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Tytuł:
Особливості політичної комунікації у етнополітичному конфлікті
Specyfika komunikacji politycznej w konflikcie etniczno-politycznym
Autorzy:
Родик, Габріелла
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political communication,
mediatization of the political communication,
ethnopolitical conflict,
representative democracy,
civil society
Opis:
The article analyzes the main features of the crisis political communication and the peculiarities of political communication impact on the multiethnic society during the ethnopolitical conflict. The key aim of the article is to discover the circumstances under which political communication serves as a hinder of ethnopolitical conflict intensification or as a mechanism of conflict regulation. It was taken into consideration that modern political communication is proceed its mediatization stage where the transmission of information and communication is based on using media channels, information and communicative technologies. Conditions under which political communication obtains crisis characteristics are defined. The basic manipulative techniques of modern mass media in ethnopolitical sphere that can be used for the purposeful influence on emotional and perceptual sphere of human’s feelings are determined. A theoretical analysis of the basic features of propaganda in ethnopolitical conflict is performed. Specific recommendations for optimizing the communicative space in the interethnic interaction are given. The mechanisms of the crisis political communication rationalization, based on the concept of representative democracy and civil society are proposed.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 292-296
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Конфліктний характер взаємовідносин між владою та опозицією в Україні: причини та політичні наслідки
Konfrontacyjny charakter stosunków pomiędzy władzą i opozycją na Ukrainie: przyczyny i skutki polityczne
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489454.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
parliamentary opposition,
government,
political competition,
political conflict,
repositioning
Opis:
The article analyzes the dynamics of the relationship between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine. The causes and consequences of political conflict domination style relationship were clarified by the author. He believes that the distinction between opponents held the simplified line “anti-communism” to the complex and contradictory relationship in the triangle “president-parliament-government.” The political consequences of the conflict nature of interaction between government and opposition were minimizing the use of compromise as a tool to resolve disputes, activation of extra-parliamentary forms of political struggle, the attempt to develop mutual control of some political forces over others, stimulate political competition. Conflicts between the government and the opposition began to acquire signs of conflict between advocates support democracy building and its collapse and conservation. Therefore, in 2004 and 2014 repositioning political forces as changing the status on the powerful opposition, accompanied by the intensification of the democratization process. As a result of political actors started implementing new democratic forms and practices lustration of power, style dialogical relationship between government and society, strengthening the capacity of the third sector to influence the ruling elite. This is a prerequisite for the transition to a compromise model of relations between the authorities and the opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 73-79
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
opposition,
the parliamentary opposition, government,
power,
political conflict, democracy,
political competition,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічні аспекти дослідження ненасильницького протесту в Україні
Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of the Study of Nonviolent Protest in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Белгасем, Мохамед
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489265.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
social conflict
non-violent protest
forms of political protest
methods of political protest
Opis:
Non-violent protest as a phenomenon of the second half of XX – beginning of XXI century. is political in nature and correlates with the «third wave» of democratization. It is a mass phenomenon due to the global processes of destruction of the colonial system, the disintegration of world system of socialism, the negation of authoritarianism and transition to democracy, a large group of countries in different parts of the globe. The analysis of theoretical models, approaches, factors, nature, forms and methods of nonviolent protest, as a specific type of social conflict, the modalities for its implementation at the stage of democratic transformation in Ukraine has been shown in the article. The explanation of protest behavior is considered through the concept of relative deprivation of G. Carr, functional and conflict approaches, and the like. At the same time, to limit the understanding of the origins of social and political protest by only the phenomena of deprivation or relative deprivation means to distort its nature in favor of the subjective factors. . Actually, the unsatisfactory conditions of human existence (or perceived in her mind) are being themselves neither sufficient nor even necessary factors of protest behavior. In modern societies the protest potential of social is stipulated by the institutional, organizational, political, and sociocultural factors. The concept of «non-violent political protest» is used by the author in a wide explanation that includes both overt and subtle forms of disagreement