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Tytuł:
Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości
Kwasi Wiredus concept of a nonparty state: About a utopia originating from a real experiences
Autorzy:
Trzciński, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566812.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Kwadi Wiredu
non-party state
Ghanaian thinker
Opis:
Kwasi Wiredu is one of the most outstanding contemporary African philosophers. He was born in Ghana and currently is a lecturer working in the United States. In his political works he uncovers different shortcomings of the concept of liberal democracy and suggests constituting democracy in Africa on the basis of indigenous political traditions, which in his mind are of democratic nature. Wiredu is of very negative opinion about the condition of contemporary 'majoritarian' democracies since their political mechanisms are rather adversarial in character. On the contrary, he perceives politics in many traditional African societies as very conciliatory. Thus the Ghanaian thinker supports the idea of introducing into modern African politics such traditional political institutions as deliberation (palaver) and consensus. Wiredu also suggests substituting present-day political parties for political associations. Such associations would have specific goals and Wiredu believes that in a nonparty state the government would not be created on their basis. Although Wiredu's critical approach especially towards the realities of ongoing political changes in Africa is well understood and justified, his concept has many drawbacks. This article is aimed at showing and analyzing some of them and make readers realize how difficult it is to transfer some political solutions, which once could have been very useful in some small homogenous communities, into present-day multi-ethnic societies.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 43-71
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sources of Governance Stability in Communist Regimes
Autorzy:
Kabele, Jiří
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929496.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-06-19
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
state socialism
hierarchies
governance
democratic centralism
party-state
social constructivism
Opis:
This paper is about the use of social hierarchies as tools to control society in East European countries during the Communist era, and why those regimes were so stable. According to the theoretical perspective developed in this article the constructivist system instituted a socialist legal order as a means to pretend that the “rule of law” was still applicable. The resulting constructivist regimes were party-states, where all state hierarchies had parallel structures within the Communist Party hierarchy, and where the separation of powers was replaced with a “hierarchic balancing,” a special form of leadership that the Communist Party exerted over all institutions of state administration and the armed forces. The principle of democratic centralism helped to decrease the transaction costs of governance, and thus, achieve loyalty to the system by party members and non-members alike, and loyalty to the leadership within Communist Party.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2008, 162, 2; 203-222
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935
Autorzy:
ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628166.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
communism, Second Polish Republic, Communist Party of Western Belarus, Vilnius, State Police, Vilnius Voivodeship
Opis:
The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2012, 3, 1; 82-93
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Variations in media freedom: Why do some governments in Central and Eastern Europe respect media freedom more than others
Autorzy:
Bajomi-Lázár, Péter
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471027.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
clientelism
media capture
media freedom
party colonization of the media
party systems
state capture
Opis:
It is argued in this paper that the relative defi cit of media freedom in most of Central and Eastern Europe as opposed to the relative freedom of the media in most of Western Europe is ultimately rooted in the specifi cities of the former communist countries’ party systems. Young parties in young democracies lack the resources needed for party building and organization, which they compensate for by colonizing the state and the media and by exploiting state and media resources; party colonization of the media necessarily inhibits media freedom. It is further argued that temporal and spatial variations in media freedom in and across Central and Eastern Europe are explained by diff erent patterns of media colonization. Th e more centralized the governing party’s or parties’ decisionmaking structures, the greater the likelihood of one-party colonization, and the more fragmented the governing party’s or parties’ decision-making structures, the lesser the likelihood of such colonization; one-party colonization of the media leads to lower levels of media freedom than multi-party colonization. In other words, the weaker the government, the more freedom the media have.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2015, 8, 1(14); 4-20
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geneza i pozycja ustrojowa Trybunału Stanu w PRL
Genesis and Systemic Position of the Tribunal of the State in the Polish People’s Republic
Autorzy:
Niewiński, Kamil
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621323.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Tribunal of the State, constitutional responsibility, Polish United Workers’ Party.
Opis:
Institutions of the Tribunal of the State and constitutional responsibility were seen by the communist regime as irrelevant and unnecessary in a socialist system. The Supreme People’s State officers had only held a political responsibility before the Communist Party. Appointment the Tribunal of the State in March 26, 1982 and the introduction constitutional responsibility to the political system had to be regarded as an unexpected move by the communist authorities. The political decision on this issue was taken in the face of tumultuous events of August 1980 and born of the “Solidarity” movement, which was a threat to the hegemonic position of the Polish United Workers’ Party. In a public and inside the party came up a mainstream of the clearing. On each side could be heard voices of dissatisfaction of the way in which the state and the national economy were routed by the Political Bureau and the government. Changes at the highest echelons of power were not sufficient to calm these moods. Society and the masses of party members called for the public trial of those, who were responsibility for bringing the country to the economic crisis. In this way, the Tribunal of the State had become a tool in the hands of the new communists leaders, designed to achieve the political goals.
