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Tytuł:
Semantic Networks Analysis of Political Party Platforms.: Coalition Prediction Based on Semantic Distances in Scottish Elections 1999–2011
Autorzy:
Myślik, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489751.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
coalitions
Scotland
Scottish political parties system
Opis:
This paper conducts a semantic network analysis of Scottish political party manifestos from the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections to predict coalition formation. A manifesto is a tool of political communication that represents a party’s ideology and discusses issues considered crucial for each election. Semantic analysis of party manifestos represents an innovative method for examining the relations among political parties. Parties that are closer in the semantic network have a greater potential to form political coalitions. Semantic distances and two-mode semantic network analysis also proved to be a viable method for describing a country’s political climate and power structure, without requiring prior knowledge of country’s political makeup, and without pre-conceived notions. The results indicate that a semantic analysis of political party manifestos can be used to predict coalitions, but factors other than semantic similarity must be considered. Semantic network analysis provides an accurate picture of the distribution of power and centrality of issues for any given election.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2014, 13; 134-153
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy społeczne i praca socjalna w programach polskich partii politycznych
Social problems and social work in acting papers of Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Sawa-Czajka, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/501375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
social problems
social work
political parties
political parties programmes
Opis:
The paper analyses political parties’ programmes. Special attention is paid to these elements of their programme, which are strictly connected with social work and social policy. Social problems with different density are presented in the programmes of all political parties. An important task in the after voting period is the realization of political parties’ electoral promises in social matters, including different political and economic considerations.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne; 2012, 1(9); 261-273
1898-0171
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Decline of Political Party Elite
Autorzy:
Zuba, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790647.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-26
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political parties
elites
leadership
elite decline
power distribution within political parties
Opis:
In this article, the author presents a claim that, in parallel to the end of mass parties, it is possible to observe the progressing decline of elites within political parties. This phenomenon manifests itself on the following three levels: 1) a theoretical level-less and less attention is paid to elites in the theory of political parties as their place is being taken over by other approaches, in particular leadership theory; 2) a terminological level-the notion of elites is being removed from analyses devoted to political parties and supplanted by other terms such us “leaders.” They are sometimes considered as the synonyms of the word “elite”; 3) a factual level-there are strong reasons to presume that the decline in the importance of elites within political parties is an objective phenomenon related to the general revaluations taking place in contemporary political parties. Such revaluations cause changes in the distribution of power within political parties-party leaders and narrow groups of decision makers gain in importance at the expense of elites.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2019, 205, 1; 3-17
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wewnątrzpartyjne konflikty w głosowaniach sejmowych w PO i PiS w latach 2001–2014
Conflicts within PO and PiS in parliamentary votings in the period 2001–2014
Autorzy:
Stolicki, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489688.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
voting
opposition
Opis:
The aim of the article was to analyze the inconsistent votings from the period 2001–2014, that is those votings which revealed inner conflicts or disharmonies in the two biggest Polish political parties – Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). The notion has never been analyzed before, therefore the research presented was of exploratory nature. Inconsistent votings were analyzed according to categories (legislative, personal, control, supervisory, resolution-making, etc.) and, in the case of votings on lawmaking bills, also according to the matter of a proposed bill. Inconsistent votings other than lawmaking were analyzed through a simplified case study in order to determine the reason for the lack of consistency. The most important results of the analysis were the significant drop in the number of inconsisten votings after 2005 both in PO and PiS; the clear division into the governing party and the opposition (however, inconsistency within the former is less common; and the most vital areas of inconsistency. Said areas include personal and ideological issues, European affairs (in PO up until the fourth term of office, whereas in PiS mainly due to ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon), as well as budget amendments (yet only in opposition parties). The analysis of correlation of inconsistencies within PiS and PO shows that the more those parties grow apart politically, the less often there is dissonance within them occurring at the same time.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 134-164
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie formacje liberalne (1905–1989)
Autorzy:
Matuszek, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519672.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
liberalism
political parties
Polska
Opis:
The aim of this article is to draw attention to the issue of the tradition of liberalism in Poland. However, because the history of Polish liberal thought is an extremely broad and capacious issue, the article focused only on liberalism in a political understanding, which takes the form of a social force or a political formation. Strictly speaking, the article reviews the ideological assumptions of Polish liberal groups which, better or worse organized, functioned (or formed) in the period between 1905 and 1989. Despite its descriptive and general character, the elaboration should compel to reflect on the issue of the liberal tradition in Poland.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2019, 27 (34); 9-21
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Book review: Jarosław Zbieranek (ed.), “Subwencje z budżetu państwa dla partii politycznych. Jawność i kontrola” [Subsidies for Political Parties from the State’s Budget: Transparency and Control], Warsaw 2008, pp. 112