with the policy of the authorities, for example, voting «against all». Accordingly, the specified definition differs from the category of «political resistance», which provides clear and conspicuous defiance of the existing government. The methods of political resistance are being classified after three categories: a) protest and persuasion, (b) the non-cooperation and b) intervention. In general, John Sharp has allocated 198 such methods. So non-violent protest is a complex tactic of public action, in which many techniques, a number of mechanisms of transformation, as well as certain norms of behavior are involved. Non-violent protest and mass manifestations is a result of the accumulation of a critical mass of dissatisfaction with the existing social order. However, certain organized forms, ability to a long confrontation between the authorities and the successful decision of tasks in view, are possible only in the presence of social capital and solidarity between different social groups and strata. Social capital contains such elements of social organization as social networks, social norms and trust that create the conditions for the coordination and co-operation for the sake of the reciprocal benefit. That is, social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources associated with the existing well established network of informal or more or less institutional relations of reciprocity and recognition. The specifics of the protest activity in Ukraine is that it is a certain illogicality, when bursts of mass protests do not coincide with mass public sentiment associated with falling standards of living or dissatisfaction with the actions of the authorities. This was highlighted in 2004 when, on the eve of the political explosion that has gone down in history as the Orange revolution; none of the social services fixed the readiness of people to protest. In a stable society the behavior of community members governs the value-normative system both directly through the role of expectations about the behavior, and indirectly, creating awareness. But in an unstable society, where the value-normative system is disrupted and a state of anomie, the behavior is primarily determined by the characteristics of the individual consciousness of its members. Crucial is affective, cognitive and moral potential of the individual characteristics of consciousness and behavior of people.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 280-291
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політичний компроміс як засіб урегулювання конфліктно-кризових ситуацій
Political Compromise as a Means of Settling Conflict-crisis Situations
Autorzy:
Абуржейла, Самер
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489353.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political compromise
conflict
crisis
comparative method
historical method
political and legal approach
sociological approach political decisions
Opis:
In modern terms the crucial issue is research on conflict settlement issues and crises through political compromise. These studies help to identify the causes and minimize the effects of conflict, crisis, namely to find out the factors abrupt change of state-government relations, the destabilization of economic processes under conditions of market abuse group interests and the emergence of social contradictions; identify the causes of unexpected displays of aggression within a country or between two countries; to establish the role of international organizations, national political parties and influential people who make decisions in complex social and political situations; analyze the effectiveness of settling disputes regarding the specification of borders between countries, violation of the sovereignty of individual states, the manifestations of separatism; understand the nature of officials in achieving the various kinds of temporary or long-term agreements, arrangements etc. For comprehensive understanding of the conflict logic and settlement of crises a methodology and technologies settlement of conflicts should be used. In the context of justification of political compromise as a means of conflict resolution, the usage of the comparative method allows: to trace the history and the actual content of the events associated with the use of the settlement of conflicts and crisis situations within individual countries and on international arena; delve into the complex twists and turns of a new world order, demonstrating both success and failure in achieving peace and social cohesion; trace capabilities for monitoring recent developments in the context of their impact on international political relations and democratic development in general. The historical method lets analyze competition in a globalized, knowledge and fill clarify contradictions possibility of a political settlement. History shows various options for the use of political compromise. In particular, in extremely difficult conditions applied so-called «bailout» tradeoffs that ignores fundamental ideological differences and contradictions associated with the operation of the opposing political systems. It is primarily about the anti-Hitler coalition as an opportunity to overcome the hazards common to the world. Another historically proven option should be considered as the best compromise that is associated with a particular unique situation of long-term crisis. This compromise, in particular, can be considered Spain transition from authoritarianism to democracy, without bringing the matter to the escalating conflict, negotiate ruling forces of the moderate and democratic opposition. Political and legal approach in the context of research policy facilitates compromise standards and features action legislation and necessary relations arising from their content. Compromise recorded in the legal act may conceal the danger in case if it ignores the realities of