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Tytuł:
Эссе о провинции (заметки о дефиците власти в современной России)
Essay About The Province (Notes About the Lack of Power in Modern Russia)
Autorzy:
Skiperskikh, Aleksandr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2193953.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
власть
дискурс
легитимация
политическое пространство
провинция
Россия
русская культура
discourse
legitimation
power
political space
province
Russia
Russian culture
Opis:
In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture, tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in the Russian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. The power is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit in relation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not an exception. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significant cultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province, which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author sees this attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin, Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics. The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to the theoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben, Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler. The author believes that in the space of the Russian province there is an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilism that has become part of the political philosophy of the Russian provincial. In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly critical attitude toward the political power. A person is not more capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His being increasingly assumes an existential character. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affect the specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation of anarchic attitudes.
В данной статье автор пытается понять, как институты власти могут функционировать в условиях российской провинции и как они могут восприниматься обществом. Власть распределяется неравномерно, и это в полной мере сказывается на её дефиците применительно к провинциальному политическому дискурсу. Пример современной России не является исключением. Автор считает, что современные политические практики власти основываются на определённых культурных основаниях, объясняющихся особым отношением к провинции, которое традиционно присутствует в политическом дискурсе. Автор видит это отношение в различных сюжетах из текстов Александра Пушкина, Андрея Платонова, Антона Чехова, Ивана Бунина и других русских классиков. Авторская интерпретация проблемы потребовала обращения и к теоретическим работам политических философов, среди которых можно выделить Джорджо Агамбена, Альбера Камю, Никласа Лумана, Мишеля Фуко и Макса Шелера. Для автора важность подобного обращения была обусловлена тем фактом, что в центре отмеченных теоретических построений, так или иначе, присутствует проблема соотношения властии сопротивления. По мнению автора, в пространстве российской провинции существует объективный дефицит институтов власти, говорящий, с одной стороны, об определённом пренебрежении провинцией, а, с другой стороны, свидетельствующий о силе сопротивления инициативам власти на местах и правовом нигилизме, ставшем частью мировоззренческой философии российского провинциала. Представленность человека самому себе, влияет на достаточно критическое отношение к власти. Человек больше не способен доверять институтам власти и искать у них поддержки, что в полной мере раскрывается на примере современной российской провинции, наследующей традицию осторожного и нигилистического отношения к политическим институтам в собственной истории. Политика федеральной власти в современной России порождает серьёзные разрывы между центром и провинцией, что не может не сказываться на специфическом восприятии самой власти, а также влияет на формирование анархических установок.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2019, 18; 333-357
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
democratic transformation
political power
technologies of the legitimation
of political power
the electoral process
Opis:
The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Стратегии борьбы политических партий в период выборов в Городское собраниe города Бремена с 1947 по 2011 гг.
Autorzy:
Wroniszewska, Bożena
Gwóźdź, Sandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568902.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
the Judiciary
strategies to combat
Assembly of the City of Bremen political structure
constitution and regulations l
egislature
executive power
regional section
analysis of the City Council elections in Bremen
Стратегии борьбы
Городское собрание Бремена
Политическое устройство Конституция и нормативные акты
Законодательная власть
Исполнительная власть Судебная власть
Территориальный раздел
Анализ выборов в Городск е собрание Бремена
Opis:
The work Fri: “Strategies in competitive political parties in elections the Assembly of Citizens of Bremen in the years 1947–2011 “the authors analyze the voting behavior, the balance of power and the changes taking place in the Assembly of Citizens of Bremen on the sixty-four years. The hypothesis, which has been subjected to verification implies that the evolution and even late in the existing balance of power party Meeting in Bremen Citizens can speak after the election, which took place in May 2011. The work was divided into two parts, the first author addressed the analysis of the political system of the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen, and other strategies rywalizacyjnymi political parties in the elections to the Assembly of Citizens of Bremen. The first part will be devoted to the specifics, described the status of the region, the relationship between the government and the historical circumstances and constitutional Bremen. The second will focus on the analysis of the political scene, the results of ongoing since 1947 elections and the why in May 2011 can be considered as a breakthrough in this matter.