Autorzy:
Marszałek–Kawa, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028023.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Jarosław Zbieranek
Political Parties
Opis:
In 2008, a very interesting and modern work published by the Institute of Public Affairs, could be noticed, entitled Subwencje z budżetu państwa dla partii politycznych. Jawność i kontrola [Subsidies for Political Parties from the State’s Budget: Transparency and Control]. As the editor of the book, Jarosław Zbieranek, states in the introduction, the ISP [the Institute of Public Affairs] has been initiating research for years, as well as organizing academic sessions, whose core is an analysis of the Polish solutions as to the financing of political parties passed by an amendment of the political parties act of 12 April 2001. Resultingly, the reviewed work constitutes an outcome of these activities. It is a conclusion from the research project Transparentność finansów partii politycznych [Transparency of Finances of Political Parties] of 2008, whose members devoted their research predominantly to the evaluation of two, considerable from the point of view of proper and clear functioning of democracy, issues, namely the case of transparency of the parties’ use of financial means from the state’s budget, as well as the control of their expenditure.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2009, 38; 245-248
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA
Autorzy:
Misiuna, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Political parties   Political party financing   Election campaign
Opis:
The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 203-221
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Financing Political Parties in France, Germany and The United Kingdom
Autorzy:
Misiuna, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630122.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Political parties, Political party financing, Election campaign
Opis:
The paper compares the systems of financing political parties in France, Germany and the UK. The analysis concentrates on effectiveness of collecting contributions, dependency on large donors for providing funds for financing election campaigns and daily operation of political parties, and the level of transparency of finances of political parties. The final conclusion is that only introducing limits on expenditures on election campaigns allows to keep the costs of election campaigns and political parties at a low level, while mandatory common accounting standards and public access to financial information is necessary to preserve transparency of finances of political parties.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2016, 1; 91-110
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Some thoughts about the interplay between welfare attitudes and populism
Autorzy:
Saxonberg, Steven
Sirovátka, Tomáš
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/473271.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-07-16
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
populism
welfare attitudes
political parties
Opis:
This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties. It notes that although much has been written about populism, much less has been written about the interplay between populism and welfare attitudes. In addition, populism has tended to concentrate on rightwing populism while devoting less attention to leftwing populism. Meanwhile, centrist populist parties have been has been even more neglected than leftwing populism. We need to develop a more nuanced view and conduct comparative analyses of the differences in welfare attitudes among leftwing, centrist and rightwing populist voters. Our article also notes that the current databases that have both voting and welfare attitudes often do not include the countries with the most important leftwing populist parties. Another problem is the need to take into account the country context. For example, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece and Smer in Slovakia are all three normally considered to be leftwing populist parties, but only Smer has promoted an anti-immigrant and anti-Roma agenda.
Źródło:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje; 2020, 48; 27-40
1640-1808
Pojawia się w:
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucja rządu republiki Czarnogóry w systemie organów władzy
Autorzy:
Wojnicki, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/629995.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Constitution; Government policy; Political parties
Opis:
The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 47-62
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
О некоторых вопросах зарождения и деятельности политических партии Казахстана конца ХIХ и нач. XX-го века
Autorzy:
Nurpeissova, Bakyt
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2074607.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
Kazakhstan
political parties and movements
political exiles
history of political parties
party programs
social democrats
Opis:
The article highlights the history of the origin and activities of various political parties in Kazakhstan that came to the political arena in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. On the basis of archival documents and other sources, the program provisions, goals and objectives of their activities have been studied. The article describes and analyzes the composition of the participants in political parties and movement. The forms, methods of struggle are described, the reasons and conditions for the emergence of political parties and movements that existed at that time are analyzed. Also important in the political life of Kazakhstan at the beginning of the twentieth century, the history of the origin and activities of the national party ‘Alash’. The article devotes a special place to political exiles who deserve an assessment of their tireless activity, who, despite the strict and secret surveillance of the gendarmerie, continued the struggle against the tsarist autocracy. The political exiles of the beginning of the 20th century, who found themselves in a foreign land in captivity and cut off from their own living environment, already in the new conditions are organized into political unions and continue to fight
Źródło:
Historia i Świat; 2021, 10; 301-315
2299-2464
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Świat
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The idea of situational leadership in political parties
Autorzy:
Stręk, Natalia Urszula
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647808.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
situational leadership
political parties
political leadership
Opis:
The results from the Polish parliamentary elections in 2015 showed a significant change in the behaviour of the electorate. Two completely new political groups have entered the Sejm. For the very first time in the history of the Third Polish Republic, a new balance of power emerged, which excluded the left-wing parties from political discourse without assigning them a parliamentary mandate [Dudek 2016: 687]. In the face of this turn of events, it is difficult to maintain the thesis concerning the "freezing" of the circulation of political elites in the current political system. The Modern political party was established on 31 May 2015 [Kim jesteśmy?] while the Kukiz'15 political movement formed only three months before the parliamentary elections [O stowarzyszeniu – władze krajowe i okręgowe]. These two political organisations were able to overcome the electoral threshold and achieve unexpected success in such a short period of time and without an extensive party structure or significant financial base. The mobilisation of the electorate took place outside the parliamentary structures. In view of this, is the phenomenon of 'over-parlamentisation' [Żukiewicz 2011: 343] involved in the creation of political leaders still valid? Is it to be believed, that in the face of ever more frequent grassroots social initiatives, the real political struggle still only takes place within the parties and political leaders who are not traditional participants of political party games but who appear as activists associated with other areas of public life?On the other hand, the changes that take place in the electorate do not directly translate into the reorganisation of party structures. The tendency to block political advancement by the already established political elite still persists. Traditional political parties are afraid of this new situation, which can significantly harm their interests. Impeding these changes may seem to be an obvious reaction, inscribed in the rules of political struggle [Żukiewicz 2011: 345]. However, the constant increase in tension between the demands and expectations of the electorate and the offer of these parties may indicate that the current balance of power will not last for long. Upcoming transformations cannot be avoided however attempts should be made to control them. For this reason, leaders of traditional political parties should decide on utilising such a mechanism for selecting leaders as it would not exclude them from the political space while at the same time be a guarantor of power.Being part of the 21st century, we have all witnessed and participated in the intensification of globalisation processes as well as the generational change and the popularisation of ideas related to the information society. The significant increase in the importance of the phenomenon of mediatisation of politics causes a reversal of the hierarchy of attributes and predispositions which are desired by society [Schulz 2004: 87-101]. The image of political leaders on social media begins to outweigh their actual leadership skills. There is a danger that the new mechanism responsible for creating party structures will indeed facilitate the circulation of the elite, but unfortunately at the expense of the quality of potential leaders. That is why it is so important that the transformation process of the political power system proceeds as designed, and not in a chaotic manner, succumbing to bottom-up trends.In addition, external factors of an international nature make it difficult to conduct research on the latest political phenomena. The changes currently occurring in society require new research perspectives and approaches. Traditional theories concerning the political system and the understanding of party structure may turn out to be insufficient.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2018, 25, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Facebook a polityka. Wykorzystanie serwisów społecznościowych przez polskie partie polityczne
Facebook and politics. The use of social networks by Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Porębski, Leszek
Karasek-Kędzior, Kinga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953248.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
social networks
political communication
Opis:
The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 45; 176-190
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties
Autorzy:
Michalak, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
protest parties
party politics
political parties
political theory
Opis:
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2011, 40; 110-121
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy legalności partii politycznych w Etiopii
The legal problems of political parties in Ethiopia
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567158.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Ethiopia
Political parties
Legal problems
Opis:
This article investigates and assesses the legal problem of political parties in Ethiopia. Ethiopian rulers have denied a legitimate role of political party and saw it as the threat to their power. The evolution of party system in Ethiopia can be divided into three periods: 1. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign 2. The period of military rule 3. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led Government from 1991 up to the present. The first constitution of Ethiopia (1931), banned the presence of any political organization in Ethiopia. The Emperor was the head of the state, head of the government, and commander-in-chief of the Empire. He had absolute authority over the Imperial Military and bureaucracy. The Emperor had sole power to appoint and dismiss the regional governors and members of parliament. In 1974 the military government brought the absolute monarchical rule to an end. During the military junta all civilian opposition groups had been destroyed or forced underground. In most cases, political opponents were systematically targeted; there were human rights abuses, tens of thousands of people disappeared or were murdered in what was known as the „Red Terror" and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned. After the military government was overthrown by rebel groups in 1991, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), created the coalition of EPRDF by involving several ethnic based political parties. During 1990s, a lot of political parties based on ethnic background, were formed. Many of them are delegalized. Those registered legally also cannot run their programme for political power, because of systematic restriction on them. Security forces of the ruling party commit politically motivated arbitrary killings, detention, torture and other forms of human rights abuse on political opponents. Ethiopia is de facto single-party sys- tem in which a dominant single political party forms the government and no other parties are permitted to run candidates for election; unfair laws and practices of the present minority government pre- vent the opposition from legally getting power.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 167-185
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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