political life. These compromises, in particular, include the Munich Agreement of 1938, which, despite all politicians’ expectations have not been able to contain the aggression of Nazi Germany. In modern terms this can be considered a dangerous compromise Minsk II as an attempt to extinguish the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas. Such compromises can be seen as self-deception, political error unconscious surrender to the aggressor. Application sociological approach shows that the study of political issues take into account the interaction of social relations and resolving social conflicts, and compliance with existing social norms. Watching as political processes, phenomena and functioning of national political systems can be attributed to many causes and consequences of conflict within individual countries and between different countries. The sociological approach to record formal relations that have pseudo-democratic content in political, economic, social, cultural, military and social life and can lead to a complex problem. Political decisions in conditions of conflict-crisis situations involving the possibility of partial or final changes to stop undesirable developments or negative trends. Under these conditions, a policy designed to provide theoretical and practical policy approaches involving the use of compromise. There are a number of options that can be easily used in domestic political decisions, but the level of external change is much more difficult, since international commitments still unable to make a decisive impact on participants in international relations.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 299-305
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kulturowe źródła konfliktu politycznego w Polsce
Cultural roots of political conflict in Poland
Autorzy:
Zybała, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/413460.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
culture, cultural conflict, history, sociology, political science
kultura, konflikt kulturowy, historia, socjologia, nauka o polityce
Opis:
The author describes the foundation of political conflict in Poland, which has become increasingly intensive in recent years. He argues that it has cultural roots. It is a cultural conflict in the sense that the competing political blocks strive to force their rivals to follow their values and lifestyle. These blocks compete to acquire ownership of the entire institutional system within the state and the values it is based on. They also strive to build an entirely different model of the state than that supported by their opponents. The author claims that two camps have been formed with relatively distinct characteristics and deeply rooted cultural biases: traditionalist-conservative and liberal (like Weber’s ideal type). However, a significant number of citizens do not belong to either of them, but they are not the ones who have caused the dynamics of political conflict during the last decade.
Autor charakteryzuje podłoże konfliktu politycznego w Polsce, który rozgrywa się od kilkunastu lat, a w ostatnim czasie przybiera na sile. Konflikt ten jest silnie zakorzeniony kulturowo. Ma on charakter kulturowy w tym znaczeniu, że rywalizujące obozy starają się wymusić na drugiej stronie dostosowanie się do własnych wzorów życia i wartości. Walczą o własność całego systemu instytucjonalnego państwa i o wartości, na których jest on ufundowany, o jego zupełnie odmienny charakter niż ten, który proponują oponenci. Autor wskazuje na uformowanie się dwóch bloków o dość głęboko zakorzenionych cechach/skłonnościach kulturowych – tradycjonalistyczno- -konserwatywnego oraz liberalnego (rozumiane jako typy idealne). Znaczna część obywateli nie mieści się w tych podziałach, ale to nie oni nadają dynamikę konfliktowi politycznemu ostatniej dekady.
Źródło:
Przegląd Socjologiczny; 2019, 68, 3; 185-205
0033-2356
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Jewgienij Bronisławowicz Paszukanis i jego marksistowska teoria prawa — kilka refleksji krytycznych
Critical remarks on Evgeny B. Pashukanis and his Marxist theory of law
Autorzy:
Zmierczak, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/782550.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
inevitability of destruction of capitalism
historical prophesy
law as result and
form of regulation of conflict of interests in the process of production and exchange
rule of law
(Rechtsstaat) as the highest form of mystification of real social relations
disregard of political and legal ideas as pure ideology
Opis:
Evgeny B. Pashukanis (1891—1937) is noted as the most influential theorist of law in Soviet Russia. In his book The General Theory of law and Marxism, issued in 1924, 1925 and 1927, he defined law as a form expressing the real relation between people in process of production and exchange of goods: the form that reaches its highest level as the rule of law (Rechtsstaat), when it becomes a mirage, concealing the real and deep conflict of interests. Pashukanis was convinced that in communism any form of law would disappear because there would be no class conflict of interests. He also repeated the prophesy of Marx that capitalism would disappear, as expressed in The Communist Manifesto. That the prophesy is false and that history is not a science in the same way as physics was showed and criticised by Karl Raimund Popper. The reduction of rule of law to the expression of class interest only is false as well, because many legal regulations are not connected to economic interests. The thesis whereby law occurs only in bourgeois society surely led people ruling in Soviet Russia to contempt of any law, taking into account the fact that Pashukanis’s book was popular and used in education. Interestingly enough, the book was printed in Polish in 1985, with the commentary that provides a very instructive and important theory of law.