В работе под названием „Стратегии борьбы политических партий в период выборов в Городское собрание города Бремена с 1947 по 2011 гг.” Авторы анализируют поведения в период выборов, расстановку сил, а также изменения происходящие в Городском собрании на протяжении шестидесяти четырех лет. Гипотеза, которая была подвергнута проверке, предполагает, что об эволюции или даже переломе в существующей до сих пор расстановке партийных сил в Городском собрании Бремена, можно говорить после выборов, которые состоялись в мае 2011 г. Работа состоит из двух частей, в первой авторы занялись анализом политического устройства „Свободного Ганзейского города Бремена”, а во второй, стратегиями соперничества политических партий в период выборов в Городское собрание Бремена. Первая часть будет посвящена специфике, статусу данного региона, взаимоотношениям властей, а также историческим и конституционным нормам Бремена. Тогда как вторая часть будет сосредоточена на анализе политической сцены, результатах выборов с 1947 г. и на причинах по которым май 2011 г. считается переломным в выборной сфере.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2014, 2(7); 42-52
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Реализация антицерковной политики советской власти в 1920-1930-е годы на Гомельщине
The anti-clerical policy of the Soviet government in the 1920-1930 in the Gomel region
Antycerkiewna polityka władzy radzieckiej w latach 1920-1930 na Homelszczyźnie
Autorzy:
Грищенко, Ирина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1813934.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-10-08
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
Russian Orthodox Church
anti-church policy of the Soviet power
church shism
church dissents
political repression
Русская Православная Церковь
антицерковная политика
обновленчество
политические репрессии
odnowicielstwo
Opis:
The article presents the characteristics of the main directions of anti-church policy of the Soviet power in the 1920-1930s. Base on archival material in the Gomel region, the authors showed the reaction of worker-peasant medium on Bolshevik policy against the church. The analysis results of the confrontation of believers and atheist state.
В статье охарактеризованы основные направления антицерковной политики советской власти в 1920-1930 гг. Анализируя архивные материалы по Гомельщине, автор показал реакцию рабочих и крестьян на политику большевиков по отношению к церкви. В статье представлены результаты конфронтации верующих и атеистического государства.
W artykule scharakteryzowano podstawowe kierunki antycerkiewnej polityki władzy radzieckiej realizowanej w latach 1920-1930. Analizując archiwalne materiały dotyczące obwodu homelskiego, autorka ukazała reakcję środowiska robotniczochłopskiego na politykę bolszewików wobec Cerkwi. W artykule przedstawiono rezultaty konfrontacji wierzących i ateistycznego państwa.
Źródło:
DOCTRINA. Studia Społeczno-Polityczne; 2019, 16, 16; 25-46
1730-0274
Pojawia się w:
DOCTRINA. Studia Społeczno-Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Политизация социальных сетей Интернета и легитимность власти
The politicization of Internet social networks and the legitimacy of power
Autorzy:
Федорченко, Сергей
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/944292.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
legitimacy
social networks
legitimization
power
political regime
Opis:
The paper presents the results of a research project “Global study of the politicization of social networks.” According to the author, undermining the citizens’ trust in democratic institutions such as the parliament and political parties in various states leads not only to visible consequences – political absenteeism and social escapism, but also provokes a deeper process of the rapid politicization of Internet social networks. A content analysis of political discourse has been selected as the academic metho dology. The project has shown that in countries of various regions – from Europe to Latin America – there are pro-government, opposition, and moderately radical network communities. It is concluded that the politicization of modern networks is more conducive to the archaization and radicalization of social relations than strengthening the legitimacy of democratic regimes and constructive dialogue with the government of society. The most politicized social networks are Facebook and Twitter.
В работе публикуются итоги научного проекта – «Глобально- го исследования политизации социальных сетей». По мнению автора, подрыв доверия граждан различных государств к таким демократическим институтамкак партии и парламент приводит не только к видимым последствиям – политическому абсентеизму и общественному эскапизму, но и провоцирует более глубокий процесс стремительной политизации сообществ социальных сетей Интернета. В качестве научной методологии был избран контент-анализ политического дискурса. Проект показал, что в странах различных регионов – от Европы до Латинской Америки – существуют провластные, умеренно оппозиционные и радикальные сетевые сообщества. Сделан вывод, что политизация современных сетей пока больше способствует архаизации и радикализации социальных отношений, чем упрочнению легитимности демократических режимов и конструктивному диалогу общества с властью. Наиболее политизированными социальными сетями оказались Facebook и Twitter.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2017, 2; 89-102
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Официальный статус церкви как юридического лица публичного или частного права в европ- ейских конституциях
Autorzy:
Прокопович, Галина Алексеевна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2141743.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
constitutional tradition
EU members
political power
Opis:
This article is devoted to the research of common constitutional traditions of the countries – EU members in the sphere of human rights. Though this sphere is not deprived of any common elements, but it has certain differences in the systems of historic, social, institutional heritage. It is these differences that constitute the cultural basis of European unity that inoculates it its own cultural models and its legal tradition. Considerable coincidences in constitutional traditions of the EU countries let us come to the conclusion that the true guarantee to provide the fundamental rights should be looked for not in the authorities of the political power, but in the depth of nations’ cultures.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2009, 3(3); 37-54
