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Tytuł:
Rola proroków w życiu politycznym Izraela w ocenie współczesnych egzegetów
Autorzy:
Homerski, Józef
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1164396.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
życie polityczne
prorocy
opinie egzegetów
political life
prophets
researches' opinions
Opis:
The article is part of the introductory chapter of a monograph on the subject: The Word of Jahwe about Nations in the Books of the Prophetic Writers. The author gives a review of the opinion of the exegetes of our century, on the question of whether the prophets were interested, and to what a degres, in political metters especially in those which concerned the relationship of the chosen people to its neighbours. The opinions of the exegetes in this matter are of a very wide range, from the extremity (the prophets are agents of foreign powers or they are utopians) — to level — headed opinions generally prevailling today, according to which the prophets were men of God engaged in political affairs in so far as the necessity of taking an interest in those problems was dictated by their mission and calling. The author considers that this statement is of great importance for further studies, because it should facilitate the correct interpretation of the prophecies of those men of God as to foreign nations.
Źródło:
The Biblical Annals; 1972, 19, 1; 35-43
2083-2222
2451-2168
Pojawia się w:
The Biblical Annals
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
Political crime - an outline of the problem
Autorzy:
Falandysz, Lech
Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
Data publikacji:
1989
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość polityczna
czyny zabronione
historia
prawo karne
kryminologia
przywilej
terror
regulacje prawne
political crime
prohibited acts
history
criminal law
criminology
privilege
legal regulation
Opis:
The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
              The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Orzecznictwo Sądu Najwyższego w sprawach rehabilitacyjnych w latach 1988–1991
Decisions of the Supreme Court in Cases for Rehabilitation in the Years 1988–1991
Autorzy:
Stanowska, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698535.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
orzecznictwo
Sąd Najwyższy
sprawy rehabilitacyjne
1988-1991
przestępcy polityczni
certification
Supreme Court
cases for rehabilitation
political offenders
Opis:
Analysed in the paper have been decisions of the Criminal and Military Departments of the Supreme Court in cases for rehabilitation of political offenders convicted in the years 1944–1988. The material under analysis consisted of 531 cases examined due to extraordinary appeal which concerned the total of 1.276 persons, and 9 cases  (of 33 persons) in which proceedings were reinstituted. On the whole,  rehabilitation proceedings concerned 1.309 persons. Among the decisions appealed against in both the above modes, those passed in the years 1944–1956 form the largest group (56.7%); the second largest are decisions passed after December 13, 1981. The prevalence of cases from before 1956 is caused, amng other things, by the extreme repressiveness of penal policy of that period when state terror was lavishly applied and the fundamental principles of legality commonly infringed. The persons involved in  rehabilitation proceedings before the Supreme Court are but a slight percentage of those convicted in the years 1944–1956. Also the penalties imposed in that period were  extremely severe.  Of the 702 persons now involved in rehabilitation proceedings (and formerly convicted in the years 1944–1956), as many as 86 were originally  sentenced to death; 9 were sentenced to life,  and 289 – to over 5 years impisonment. The most frequently quoted ground for extraordinary appeal was misapplication of substantial law (230 cases). It is also worth stressing that many a time, error as to the established facts also resulted in such misapplication of substantial law. Of the 540 rehabilitation proceedings, as few as two yielded negative results. The most frequent decision was acquittal or discontinuance of proceedings basing on Art. 11point 1 of the code of criminal procedure (i.e. for the reasons identical to those that lead to acquittal). Such decisions were passed with respect to over 90% of persons involved in rehabilitation preceedings. As many as 73 persons were rehalilitated posthumously (as the death penalty had been duly executed in their case). The most frequently quoted ground for acquittal in the mode of extraordinary appeal was absence of the statutory features of a prohibited act  (272 cases) and of the factual ground for indictment (151 cases). Additionally, defendants  had been convicted in 46 cases despite of the fact that their acts had not been punishable at the time of commission and, in 24 cases, despite of circumstances that excluded criminal responsibility. Therefore, as many as 493 cases ended with conviction despite of explicit grounds for acquittal (only the formal definition of an offence taken into account at that). In cases in which proceedings were reinstituted, the main ground for acquittal was non-punishability of the act at the time of its commission. Thus verifying the sued decisions that had actually infringed legal provisions, the Supreme Court acted mainly as defender of the law. In 52 cases, defendants were acquitted due to absence of social danger of the act. What should be stressed here is the crucial importance of such decisions where absence of social danger is quoted as the sole ground for acquittal. This  removes the collision between a concrete provision of penal law and the basic human, values, and affords possibilities for a proper assessment of an act from the viewpoint of such fundamental rights and values (and not political or other criteria dictated by a current situation). The unjustly convicted could therefore be fully rehabilitated but their actual contribution to the act for which they had originally been convicted was not belittled. A characteristic tendency of the Supreme Court’s decisions in cases for rehabilitation was a full approval for non-violent struggle against violence: for peaceful means of opposing totalitarianism. As has been confirmed by the present analysis, penal law was a peculiar instrument of the totalitarian rule; the trials of that period aimed at disposing of the real or imagined political opponents. Owing to the rehabilitating decisions, many of those formerly convicted could now receive full moral satisfaction; additionally, those decisions rehabilitate the judicial system to some extent and speak up for law based on the basic human values. Attached to the paper is an appendix which contains data on persons once convicted to capital punishment and life imprisonment and rehabilitated by the Supreme Court, as well as lists of the judges who imposed such extremely severe penalties and of persons who decided on the execution of death penalties.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 133-190
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Impact of the Subsidiarity Principle on Polish Democratic Reforms
Autorzy:
Popławska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43449032.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