Źródło:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2013, 12; 277-319
1732-9132
2719-9991
Pojawia się w:
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Pozycja prawie idealna”. Związek Polskich Artystów Plastyków wobec przemian politycznych, kryzysu gospodarczego i napięć środowiskowych w latach 1980–1981
Autorzy:
Banasiak, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2135564.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
“Solidarity” Trade Union
state socialism art
state art system
Polish United Workers’ Party
Polish Artists’ Union
Opis:
This paper examines the participation of the Polish Artists' Union in the complex transformation of communist Poland in 1980–1981 . It is one of the most mythologized phenomena in Polish art history. The main approach to this period assumes that before the of “Solidarity” movement uprising, the Polish Artists' Union was totally dependent on the communist authorities. Then, after August 1980, the Union was to become idealistic, anti-communist organization. The following paper recognizes this kind of historiographical narrative as an example of the 'totalitarian model'. It is a model based on a simple, binary vision of the communist system as a field of permanent struggle between “innocent” society and “oppressive”, omnipotent authorities. The  analysis presented here uses the perspective of social history (Sheila Fitzpatrick et al.). From this perspective, communism is viewed as a complex tangle of active, causative social actors (groups and individuals), who could be politically engaged, but may not be. One of those actors was the Polish Artists' Union. Based on various kinds of sources, I show how the Union tried to take the optimal political position after August 1980. To examine this issue I use two types of political mentality, which dominated in those days in the Party, in “Solidarity”, and also in the Union. One is termed “fundamental”, and treats politics in terms of morality, dignity, and so on. The other is called “pragmatic”, and is focused on institutional games, while also allowing compromises or concessions. To track the dynamics of how the Union functioned from August 1980 until martial law was declared (in December 1981), I introduce a division into three phases of the Solidarity revolution: September-December 1980, January-July 1981, and September-December 1981. An analysis of the Union's documents, art magazines, and Party's documents (both official and internal), shows that after the first phase, the Polish Artists' Union was ready to join  the new configuration of power, based on Solidarity and the Polish United Workers' Party agreement. According to David Ost's theory, I define this project as a “neo-corporatist” model of the state socialism in the art system.    
Źródło:
Artium Quaestiones; 2021, 32; 295-328
0239-202X
Pojawia się w:
Artium Quaestiones
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ukraińska socjaldemokracja w II Rzeczypospolitej (1928–1939)
Ukrainian Social Democracy in the Second Republic of Poland (1928–1939)
Autorzy:
Rajkiwśkyj, Ihor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477844.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Ukrainian Social Democratic Party 
Social Democracy
Polish socialists
national-state camp
Opis:
Ukraińska Partia Socjaldemokratyczna (USDP) powstała w 1899 r. Podjęła próbę połączenia myśli nacjonalistycznej i marksistowskiej, a także aktywnego zaangażowania się w życie polityczne na ziemiach zachodnioukraińskich (do 1939 r.). Po stłumieniu rewolucji ukraińskiej i otwartym przejściu USDP do poparcia komunizmu w marcu 1923 r. władze polskie wydały na początku 1924 r. zakaz działania Ukraińskiej Partii Socjaldemokratycznej. Ideologiczna i organizacyjna odbudowa ukraińskiej socjaldemokracji, która nastąpiła po 1925 r., zakończyła się w grudniu 1928 r. kongresem socjalistów ukraińskich we Lwowie. Przywrócona do życia Ukraińska Partia Socjaldemokratyczna wykorzystała metody parlamentarne, żeby stworzyć niezależne socjalistyczne państwo ukraińskie, któremu przeciwstawiało się ukraińskie podziemie nacjonalistyczne, i nawiązała kontakty z socjalistami polskimi i żydowskimi. W latach trzydziestych XX w. partia była trzykrotnie zaangażowana w procesy konsolidacji działających legalnie partii ukraińskich o orientacji narodowej w Polsce, do których dochodziło pod wpływem szeregu czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych. W dziesięcioleciu przedwojennym wpływy USDP i ogólnie socjaldemokracji w II Rzeczypospolitej osłabły w wyniku kryzysu sił demokratycznych i wzrostu autorytaryzmu w różnych formach w skali całej Europy.