Źródło:
Z Dziejów Prawa; 2019, 12; 587-596
1898-6986
2353-9879
Pojawia się w:
Z Dziejów Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Partie polityczne i ich elektoraty. Od sympatii do antagonizmu. Na przykładzie Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości
Political parties and their electorates. From sympathy to antagonism. Based on the Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS)
Autorzy:
Zagała, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1912325.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Civic Platform
Law and Justice
political likes and dislikes
electorate
narration
antagonistic conflict
Platforma Obywatelska
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
sympatie i antypatie partyjne
elektorat
narracja
konflikt antagonistyczny
Opis:
Od 2005 roku życie polityczne w Polsce w znaczącym stopniu zdominowane jest przez spór dwóch partii: Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS). Spór ten nie jest tylko rywalizacją liderów i członków partii na programy polityczne. To konfrontacja antagonistycznych światopoglądów wyborców oraz sympatyków obu partii. Jej symbolicznym początkiem są nieudane rozmowy między gremiami przywódczymi obu partii, które nie doprowadziły do powstania koalicyjnego rządu w 2005 roku. Intensywność sporu, toczonego w wielu środowiskach, skłania obserwatorów życia publicznego do formułowania tezy o dwóch metaforycznych Polskach, o dwóch obcych sobie plemionach. Autorzy naukowych i publicystycznych analiz tego fenomenu często wskazują na różnice w zakresie cech demograficznych i społecznych, jakimi charakteryzują się elektoraty obu partii. Odmienności te mają jednak drugorzędne znaczenie w stosunku do różnic w poglądach zwolenników PO i PiS na temat wydarzeń, problemów, zjawisk i osób istotnych dla partyjnych tożsamości. Istotną rolę w podtrzymywaniu i reprodukcji odmiennych światopoglądów sympatyków obu partii odgrywają media. Celem tekstu jest dokonanie charakterystyki cech oraz podzielanych poglądów sympatyków obu partii oraz analiza ewolucji ich sympatii i antypatii politycznych w ostatnich kilkunastu latach. Wnioski formułowane są na podstawie wtórnej analizy danych zebranych w latach 2001–2019 przez Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej oraz przez innych badaczy.
Since 2005, political life in Poland has been largely dominated by a dispute between two parties: Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS). This dispute is not just a rivalry between party leaders on political programs. It is rather a confrontation of the antagonistic views of the voters and supporters of both parties. The unsuccessful talks between the leadership groups of both parties, which did not lead to the formation of a coalition government in 2005 are often referred as a symbolic beginning of this conflict. The intensity of this dispute, prompts the observers of public and political life to formulatea thesis about two metaphoric Polands, two tribes that are alien to each other. Authors of the scientific and journalistic analyses of this phenomenon often point out the differences in demographic and social characteristics of the electorates of both parties. However, these differences are less important than dissimilarities in views and opinions of PO and PiS supporters on events, phenomena and persons relevant to party identities. The media also play a crucial role in supporting and reproducing different views of supporters of both parties. The purpose of this paper is to present a characteristics of the supporters of both parties and to analyze the evolution of their political likes and dislikes in the last several years. The conclusions are based on a analysis of the data collected in the years 2001–2019 by the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) and by other researchers.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2020, 2; 193-205
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Milovan Đilas – polityk, myśliciel, analityk systemu komunistycznego
Милован Джилас – политик, мыслитель, аналитик коммунистической системы
Autorzy:
Zacharias, Michał Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2031362.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Milovan Đilas
Karl Marks
Josif Stalin
Josip Broz-Tito
komunizm
Jugosławia
„nowa klasa”
lewicowe odchylenie
sowiecko-jugosłowiański konflikt 1948 r.
system samorządowy
partyjna biurokracja polityczna
III Nadzwyczajne Plenum KC ZKJ z 16–17 stycznia 1954 r.
