Temat: political crime - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Przestępczość polityczna w województwie lubelskim w okresie międzywojennym
Political crime in lubelskie voivodship in interwar Poland
Autorzy:: Kędzierska, Grażyna
Siemak, Zbigniew
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699001.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2012
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość w II Rzeczpospolitej
przestępczość polityczna
political crime
Opis:: In the system of security organs of the Second Polish Republic fight with crime described as political belonged to the duties of National Police. The department of political Police was a secret specialized internal service of the National Police designed most of all to invigilate almost the whole of the political and social life of the country as well as to persecute perpetrators of crimes against the state, with particular focus on persons suspected of acts of subversion. Between the wars the political police underwent a complex reorganization four times each time under a different name: Defensywa Polityczna, Służba Informacyjna, Policja Poli-tyczna i Służba Śledcza (respectively: Political Defence, Information Service, Political Police, and Investigation Service) and with specialised units for fight with various forms of political crime. Illegal political activity, form the point of view of law then, was divided into activity against the state and espionage for other countries. Until 1926 political service in lubelskie voivodship conducted full operational observation of factions and political movements of communist character, of ethnic minorities, and of radical peasant activists. Political movements of bourgeois character were not of interest to political counterintelligence, still they were under discreet operational observation. After the May Coup in Poland, interest of the political police, apart from communists and national minorities, was extended also to the whole legal opposition against the government. Political police in lubelskie voivodship was occupied with revealing social tensions, antigovernment moods, subversive actions, and actions against the state (in particular those by communists and nationalists form national minorities), observation of legal political formations and parties, but also of trade unions and members of parliament. Until 1934 the police statistics included, for example, high treason, rebellion and resistance against the government, desertion, and other crimes against military power and the state. After 1934 the police statistics included high treason (articles 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98 of contemporary criminal code), insult to the government or its institution (art. 125, 127), individual and group resistance (art. 129, 131, and 169 in relation to art. 129), insult and assault of an official (art. 132, 133, and para. 4 of art. 256), insult to the nation and the state (art. 152, 153), incitement to crime (art. 154, 155, 156, 157, 158), incitement to crime (art. 165 – 167), riots (art. 163, 163). “Incitement to crime” in lubelskie voivodship was carried out mainly by offenders’ by “dis-playing flags and banners” of anti-state and subversive content (26,5 % of national overall) and “spreading communist pamphlets and appeals” (16,5%). Such acts as “high treason” (7,9%), “insult to the government or its institution” (6,9%), “group resistance” (11%) were above national average.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 603-627
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępstwo polityczne jako kategoria prawnokarna
Autorzy:: Kuczur, Tomasz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1033456.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-11-03
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:: przestępstwo polityczne
przestępstwo przeciwko państwu
bezpieczeństwo państwa
political crime
crime against the state
state security
Opis:: Przestępstwa polityczne, mimo że „wprost” nie zostały przez ustawodawcę określone we współczesnym rozwiązaniu kodeksowym z 6 czerwca 1997 r., stanowią określony „zestaw” czynów zabronionych, podejmowanych przez sprawcę w określonych uwarunkowaniach politycznych i społecznych. Ustawodawca w kodeksie karnym z 6 czerwca 1997 r. wyodrębnił stany faktyczne czynów skierowanych przeciwko państwu (podobnie w k.k. z 1969 r. i k.k. z 1932 r.), które noszą znamiona czynów karalnych o charakterze politycznym. W okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego czyny zostały dookreślone w dwóch rozporządzeniach Prezydenta RP z lat 1928 i 1934, penalizujących przestępstwo szpiegostwa oraz w kodeksie karnym z 1932 r. Typizacja tych czynów nie miała charakteru zbyt skomplikowanego i była dość jednorodna. Po roku 1944/1945 w doktrynie komunistycznego prawa karnego ukształtował się termin: przestępstwo kontrrewolucyjne. Charakter tzw. dekretów rozliczeniowych z lat 1944–1946 zdominował interpretacje tego pojęcia do roku 1956. Po przełomie październikowym inaczej traktowano ten czyn zabroniony. Nastąpiło wówczas odejście od hiperkryminalizacji i hiperpenalizacji podobnych zachowań na rzecz utrzymywania się tendencji prokryminalizacyjnych i propenalizacyjnych. Doktrynalne rozważania na temat ujmowania czynów określanych jako przestępstwo kontrrewolucyjne zdominowały w tym czasie jego charakterystykę kryminalną. Czyn kontrrewolucyjny był zawsze czynem politycznym. Wtłoczenie do systemu prawnego państwa kodeksu karnego z 1969 r. uporządkowało katalog czynów politycznych skierowanych przeciwko państwu. Określono je, już w nazwie rozdziału kodeksu karnego z 1969 r., jako przestępstwa przeciwko interesom politycznym i gospodarczym państwa. Po przełomie roku 1989 i zapoczątkowaniu procesu dekonstrukcji systemowej, przed ustawodawcą stanęło wyzwanie związane z rehabilitacją osób skazanych za działalność (polityczną) na rzecz niepodległego bytu państwa polskiego oraz zagadnienie rozliczenia wcześniejszej kryminalnej (politycznej) działalności państwowej. Wreszcie w kodeksie karnym z 1997 r. ponownie stypizowano w art. 127–137 (9) katalog czynów skierowanych przeciwko państwu, które należy określić jako przestępstwa polityczne.
