ethnic political elites in the structure of Northern Caucasus political system. The particular stages in the evolution of ethnic political elites are explained, along with the description of their specificity, which depends both on the federal policy, and on the internal value-system of ethnic groups, supported by the traditional culture. The most important tendencies affecting the elites and their role in ethno political processes include as follows: the increase of nationalist trends among the elites and population overall; growth of Islamic fundamentalism, which serves as an ideological basis for the activities of the national-ethnic elites; increase interest in human and civil rights adherence with ethnic and anti-Russian tinge. In addition to this forming sources of regional elites were shown, the most important of which are: former party-state nomenclature; business environment; special services and representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and separatist movements. It analyzes the structure of elites and interest groups. Concentration of power in hands of representatives of ethnic groups and clans led to society segmentation and rivalries between ethnic groups, which for many years had been destabilizing the political situation in the North Caucasus region. Non-transparent management system in the republics making it highly vulnerable to seizure of power by informal ethno political structures.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2016, 18; 51-69
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Mit jako fenomen współczesnej polityki
Myth as a Phenomenon in Modern Politics
Autorzy:
Vasyuta, Olha
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567235.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Olsztyńska Szkoła Wyższa
Tematy:
Świadomość polityczna
Oddziaływanie mediów na społeczeństwo
Mit polityczny
Polityka a mass media
Polityczna manipulacja
Zło polityczne
Political awareness
The impact of massmedia on society
The political myth
Politics and mass media
Political manipulation
The political evil
Opis:
Wyniki badań stanowią podstawę do stwierdzenia, że szerokie zastosowanie nowoczesnych mitów politycznych jako elementu polityki społecznej i związanych z nimi technologii wynika przede wszystkim z globalnego kryzysu tożsamości. Na przykład, w nowoczesnych kategoriach krajów postsowieckich istnieje zniekształcona ideologiczna i psychologiczna próżnia po starych wartościach. Społeczeństwa tych krajów pilnie potrzebują świadomości i zrozumienia procesów społecznych i politycznych, ale politycy po prostu nie mają racjonalnego wyjaśnienia, w związku z czym obiektywnie powstaje mit, który staje się alternatywną formą racjonalnego istnienia. W rzeczywistości pod wpływem mass mediów, a w szczególności telewizji i Internetu, coraz więcej produkuje się i rozpowszechnia nowoczesnych mitów, stopniowo tworzy się zbiorowa mitologia. Tak więc mit polityczny może być uznany za skuteczny środek współczesnej kampanii wyborczej jako instrument oddziaływania na masy i świadomość polityczną, chociaż zawiera pewne wady. W szczególności, jego stosowanie prowadzi do oszustwa i wszelkiego rodzaju manipulacji świadomością publiczną. Istnieje więc realne niebezpieczeństwo politycznej alienacji osobowości, powstaje zniechęcenie społeczne do głównych wartości demokratycznych i rodzą się wątpliwości co do możliwości monitorowania porządku publicznego przez społeczeństwo.
The results of the research presented in this paper clearly identify a deeply felt global identity crisis as the main culprit for the recent adaptation of political myths into social politics as well as for the technologies applied for their circulation. An example is the evidence of a distorted ideological and psychological vacuum of the former valuesystem in the new categories of modern postsoviet countries. These societies are in urgent need of the awareness and the understanding of political and social processes, but politicians are incapable of put forward any satisfying rational explanations. So the myth emerges as an alternative form of reality. Actually a steadily waxing number of popular myths springs up and is being transmitted by television and on the internet. So gradually a hoard of collective myths accumulates. The political myth can be regarded as a highly effective means to influence the masses and shape their political consciousness in times of electoral campaigns, even though it reveals certain shortcomings. Notably its application leads to manifold types of fraud and political manipulation of the public opinion. There exist the actual threats of individual political discouragement, of the public rejection of democratic values and a common doubt in the possibilities of successful political action and the effective control of law and order through the people.
Źródło:
Warmińsko-Mazurski Kwartalnik Naukowy, Nauki Społeczne; 2012, 1; 119-132
2084-1140
Pojawia się w:
Warmińsko-Mazurski Kwartalnik Naukowy, Nauki Społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Socio-political passport of Zakarpattia (Ukraine): a brief history of the region’s survival in Central Europe
Autorzy:
Tokar, Marian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195754.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-28
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
socio-political development
Ukrainian region
political regime
state policy
civil society
political and non-governmental organizations
Opis:
Zakarpattia is perhaps the only region of contemporary Ukraine which during the twentieth century has experienced complex political processes of regionalization and adaptation to different states and their political systems. A characteristic feature of the changes in the region was a frequent transition of political conditions from authoritarian to democratic styles of state governing of the title nations which had implanted in Zakarpattia their political rules trying to change the political culture and political consciousness of local elites and citizens.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2022, 12, 3; 1-13
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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