Karl Marx
Iosif Stalin
Josip Broz Tito
communism
Yugoslavia
‘new class’
leftist bias
1948 Soviet-Yugoslav conflict
local government system
party political bureaucracy
Third Extraordinary Plenum of the Central Committee of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia of 16–17 January 1945
Opis:
W prezentowanym artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja postawy politycznej, przede wszystkim zaś myśli politycznej Milovana Đilasa w sprawie tzw. nowej klasy i systemu komunistycznego – jego powstania, charakteru i nieuniknionego zaniku. Zwrócono uwagę na poglądy i koncepcje „nowej klasy” w ujęciu jego poprzedników, od Nikołaja Bakunina poczynając. A także na zasadnicze różnice między myślą Đilasa i teoriami Karla Marksa. Niezależnie od posługiwania się marksowską (marksistowską) metodą badawczą i terminologią twórcy Kapitału. Artykuł powstał w oparciu głównie o pisma Đilasa, z Nową klasą na czele, oraz o bardzo bogatą literaturę przedmiotu.
In the article, Michał Jerzy Zacharias presents the evolution of the political stance, and especially the political thought of Milovan Đilas on the so-called ‘new class’ and the communist system: its origins, character, and inevitable collapse. The author draws attention to the views and concepts of the ‘new class’ as depicted by his predecessors, starting with Nikolai Bakunin. He also emphasises the fundamental differences between Đilas’s thoughts and the theories of Karl Marx, regardless of the use of the Marxian (Marxist) research method and terminology of Das Kapital’s author. The article is based mainly on Đilas’s writings, especially The New Class, and the subject’s wealthy literature.
В представленной статье Михал Ежи Захариас знакомит читателей с эволюцией политической позиции и, прежде всего, политической мысли Милована Джиласа о так называемом новом классе и коммунистической системе. Эта эволюция касается возникновения, характера, трансформаций и неизбежного, по мнению югославского аналитика, распада этой системы. Захариас обращает внимание на взгляды на «новый класс» и его концепции, в трактовке предшественников Джиласа, начиная с Николая Бакунина. Это должно наглядно показать, что автор «Нового класса» был не первым и не единственным мыслителем, обращавшим внимание на негативную роль нового правящего слоя, образовавшегося после революции и подчинившего себе все общество. Автор статьи также приводит факты, свидетельствующие о том, что, по мнению Джиласа, «новый класс», т.е. партийная (коммунистическая) политическая бюрократия, был совершенно иным явлением, чем классы, встречающиеся в капиталистической системе. Прежде всего, из-за монополии власти во всех сферах: политической, экономической и идеологической. Джилас подчеркивает, что в буржуазных обществах отдельные классы и их эманации, то есть политические партии, всегда должны были довольствоваться лишь частичной долей власти, и то лишь политической. Эта монополизация власти во всех возможных сферах «новым классом» приводит Джиласа к выводу, что коммунистическая система – это именно «власть, которая стала самоцелью». Такое изложение полностью противоречит теориям Карла Маркса и других, практически всех, марксистских теоретиков, современников создателя «Капитала». Независимо от того, что Джилас использует марксистские концепции, теоретические категории и классовый анализ экономических, социальных и политических процессов Маркса. Также следует отметить его проницательный анализ краха, исчезновения коммунистической системы. И в «Новом классе», и в своих более поздних работах он напишет, что именно внутренние противоречия, существование и действия «нового класса» стали фундаментальными причинами распада коммунизма - его разложения и самоуничтожения.
Źródło:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; 2021, 56, 2; 123-143
2353-6403
1230-5057
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Milovan Đilas – polityk, myśliciel, analityk systemu komunistycznego. Cz. 1: Buntownik i komunista
Milovan Đilas – A Politician, Thinker, Analyst of the Communist System. Part 1: A Rebel and Communist
Милован Джилас – политик, мыслитель, аналитик коммунистической системы. Ч. 1 Бунтарь и коммунист
Autorzy:
Zacharias, Michał Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2235068.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Milovan Đilas
Karl Marx
Joseph Stalin
Josip Broz Tito
communism
Yugoslavia
‘new class’
leftist bias
1948 Soviet-Yugoslav conflict
local government system
party political bureaucracy
Karl Marks
Josif W. Stalin
Josip Broz-Tito
komunizm
Jugosławia
„nowa klasa”
lewicowe odchylenie
sowiecko-jugosłowiański konflikt 1948 r.