Political crimes, even though they were not ‘explicitly’ defined by the legislator in the contemporary code solution of June 6, 1997, constitute a specific set of prohibited acts, undertaken by the perpetrator under specific political and social conditions. In the criminal code of 6 June 1997, the legislator distinguished the factual states of acts directed against the state (similarly in the Criminal Code of 1969 and the Penal Code of 1932), which bear the features of punishable acts of a political nature. In the interwar period, the acts were specified in two ordinances of the President of the Republic of Poland from 1928 and 1934, penalizing the crime of espionage, and in the penal code of 1932. The typification of these acts was not too complicated and was quite uniform. After 1944/1945, the term ‘counter-revolutionary crime’ was coined in the doctrine of communist criminal law. The nature of the decrees of 1944–1946 settling with the past dominated the interpretations of this concept until 1956. After the October coup, this prohibited act was treated differently. At that time, there was a departure from hyper-criminalization and hyper-penalization of similar behaviors in favor of the persistence of pro-criminalization and pro-penalization tendencies. Doctrinal considerations on the treatment of acts defined as counter-revolutionary crimes dominated at that time its criminal characteristics. A counter-revolutionary act was always a political act. Forcing the penal code of 1969 into the legal system of the state organized the catalog of political acts directed against the state. They were already defined in the title of a chapter of the 1969 Penal Code – as crimes against the political and economic interests of the state. After the breakthrough of 1989 and the initiation of the process of systemic deconstruction, the legislator was faced with the challenge of rehabilitation of people sentenced for (political) activities for the sake of the independent existence of the Polish state and the issue of the settlement of previous criminal (political) state activities. Finally, in the Penal Code of 1997, Art. 127–137 (9) a list of acts against the state that should be defined as political crimes was defined.
Źródło:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2020, 92; 147-171
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
Political crime - an outline of the problem
Autorzy:: Falandysz, Lech
Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1989
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość polityczna
czyny zabronione
historia
prawo karne
kryminologia
przywilej
terror
regulacje prawne
political crime
prohibited acts
history
criminal law
criminology
privilege
legal regulation
Opis:: The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: The assassination of the Mayor of Gdańsk Paweł Adamowicz in Polands leading national newspapers
Morderstwo prezydenta Gdańska Pawła Adamowicza na łamach dzienników ogólnopolskich
Autorzy:: Rogoż, Michał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2074643.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:: Poland’s politics in 2019
assassination of Paweł Adamowicz
Gdańsk
newspaper coverage of a political crime
Paweł Adamowicz
morderstwo
pogrzeb
śledztwo
relacjonowanie
komentarze
dzienniki
Polska
Opis:: The assassination of the Mayor of Gdańsk Paweł Adamowicz in Poland’s leading national newspapers, This article compares the coverage of the incident in six print dailies (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, Gazeta Polska Codziennie, and two tabloids Fakt and Super Express) over a period of two weeks (14–26/27 January). Their presentation of the story differed considerably. There were marked differences not only in the total amount of space the individual papers devoted to the Adamowicz’s murder and its fallout, but also the way they selected, described and interpreted various points, and sought to contextualize it by introducing additional themes.