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
opposition,
the parliamentary opposition, government,
power,
political conflict, democracy,
political competition,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Методика вивчення ціннісно-мотиваційних чинників політичної активності
Method of Studying of Value-motivational Factors of Political Activity
Autorzy:
Савиченко, Ольга
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489392.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
motivation of political activity
political values
power motivation
achievement
motivation
motivation of affiliation
completeness of motivational structure
internal and external
balance of motivational structure
social
processual and subjective levels of value regulation
Opis:
The article presents the method of studying of value-motivational factors of political activity. The analysis of terminological and theoretical premises of research of value-motivational factors of political activity is done. Author’s approach to organization of empirical research of psychology of minority political activity is proposed. Correlation of values and motivation, dynamics of social, activity and personal mechanisms of personality development are considered in the terminological analysis. Using of three factor theory by D. McClelland to empirical research of value-motivational factors of political activity is justified. Based on analysis of research methods of value-motivational factors the content analysis system that allows to measure individual motivational tendencies and qualitative features of human motivation is described. Based on the analysis of H.Hekhauzen’s research 4 types of situations of the development and implementation of political values and motivation are singled out: 1) the self comparison with own achievements; 2) the self comparison with standart; 3) social comparison with a real opponent; 4) social comparisons with generalized or personalized ideal. Structure of the research of value-motivational factors of political activity comprises the steps of photobiographical research, expert evaluation and value grates building. Analysis of the results provides quantitative and qualitative interpretation. Quantitative analysis includes content analysis of the structure of motivation and levels of the value regulation, and the factor modeling. Categories of content analysis can explore the achievement motivation (success motive and the motive of avoiding failure), power motivation and motivation of affiliation (adoption). Each of the categories of content analysis is analyzed for compliance motivational components to one of value levels - social, processual or subjective. The categories for content analysis of achievement motivation is the need to achieve success or to avoid failure, the corresponding instrumental activity, expectations of success or failure, positive or negative reinforcement, emotional state and result. The study of power motive is through singling of categories of prestige, instrumental activity aimed at power, external interference, power anticipation, emotional states, the effect of power action. Content analysis of affiliation motives includes an analysis following categories: positive emotions, dialogue, growth, loyalty, freedom from restrictions, reunification, harmony, conquest to sense, a refuge in a relationship, unity with nautre. As for the level of value, the article noted that on social level individual development is determined by the needs for approval and recognition and reflection is directed to understanding of referential awareness of assessments and forecasting of the basis of their own development. Process level is characterized by awareness of conditions and requirements of activity, reflection focus on skills, actions and operations and the their related results criterion for evaluating of which is effort. On the subjective level processes that occur in the sphere of activity and in social relations are conscious and influence the planning of further self-development. The indicators of qualitative analysis are: expression of each component in the structure of motivation, completeness of structure of motivation, external and internal balance of motivation structure, the analysis of groups of values that were significant for the results of value assessment. The proposed research represents the ideographic approach to the study of values and motivation and allows to follow the laws of value-motivational determination of political activity of the political leaders of national minorities.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 323-331
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Етимологічна та змістовна варіативність і системність класичного / вузького визначення політичної опозиції
Etymological and content variativity and system of classical / narrow definition of political opposition
Autorzy:
Кольцов, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489299.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
governmen
opposition
determinism of the political opposition
parliamentary opposition
political power
competition
Opis:
Political opposition (in the narrow sense of the word) plays an important role in the mechanism of checks and balances under the conditions of one or another type of political regime. Accordingly, the study of political opposition is impossible without studying the political system and political power, and the political opposition is a term and a concept that is of paramount importance for understanding political competition, relations between power and non-power, the state and society. However, the narrow definition of political opposition is varied and ambiguous, although its essence and unilateral. Its unidirectionality is a consequence of classical research in the late 60's and early 70's of the twentieth century. It was initially argued that political opposition is an antipode of government within any political system, and therefore forms the basis of the political-system context of the analysis of inter-institutional relations. Consequently, the narrow definitions of political opposition are variable, albeit averaging equal to the mechanisms of checks and balances. The point is that, in the classical sense, political opposition is interpreted relatively, because it is relevant to staying in one form or another disagreement with other authorities. The specificity of the narrow understanding of political opposition is due to the view from which angle of view and theoretical and methodological point of view it is normative, institutional, structural