system samorządowy
partyjna biurokracja polityczna
III Nadzwyczajne Plenum KC ZKJ
Opis:
W prezentowanym artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja postawy politycznej, przede wszystkim zaś myśli politycznej Milovana Đilasa w sprawie tzw. nowej klasy i systemu komunistycznego – jego powstania, charakteru i nieuniknionego zaniku. Zwrócono uwagę na poglądy i koncepcje „nowej klasy” w ujęciu jego poprzedników, od Nikołaja Bakunina poczynając. A także na zasadnicze różnice między myślą Đilasa i teoriami Karla Marksa, niezależnie od posługiwania się marksowską (marksistowską) metodą badawczą i terminologią twórcy Kapitału. Artykuł powstał w oparciu głównie o pisma Đilasa, z Nową klasą na czele, oraz o bardzo bogatą literaturę przedmiotu.
In the article, Michał Jerzy Zacharias presents the evolution of the political stance, and especially the political thought of Milovan Đilas on the so-called ‘new class’ and the communist system: its origins, character, and inevitable collapse. The author draws attention to the views and concepts of the ‘new class’ as depicted by his predecessors, starting with Nikolai Bakunin. He also emphasises the fundamental differences between Đilas’s thoughts and the theories of Karl Marx, regardless of the use of the Marxian (Marxist) research method and terminology of Das Kapital’s author. The article is based mainly on Đilas’s writings, especially The New Class, and the subject’s wealthy literature.
Źródło:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; 2021, 56, 1; 93-121
2353-6403
1230-5057
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityczność prawa autorskiego na przykładzie jego niezgodności z wizją świata ludności rdzennej
Political Character of the Copyright on the Example of its Inconsistency with the Indigenous People’s Vision of the World
Autorzy:
Wojtanowski, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531672.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-01
Wydawca:
Stowarzyszenie Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej – Sekcja Polska IVR
Tematy:
ludność rdzenna
prawo autorskie
polityczność
konflikt
indigenous people
copyright
the political
conflict
Opis:
Artykuł traktuje o niezgodności pomiędzy założeniami stojącymi za prawem autorskim a wizją świata ludności rdzennej. Autor odwołuje się do kategorii polityczności, jako adekwatnej dla odzwierciedlenia tego tarcia, a nie wymagającej powiązań z potocznie rozumianą sferą polityki. Przyjmuje przy tym wpływową intuicję Carla Schmitta o związku polityczności z konfliktem. W kontekście problemu za przejawy konfliktu uznano krytykę prawa autorskiego ze strony ludności rdzennej oraz wybrane przykłady sporów prawnych. Ich analiza pokazuje, że przedmiotowa dziedzina prawa nie uwzględnia potrzeb rdzennej ludności oraz kłóci się z jej intuicjami.
The article deals with an inconsistency between the indigenous vision of the world and copyright. The author refers to the category of the political as the proper one to reflect this friction. The work embraces influential intuition of Carl Schmitt on the relationship between politicality and conflict. The author assumes that what can be treated as an expression of political vision (i.e. as something which is not neutral) is political. This approach does not require direct link with the traditionally understood sphere of politics to discern the realm of political.
Źródło:
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej; 2018, 3(18); 86-96
2082-3304
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Mowa nienawiści” vs „przemysł pogardy”. Instrumentalizacja pojęcia „mowy nienawiści” w polskiej publicystyce politycznej w latach 2010-2019
"Hate speech" vs "Industry of contempt" - instrumentalization of the "hate speech" concept in Polish political journalism over the years 2010-2019
Autorzy:
Werra, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/666476.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
„mowa nienawiści”
„przemysł pogardy”
spór ideologiczno‑polityczny
podział socjopolityczny
“hate speech”
“industry of contempt”
ideological and political conflict
socio‑political divide
Opis:
The article tackles the problem of instrumentalization of the “hate speech” concept in the context of an ongoing ideological and political conflict in Poland, as the consequence of a deep polarization of the political scene after the Smolensk plane crash of 10 April 2010. Based on selected journalistic texts from the years 2010-2019, a mechanism will be shown of using such concepts as “industry of contempt” and “hate speech” to discredit the values and attitudes presented by the opposing sides of Polish public debate.