Morderstwo prezydenta Gdańska Pawła Adamowicza stało się istotnym wątkiem treściowym przekazów większości rodzimych mediów informacyjnych. W artykule porównano treści opublikowane w 6 płatnych ogólnopolskich dziennikach („Gazeta Wyborcza”, „Rzeczpospolita”, „Nasz Dziennik”, „Gazeta Polska Codziennie”, „Fakt”, „Super Express”) w dniach 14 stycznia – 26/27 stycznia 2019 roku. Stwierdzono istotne różnice w sposobie relacjonowania tego wydarzenia. Dotyczyły one zarówno samej objętości treściowej związanej z tematem, jak i sposobów doboru, opisu i interpretacji poszczególnych wydarzeń oraz wprowadzania określonych wątków pobocznych.
Źródło:: Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2020, 23, 1; 115-134
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:: Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: The Electoral Corruption in the Reality of Unconsolidated Democracy
Autorzy:: Bil, Jacek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1836647.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:: corruption
elections
crime
politics
political parties
Opis:: The article is devoted to the problem of corruption in politics. The author presents the risks of corruption for the democratic system of the state and describes the anticorruption legal regulations. Mechanisms of electoral corruption are presented and the involvement of the state and political parties in the anti-corruption programs is showed. It shows the necessity of anti-corruption education of society.
Źródło:: Security Dimensions; 2016, 20(20); 81-94
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:: Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Dylemat wolność – bezpieczeństwo albo o pożytkach z instytucji czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawczych
A freedom – security dilemma or on benefits of an institution of initial investigation
Autorzy:: Mazur, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950225.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014-06-14
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: lawmaker
political community
ethics of responsibility
legal institution
safety
freedom
dilemma
crime
Opis:: The purpose of this article is to show a strong tension between two important values, namely freedom and security. A lawmaker has to choose a limitation of freedom to achieve security, which is very difficult. Legislator has to face with the dilemma in time of an institutional transformation. That time usually brings a radical growth of criminality. In such circumstances citizens demand from the legislator an effective fight with this serious threat. A lawmaker has to enable citizens both security and freedom by various legal institutions for example initial investigation. The initial investigation is based on a secret interfering in privacy for instance: a wire tapping by such services as police or secret service. This controversial solution has led so far to the reduction of crimes, especially organized. It can be justified by Max Weber’s ethics of responsibility. A lawmaker, however, has to protect the whole political community by some controversial institutions from the moral point of view.
Źródło:: Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2014, 3, 1; 192-208
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:: Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Katyń Anniversaries in 1990–2010. The Position and Functions of Political Ritual in the Polish Culture of Remembrance. Research Report
Rocznice katyńskie w latach 1990–2010. Miejsce i funkcje rytuału politycznego w polskiej kulturze pamięci. Komunikat z badań
Autorzy:: Czubaj-Kuźmin, Sylwia
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620175.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: political ritual
anniversary rhetoric
political linguistics
Katyń massacre crime anniversary
rytuał polityczny
retoryka rocznicowa
politolingwistyka
rocznica zbrodni katyńskiej
Opis:: Głównym celem tekstu jest ukazanie funkcjonalnego wymiaru rytuałów politycznych związanych z obchodami rocznic zbrodni katyńskiej w latach 1990–2010. Dzięki przeprowadzonej metodą semantyczno-pragmatyczną analizie zawartości treści doniesień medialnych towarzyszących obchodom katyńskim, omówione zostały funkcje, które pełnił rytuał katyński w polskiej kulturze pamięci od 1990 do 2010 roku, takie jak funkcja emocjonalna, normatywna, legitymizacyjna, integracyjna, edukacyjna czy performatywna. Ponadto zaaplikowanie teorii traumy kulturowej umożliwiło analizę mitu założycielskiego, wskazywanego przez polityków w trakcie przemówień rocznicowych, wiążącego się z kłamstwem i prawdą o zbrodni katyńskiej. Zauważony w narracji katyńskiej przymus powtarzania, dotyczący walki z zakłamywaniem historii, odniesiony został do traumy spowodowanej damnatio memoriae, związanej z początkami chrześcijaństwa. W kontekście tych spostrzeżeń, w ramach rozważań na temat funkcji performatywnej, przeanalizowane zostało, obecne w dyskursie rocznicowym po katastrofie prezydenckiego samolotu lecącego na obchody 70. rocznicy zbrodni, zjawisko znane jako „drugi Katyń”.