impact
principle
reforms
Communism
democration
subsidiarity
philosophy
community
totalitarian system
unions
human rights
political system
constitutional law
pluralism
local government
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1994, 1-4; 71-89
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Le problème du bicamérisme dans la future constitution de la République de Pologne
Autorzy:
Jarosz, Zdzisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43358579.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
problem
bicameral system
constitution
republic
Polska
parliamentarians
government
parliament
political democracy
referendum
representative
legislature
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1995, 1-4; 29-40
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Role of the Constitutional Committee of the National Assembly in Creating the New Constitution of the Republic of Poland
Autorzy:
Chruściak, Ryszard
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43357505.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Constitutional Committee
Constitution
Polska
republic
national assembly
justice system
pluralism
diet
constitutional law
political parties
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1995, 1-4; 105-115
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Structure of Organs of Administration of Justice in Poland
Autorzy:
Zieliński, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2147525.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
judiciary
justice
Polska
structure
world war
democratic state
socio-political conditions
Constitutional Tribunal
civil rights protection
public opinion
Supreme Court
change
socialist law
Źródło:
Contemporary Central and East European Law; 1995, 1-4; 59-70
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Contemporary Central and East European Law
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Structure of Organs of Administration of Justice in Poland
Autorzy:
Zieliński, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43358482.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
judiciary
justice
Polska
structure
world war
democratic state
socio-political conditions
Constitutional Tribunal
civil rights protection
public opinion
Supreme Court
change
socialist law
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1995, 1-4; 59-70
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
La réforme du Tribunal Constitutionnel Polonais
Autorzy:
Wyrzykowski, Mirosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43435354.pdf
Data publikacji:
1997-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
reform
Constitutional Court
political party
crisis
democracy
regime
Constitutional Tribunal
court
act
legal norms
public institution
administrative court
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1997, 1-4; 85-98
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Le système de gouvernement dans la Constitution de République de Pologne du 2 avril 1997
Autorzy:
Kruk, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43435874.pdf
Data publikacji:
1997-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
government
Republic
Polska
Constitution
political party
regime
pluralism
power
parliament
constitutionalism
democratic state
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1997, 1-4; 25-45
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problem praw człowieka z perspektywy azjatyckiej
The question of human rights from an Asian perspective
Autorzy:
Gawlikowski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2078128.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
prawa człowieka
tradycje polityczne w Azji Wschodniej
liberalne wartości zachodnie
Human rights
political tradition in East Asia
Western liberal values
Opis:
The concept of human rights from the very beginning was involved in political struggle and up to now is manipulated by governments, politicians and various groupings for their purposes. Being deeply rooted in the Christian intellectual tradition its universal implementation faces various difficulties in the countries that belong to other traditions, in particular Confucian and Buddhist. Among the principal problems in the Asia-Pacific region the author points out a collectivist notion of an individual and different interpretation of “freedom”, as well as absence of the legal tradition and the emphasis on obligations rather than on rights. Therefore, in the Asia-Pacific region two elements, crucial to “human rights”, are lacking: an autonomous individual as a subject and the recognition of innate rights. Moreover, the Confucian political tradition elaborated a different concept and structure of state. Under historical tradition and circumstances political aspirations of the people were very low and the movement for human rights could not be born. It was initiated only recently under the Western impact. The author analyses potential scenarios of the future evolution and indicates that the economic development and social transformations in course will increase autonomy of an individual and strengthen legal order, as well as stimulate further democratization initiated in the region merely at the end of the 1980s. However, in order to introduce the concept of human rights to social and political practice a profound transformation of East Asian civilization is required.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 1998, I; 9-52
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybory prezydenckie w Republice Chińskiej na Tajwanie 1996
The presidential elections in the Republic of China on Taiwan in 1996
Autorzy:
Grzywacz, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2078125.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
wybory na Tajwanie
Kuomintang
partie polityczne na Tajwanie
Taiwan’s elections
Guomindang
political parties on Taiwan
Opis:
The electoral campaign is analyzed in the context of the crucial political problems of Taiwan: liberalization of its political system since 1987, tension between the “mainlanders” and the native Chinese inhabitants, and the changing role of Kuomintang as a ruling party. The controversy concerning Taiwan‘s future is also outlined: “one China” concept versus independence. The author describes the origins and political options for the main opposition forces, the Democratic Progress Party and the New Party. The struggle of various fractions and groupings inside Kuomintang and the opposition is presented in detail, as well as the tension between the President and the Parliament. The elections of 1996 demonstrated that a new “Taiwanese raison d’etat” was consolidated and the leading political figures in general respected it’s requirements at the expense of their personal preferences. Political elites and the electorate manifested a high sense of responsibility. This suggests that political interests of Taiwan, not emotions, will determine the future negotiations with the Peking of authorities. Kuomintang’s political role with most likely further diminish, whereas the President’s power will increase. The necessary reforms of the political system require from both, the President and KMT, the collaboration with DPP.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 1998, I; 183-206
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 3778

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