Autor porusza problem instrumentalizacji pojęcia mowy nienawiści w kontekście toczącego się w Polsce sporu ideologiczno‑politycznego jako konsekwencji głębokiej polaryzacji sceny politycznej po katastrofie smoleńskiej z 10 kwietnia 2010 roku. Na przykładzie wybranych tekstów publicystycznych z lat 2010-2019 ukazano mechanizm wykorzystania takich pojęć, jak przemysł pogardy i mowa nienawiści do dyskredytacji wartości oraz postaw reprezentowanych przez przeciwstawne strony debaty publicznej w Polsce.
Źródło:
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis; 2019, 27; 9-27
1895-3492
2353-9747
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Трансформация управленческих стратегий политикоуправленческой элиты регионов Северного Кавказа в условиях современного ценностно-институционального кризиса
Autorzy:
Vaskov, Maxim Aleksandrovich
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/569021.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
North Caucasus,
region
management
elites
social conflict
regional politics
management strategies
social problems
a regional politician
federal center
political leading
Северный Кавказ
регион
управление
элиты
социальный
конфликт
региональная политика
управленческие стратегии
социальные проблемы
федеральный центр
политическое руководство
Opis:
The article reviews the process of transformation of management strategies of politic management elite in the regions of North Caucasus. The scientific analysis is carried out in the context of social conditions of modern value-institutional crisis. The author considers the changes in values of North Caucasus peoples and inner and outer factors that lead to the modification in the character of managing these regions. The article studies the practices of power transition and making an own system of power by new leaders. It deals with such factors influencing the management of regions as increasing the meaning of religion and religious extremism, the meaning of ethnic mobilization strife mechanisms. The influence of these factors is shown on the examples of the Republics of North Ossetia-Alania, Dagestan, Kab ardino Balkaria, Chechnya, Ingushetia. The author examines the possible strategies of how Russian federal authorities may react on conflicts in regional elite and principles of their interaction with regional elite.
В статье рассматривается процесс трансформация управленческих стра тегий политико-управленческой элиты в регионах Северного Кавказа. На учный анализ проводится в контексте социальных условий современного ценностно-институционального кризиса. Автор рассматривает, какие изме нение в ценностных ориентирах народов Северного Кавказа, а так же внеш ние и внутренние факторы приводят к изменениям в характере управления этими регионами. Изучаются практики передачи власти и создания собственной системы власти новыми руководителями. Рассматриваются такие факторы, непо средственно влияющие на управление регионами как рост значение рели гии и религиозного экстремизма, значение механизмов этнической моби лизации и конфликтности. Действия данных факторов показывается на конкретных примерах республики Северная Осетия-Алания, Дагестан, Ка бардино-Балкария, Чечня, Ингушетия. Автором так же рассматриваются возможные стратегии как на конфлик ты в региональной элите могут отреагировать со стороны федеральных властей России и принципы их взаимодействия с региональной элитой.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2017, 3(14); 12-30
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ukraine Through the Prism of Geopolitical Challenges: Analytical Aspect
Autorzy:
Teleshun, Sergiy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531285.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-15
Wydawca:
Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce
Tematy:
global trends
public policy
Ukrainian crisis
thinktanks,
corruption
gray area
financial and political pressure groups
conflict in Eastern Ukraine
Opis:
This paper examines the global trends that will be reflected in global politics. Systematization of a large number of sources of major research centers allowed forming a hierarchy of challenges and threats able to influence global and regional policy. Special attention is given to Ukraine, events which significantly influence the Eurasian and global political space. The article gives an insight of the political processes in Ukraine, its problems and achievements. Understanding the situation in Ukraine in the light of global trends allows us to realize the impact on geopolitical balance of power in the world. Events in Ukraine, as in Syria, became the catalyst for change that led to reformatting of political and regional map of the world. Significant pressure from new social, political, economic, military, informational and humanitarian threats and challenges was put upon security and bureaucratic structures of the European Union, NATO, UN and others. The obvious is that the global security system based on the principles of collective responsibility of the twentieth century is affected by a considerable transformation. This, in turn, has put on the agenda the issue of the capacity of modern political and business elites and the management establishment responds adequately to new manifestations of systemic crises and