The main goal of the research is to show the functional dimension of the political rituals associated with the celebrations of the Katyń massacre anniversaries in 1990-2010. Using the method of political linguistics, the study makes it possible to identify ten topoi organizing the Katyń anniversary discourse. They include the topos of “an innocent victim”, “violated justice”, “compensation”, “fair Russians”, “friends Muscovites”, “elite”, as well as the topos of “a shared field of remembrance, reconciliation” (“from foes to friends”), the topos of mutual forgiveness and the anniversary as a special occasion, or the topos of “inhuman land”. The pragmatic-semantic analysis of the contents of media reports accompanying the Katyń celebrations allows the author to show a number of functions that the Katyń ritual performed in the Polish culture of remembrance in 1990–2010. The study of functions proceeds from emotional, through normative, legitimization, integration and educational functions, to the performative function.
Źródło:: Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2020, 3; 21-38
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:: Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: The Holocaust and Hiroshima. Moral otherness and moral failure in war
Autorzy:: Zimmermann, Rolf
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/431394.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:: Holocaust
Hiroshima
moral otherness
war crime
political responsibility
Holokaust
zbrodnia wojenna
odpowiedzialność polityczna
Opis:: The 20th century was an age of extremes. In this article I concentrate on two disasters, the Holocaust and Hiroshima, in order to develop a philosophical reading of moral extremes under circumstances of war. My aim is to differentiate between these two events by exposing a normative framework. The significance of the Holocaust points to the phaenomenon of a rupture of species, which stands for a moral transgression never thought of. In analytical terms, this confronts us with the clashing of two normative orders: Firstly, the universal moral respect of every human being; secondly, the radical particularism of Nazism. To denounce the moral otherness of the latter is to highlight the war aims of Nazism: imperial aggression to dominate Europe, and annihilation of the Jews as a world-historical mission. In view of both aims, war against Nazism was just. The moral disaster of Hiroshima, however, stands in marked contrast to this characterization. The political leaders of the US did not intend to annihilate the Japanese people; they thought they would end war by making use of a nuclear weapon. It is, therefore, a misleading metaphor to speak of a “nuclear holocaust”, or to allude to a genocidal action in this case. This does not mean at all that dropping the bomb was justified. Quite contrary to the US official stance, it is important to consider this event in moral terms by relying on precise historical circumstances and well-founded critical analysis. There is strong evidence that it was a moral failure to opt for the bomb. This comes close to the diagnosis of a war crime within a just war framework. Nevertheless, this diagnosis must be kept distinct from the type of crime involved in the Holocaust.
Źródło:: Studia Philosophiae Christianae; 2017, 53, 3; 127-148
0585-5470
Pojawia się w:: Studia Philosophiae Christianae
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Włoskie organizacje mafijne jako niepaństwowi aktorzy polityczni
The Italian mafia organizations as non-state political actors
Autorzy:: Niedźwiecki, Artur
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31233342.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: organized crime
Italian mafia
non-state political actor
social capital
przestępczość zorganizowana
włoska mafia
niepaństwowy aktor polityczny
kapitał społeczny
Opis:: Artykuł koncentruje się na funkcjonowaniu włoskich organizacji przestępczych w aspekcie politologicznym, których cechą charakterystyczną jest zdobywanie i sprawowanie pozaprawnej władzy nad określonym terytorium, jako warunku wstępnego do osiągania zysków ekonomicznych w wymiarze lokalnym, krajowym i ogólnoeuropejskim. Uzyskując szeroko pojęte wpływy na danym obszarze, mafie – niczym aktorzy polityczni o charakterze niepaństwowym – prowadzą jego eksploatację, wykorzystując swój kapitał społeczny w obrębie mechanizmów gospodarki wolnorynkowej. Aktualnie istotą fenomenu włoskiej przestępczości zorganizowanej jest powstawanie związków między sferą przestępczą a światem polityki, gospodarki oraz instytucji publicznych, czego rezultatem staje się przekształcenie zwykłej działalności kryminalnej w kolejnego, niepaństwowego gracza politycznego, operującego na wielu płaszczyznach na zasadzie procesów ekspansji terytorialnej.