and functional. At the same time, the perception of political opposition is the unified as an institution with its functions and structure. A lot part of scientists appeals to definition political opposition in an even more narrow and even normative or instrumental sense. This generates the requirement of perception of political opposition as an institution that is sharply opposed, on the one hand, individual political actors, but on the other hand, any sudden outbursts of protests and violence, although they can be a tool of influence of the political opposition. In addition, it determines the vision of the political opposition as an institution outside government or power in its narrow sense. Largely this narrow and normative understanding of the political opposition due to the fact that the study of empirical cases of political opposition or claim and the necessity of its classification, even the classics of political theory of the opposition mainly focus their attention on one particular kind of political opposition, namely the parliamentary opposition, which is understood as the most advanced and institutional example of a political conflict. Using this theoretical and methodological logic of the political opposition in its classic Definition often limited to one particular political sphere - the Parliament - or just one specific actor - party (or parties) that represents a minority in the legislature. The primary objective of the political opposition in its classical definition is getting political, especially governmental power. This means that political and parliamentary opposition are equivalent in the narrow approach. As a conclusion, an appeal to the essence and phenomenon of political competition is the synthetic descriptor of a narrow or classical definition of political opposition. In this regard, any form of political opposition is always generated around a certain type of political competition, and not vice versa, because political competition does not necessarily involve a political opposition. In this case, competition between the government and the political opposition, which are political categories, is primarily a competition for political power. Or, in other words, competition under the scheme of "government-opposition" is traditionally considered as a controversy over the issues of obtaining and implementing power. The government and the opposition must be determined by some degree of mutual recognition of each other, and therefore excludes a high degree of violence in their relationship and competition (whereby the opposition in time of war and unauthorized by the government the strike are not manifestations of political opposition), changing their structured rules. Although on the other hand, such conceptualization of the political opposition as a base is insufficient, because it works only in a democratic political regime. But this observation is not the task of the presented scientific exploration, it is subject to further scientific research on the problem of determining the political opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 230-237
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Деінституціалізація політичної сфери в Україні: теорія та її підтвердження практикою
Dezinstytucjalizacja sfery politycznej na Ukrainie: teoria potwierdzona przez praktykę
Autorzy:
Макух, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489460.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
the institution of political power,
deinstitutialization, humanization,
boundary area communication
Opis:
The relevance of theorizing about problems of deinstitutionalization in politics is dictated by the lack of system researches in Ukrainian scientific literature and regulations concerning the display mode of correlative relations of the individual and institution in political power; searching for «the break points» at the intersection of civil and institutional dimensions of politics. The theoretical aspect of the paper is due to the necessity of forming the scientific basis of searching the peculiarities of the communication factor in dynamics of the institution of political power. Communication appears as a determinant of the characteristics of this process and determines the functional degradation of the institute of political power. It «blurs» deinstitutionalization through its boundaries, meanwhile identifying a new design. The practical value of the paper is to prove by the feasibility of deinstitutionalization in politics through the introduction of a person in the process of forming of communicative and civil unions in institutional dimension and laying of the foundations of the institute of political power with modified «antropodimention» of functional parameters. The task of research is seen in: a need to create a system of principles of communication as a fundamental requirement, compliance with which will ensure the quality deinstitutialization processes, outlining the principles, mechanisms and consequences of deinstitutionalization politics, determining the level of readiness of Ukrainian society to be representative of the carrier and epochal changes in the socio- political sphere.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 165-173
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:
We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Z zagadnień związków władzy z podporządkowaniem i równością
From the Problems of the Relationships of Authority with Subordination and Equality
Autorzy:
Wołpiuk, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1955361.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
podporządkowanie
porządek prawny
społeczny
uległość
posłuszeństwo
przemoc
władza polityczna
dobrowolne podporządkowanie władzy
atrybuty władzy
rządzenie
autorytaryzm
równość
równość wobec prawa
postprawda
niewolnictwo
poddaństwo
feudalizm
własność
bogactwo
nierówność materialna
subordination
voluntary subordination to authority
legal order
social order
submission
obedience
violence
political authority
attributes of power
rule
authoritarianism
equality
equality in law
“post-truth”
slavery
serfdom
feudalism
property
wealth
material inequality
Opis:
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza zjawiska podporządkowania jako przejawu stosunków między władzą polityczną a społeczeństwem oraz zjawiska równości jako przyrodzonego prawa jednostki ludzkiej. Autor podjął próbę zbadania wzajemnych relacji między oboma zjawiskami, zwłaszcza z punktu widzenia wpływu na kształtowanie się stosunków między władzą polityczną a społeczeństwem.