threats. The efficiency of the management of public authority institutions in internal and external policy is not only to improve the analytical tools to identify key social issues, but also the ability to form the institutional and civil mechanisms of preventive counteract against the disintegration of the political and economic environment of the state. But traditionally forecasts are significantly correlated with the realities of life and professional and volitional qualities of consumers of intellectual products in the field of management. Currently, a large number of analytical studies, prognostic versions of the future, futurological predictions from authoritative think-tanks perform not just their main prognostic function - an objective reflection of patterns of global and regional processes, but in most cases a multi-purpose product of political influence. Political analytics in public policy is a tool of public opinion formation (an artificial change of public attitudes, priorities, perceptions, expectations etc.) and implementation of some projections of the future or for world politics the most likely and expected models of situations development in high-risk areas. Analytical forecasts are often (have become) not only a means of pseudo scientific impact on society, with wide manipulative tools, using misinformation, “gray” technologies of the hidden influence on the individual and groups of individuals, hybrid types of information influence etc., but also behavioral models of national policy key actors. This is primarily due to political preconception and relations with different centers of force, wellknown expert-analytical agencies. Accordingly, analytical findings of many of them are entirely synthetic and designed in order to model, correlate and correct agenda and project the necessary previously ordered future efficiently. In early 2016 the global analytical and expert community, the leading "think tanks" began to provide us with own predictive versions of events development in the world both at global and regional levels. In many ways, the most influential models of the future differ from each other, and therefore need to build a more coherent and systematic view of the likely scenarios for the future. In addition, it is significant to emphasize that the complexity of forecasting and analytical activity caused by the intensity, dynamic processes and increase of the number of input data exponentially in the current development of the world. The justification of this is a methodological weakness of well-known world think-tanks in the matters of development of even shortterm forecasts on Syria, Ukraine migration processes, European Union, Mediterranean etc. This led to a serious debate in analytic community in the US and Western Europe on the revision of established strategies of information-analytical and expert activities. In particular, the results of the scenarios made by the most "think tanks" in the past year, according to our estimate, have come true with the coincidence of 40 per cent. Especially they reveal not always accurate forecasts regarding the situation deployment around the resolution of the conflict in Ukraine under the so-called "Minsk format", the resolution of the conflict in Syria under the so-called "Geneva format", critical and final phase of destabilization and destruction of the Russian Federation, significant decline in economic development and social explosions in the People's Republic of China, the stabilization of situation in the "Arab spring" zone, efficacy of international mechanisms and institutions in addressing global challenges (especially in the matters of war and peace) etc.
Źródło:
Polish Journal of Political Science; 2016, 2, 1; 6-18
2391-3991
Pojawia się w:
Polish Journal of Political Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Libia po interwencji zbrojnej w 2011 roku
Libya after the military intervention in 2011
Autorzy:
Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/556540.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
post-Qaddafi Libya
state building process
social conflicts
political conflict
Arabska Wiosna
Libia po Kaddafim
odbudowa państwa
konflikty społeczne
konflikt polityczny
Opis:
The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.
Arabska Wiosna przybrała w Libii formę wojny domowej, w następstwie której doszło do zewnętrznej interwencji zbrojnej i obalenia reżimu Muammara Kaddafiego. Bez mała siedem lat od wybuchu wojny państwo nadal pogrążone jest w chaosie. Brak zgody co do kształtu ustrojowego i przywództwa państwa konserwuje status quo i sprawia, że wyjście z impasu jest coraz trudniejsze. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy sytuacji politycznej Libii oraz czynników determinujących impas polityczny, którymi są – zdaniem autorki – przede wszystkim: współistnienie kilku ośrodków władzy, konflikty etniczne, aktywność ugrupowań zbrojnych (milicji), tworzonych zarówno przez wojskowych, jak i islamistów, a także słabość i brak jedności aktorów zewnętrznych, w tym ONZ, w wypracowywaniu kompromisu dotyczącego Libii
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka; 2018, 3; 67-80
1899-6264
2451-0718
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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