The article focuses on the functioning of the Italian criminal organizations in the political science aspect, the characteristic feature of which is to gain and exercise outlaw power over a specific territory as a prerequisite for achieving economic profits in local, national and European dimension. Gaining broadly understood influence in a given area, mafias, like non-state political actors, exploit it, using their social capital within the mechanisms of a free market economy. Currently, the essence of the phenomenon of the Italian organized crime is the emergence of links between the criminal sphere and the world of politics, economy and public institutions, which results in the transformation of ordinary crime activity into another, non-state political player, operating at a multiple of level on the basis of territorial expansion processes.
Źródło:: Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2023, 17; 347-361
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:: Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Subiektywne komponenty czynu a bezprawność i okoliczności ją wyłączające. Kilka uwag o przyjmowanych w piśmiennictwie karnistycznym płaszczyznach i metodach analizy subiektywnych elementów bezprawności
Subjective components of the act in light of unlawfulness and circumstances excluding it. A few comments about accepted in the criminal literature planes and methods of subjective analysis elements of unlawfulness
Autorzy:: Kardas, Piotr
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1596056.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:: act
unlawfulness
circumstances excluding unlawfulness
behavior
consciousness
will
intention
purpose
wake-up
sanctioned norm
sanctioning norm
structure of crime
inept attempt
directional offenses
axiological plane
ontological plane
criminal-political plane
pragmatic-procedural plane
monistic unlawfulness
pluralistic view of illegitimacy
subsidiarity
proportionality
consciousness as an objective characteristic of behavior
czyn
bezprawność
okoliczności wyłączające bezprawność
zachowanie
świadomość
wola
intencja
cel
pobudka
norma sankcjonowana
norma sankcjonująca
struktura przestępstwa
usiłowanie nieudolne
przestępstwa kierunkowe
płaszczyzna aksjologiczna
płaszczyzna ontologiczna
płaszczyzna kryminalnopolityczna
płaszczyzna pragmatyczno-proceduralna
monistyczne ujęcie bezprawności
pluralistyczne ujęcie bezprawności
subsydiarność
proporcjonalność
świadomość jako zobiektywizowana cecha zachowania
Opis:: W opracowaniu przedstawiono aktualny stan analiz dogmatycznych w odniesieniu do zagadnienia tzw. subiektywnych komponentów: czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. W pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono rekonstrukcyjne uwagi dotyczące obecnego stanu badań nad problematyką komponentów subiektywnych w strukturze czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. Na bazie zarysowanej dychotomii prezentowanych w polskiej teorii prawa karnego ujęć – obiektywnego oraz subiektywnego – zarysowano część płaszczyzn, na których dokonywać należy analizy oraz weryfikacji koncepcji odnoszących się do funkcji i znaczenia komponentów subiektywnych w ramach karnoprawnych ujęć: czynu, bezprawności oraz okoliczności wyłączających bezprawność. Odwołując się do płaszczyzny teoretycznej, normatywnej, dogmatycznej oraz strukturalnej, przedstawiono wady i zalety konkurencyjnych koncepcji. W podsumowaniu zamieszczono propozycję zobiektywizowanego ujęcia świadomości, jako jednej z właściwości opisywanego w ustawie zachowania, stanowiącego możliwy kierunek rozwiązania paradoksów łączących się immanentnie z prezentowanymi dotychczas w polskim piśmiennictwie konkurencyjnymi ujęciami analizowanego zagadnienia.
The paper presents the current state of dogmatic analysis in relation to the issue of the so-called subjective components: act, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness. First of all reconstructive remarks concerning the current state of research on the subject matter of subjective components in the structure of the act, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness were presented. On the basis of the outlined dichotomy of the conceptual and objective perspectives presented in the Polish criminal law theory, some areas have been outlined for analysis and verification of concepts relating to the function and meaning of subjective components within the framework of criminal legal actions, unlawfulness and circumstances excluding unlawfulness. Referring to the theoretical, normative, dogmatic and structural levels, the advantages and disadvantages of competing concepts are presented. The summary contains an offer of objectivized recognition of consciousness as one of the properties described in the Behavior Act, constituting a possible direction of solving the paradoxes immanently combining with the previously presented in the Polish literature competing perspectives of the analyzed issue.
Źródło:: Acta Iuris Stetinensis; 2018, 21, 1; 7-43
2083-4373
2545-3181
Pojawia się w:: Acta Iuris Stetinensis
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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