The subject matter of this paper is the analysis of the phenomenon of subordination as a manifestation of the relationships between political authority and society and of the phenomenon of equality as an inherent right of individuals. The author has made an attempt to examine the mutual relationships between the two phenomena, especially from the perspective of the impact on the establishment of relationships between political authority and society.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2020, 12, 4; 7-31
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wszechobecność władzy i postawa krytyczna. Inspiracje myślą Michela Foucaulta dla politologii
Ubiquitousness of power and critique: Michel Foucault’s inspiration for political science
Autorzy:
Grzymski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1943297.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
władza
krytyka
Michel Foucault
genealogia
gouvernementalité
politologia
power
critique
genealogy
governmentality
political science
Opis:
Artykuł przywołuje filozofię władzy Michela Foucaulta i pokazuje, jak może ona zainspirować polską politologię do przyjęcia innego podejścia do badania władzy. Autor wskazuje, jak Foucault analizował historyczne praktyki i techniki władzy „produkujące” podmiotowość i tożsamość jednostek. W takim ujęciu władza nie może być pojmowana jako własność jakiejś konkretnej osoby, grupy ludzi czy instytucji, ale jako pewnego rodzaju strategia działania. Autor ukazuje też, na czym może polegać zainspirowana myślą Michela Foucaulta formuła krytyki akademickiej, stanowiącej etos i określoną postawę badawczą.
This article recalls Michel Foucault’s political philosophy as the potential inspiration for the Polish political science. Its aim is to encourage the incorporation of Foucault’s view on power into political research in Poland. The author shows how Foucault analyzes the historical practices and technologies of power which ‘produce’ the forms of subjectivity and individual identity. In Foucault’s view, power is not distinguished by who possess it, either particular individuals, group of people, or institutions. Power manifests itself by the specific strategy of conduct. The authors shows how Foucault’s view on power can inspire the academic critique as an ethos and research position.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2017, 54; 85-98
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
WPROWADZENIE DO DYSKUSJI NAD KONCEPCJĄ OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ
INTRODUCTION TO THE DEBATE ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL OPPOSITION
Autorzy:
Pałecki, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512781.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Political opposition
political power
subjectivity in power relations
Opis:
After the adoption of the understanding of political power as a game of social agen-cy in a politically organized community, the author states that the scope of the subjectivi-ty of both sides of power relations is variable, but the subjectivity of subordinates cannot be completely reduced. He defines political opposition as a normatively regulated and institutionally realized right to resist power entities.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 5-11 (7)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wpływ zmian w systemie wyborczym w 2018 r. na pozycję polityczną partii prezydenckich w gminach powyżej 20.000 mieszkańców
Impact of Changes in the Electoral System in 2018 on the Political Position of Presidential Parties in Municipalities over 20,000 Inhabitants
Autorzy:
Onasz, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2035946.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-02-28
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
teoria gier
rada gminy
wybory samorządowe
samorząd terytorialny
siła polityczna
indeks siły Shapleya-Shubika
game theory
local elections
Local government
commune council
political strength
Shapley–Shubik power index
Opis:
The aim of the paper is to assess the impact of changes introduced in 2018 to the electoral system used in elections of the councils of municipals over 20,000 inhabitants on the political position of the parties backing selected mayors and presidents of cities. This research perspective is justified by the special role of these groups resulting from the system of the commune, in particular the method of election and irrevocability of the executive, that is forced to try to gain control over the decision-making process in the council. The study used the Shapley-Shubik strength index as that reflects the actual strength of a political party in a collegiate body better than the number of seats or participation in a mandate set. The results of the survey confirmed that the analyzed change weakened the position of the presidential parties in most of the analyzed aspects.
Celem artykułu jest ocena wpływu wprowadzonych w 2018 r. zmian systemu wyborczego stosowanego w wyborach do rad gmin powyżej 20.000 mieszkańców na pozycję polityczną ugrupowań stanowiących zaplecze wybranych wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast. Tę perspektywę badawczą uzasadnia szczególna rola tych ugrupowań wynikająca z ustroju gminy, w szczególności trybu wyboru i nieodwołalności organu wykonawczego, który jest zmuszony do podjęcia próby zapewnienia sobie kontroli nad procesem decyzyjnym w radzie. W badaniu posłużono się indeksem siły Shapleya-Shubika, jako wskaźnikiem w lepszy sposób obrazującym faktyczną siłę ugrupowania politycznego w organie kolegialnym niż stosowana zazwyczaj liczba mandatów lub udział w zbiorze mandatów. Wyniki badania potwierdziły, że badana zmiana doprowadziła do osłabienia pozycji partii prezydenckich względem większości badanych aspektów.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2022, 1 (65); 81-95
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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