T he Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP) was founded in 1899. It tried to combi- ne the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until 1939). After the defeat of the Ukrainian revolution and the open transition to pro - -communist positions in March 1923, the USDP was banned by the Polish authorities in early 1924. The ideological and organizational reconstruction of the Ukrainian Social Democracy, which was carried out since 1925, was completed in December 1928 by carrying out the Ukrainian Socialist Congress in Lviv. The restored USDP used parlia - mentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. In the 1930’s, the USDP three times participated in the processes of consoli- dation of the legitimate Ukrainian parties of national-state orientation in Poland, which periodically arose under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. In the pre-war decade, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2019, 33; 302-326
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Social praxis, party, and class relations today
Autorzy:
Malo, Egni
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036340.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
machiavelli
marxism
party
class
state
collective action
praxis
revolutionary
social reformation
Opis:
Today’s political sociologists are once again interested in the study of the crisis of mass-based parties, anti-politics and anti-parliamentarism, crisis in the authority of the political class, prevailing corporate interests within republican institutions, and populism. Political sociology however, takes the party, as a construct of political sociology alone, without consideration upon its militancy and action, as the party, which objectifies the foundation of a State, and as a result the party becomes, simply an historical category. We approach the problem of the modern state from many angles; analysing the nature of a political party as such; the ideological dangers of determinism and spontaneism which a party necessarily must struggle with; the type of non-administrative internal regime which is necessary for a party to be effective and so on. The problem we seek to elaborate is the specific character of the collective action that makes possible the passage from a sectored, corporate and subordinate role of purely negative opposition, to a leading role of conscious action towards not merely a partial adjustment within the system, but posing the issue of the State in its entirety. In developing this theme – as a study of the real relations between the political party, the classes and the State – a two-fold consideration is devoted to the study of Machiavelli and Marx: first from the angle of the real relations between the two, as thinkers of revolutionary politics, of action; and secondly from a perspective which would derive from the Marxist doctrines an articulated system of contemporary politics, as found in The Prince.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2014, 09; 172-199
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ewolucja polityki gospodarczej Malty od uzyskania niepodległości w 1964 r. do przystąpienia do UE w 2004 r.
Malta’s economic policy evolution from gaining independence in 1964 to its accession to the EU in 2004
Autorzy:
Janek, Jolanta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Malta
colonial economy
growth rate
state sector
welfare state
labour party
nationalist party
Mintoff
gospodarka kolonialna
dynamika wzrostowa
sektor państwowy
państwo opiekuńcze
partia pracy
partia nacjonalistyczna
Opis:
Until the 1960s, when Malta remained a British colony, its economy was characterised by a low degree of industrialisation and low exports and was subordinated to the interests of the metropolis. The main source of income for the country was the shipyard and the Royal Navy base. The independence of 1964 created a political and economic space for the industrialisation and development of Malta. In the following years, despite several radical changes in the economic policy pursued by successive governments, the Maltese economy gained high growth dynamics, diversified production, managed to attract foreign investors, gained access to new technologies, developed exports. The model focused on export production and attracting foreign direct investment turned out to be effective and made it possible to implement a costly welfare state policy.
Do lat 60. XX w., kiedy Malta pozostawała brytyjską kolonią, jej gospodarka charakteryzowała się niskim stopniem uprzemysłowienia, ograniczoną do kilku branż produkcją, niskim poziomem mechanizacji i wydajności oraz niewielkim eksportem, była podporządkowana interesom metropolii i opierała się w dużym stopniu na dochodach ze stoczni i bazy Royal Navy. Uzyskanie niepodległości w 1964 r. stworzyło przestrzeń polityczną i ekonomiczną do industrializacji i rozwoju Malty. W następnych latach, mimo kilku radykalnych zwrotów w polityce gospodarczej realizowanej przez kolejne rządy, maltańska gospodarka zyskała wysoką dynamiką wzrostową, została zrestrukturyzowana, zdywersyfikowała produkcję, zdołała przyciągnąć zagranicznych inwestorów, uzyskała dostęp do nowych technologii, rozwinęła eksport. Model zorientowany na produkcję eksportową i przyciąganie bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych okazał się na tyle skuteczny, że umożliwił realizację kosztownej polityki państwa opiekuńczego. Obecnie Malta z nowoczesną, konkurencyjną gospodarką, PKB per capita w wysokości 22 tys. euro, 6% tempem wzrostu, niskim bezrobociem (3,4%), spadającym zadłużeniem publicznym (57% PKB) oraz nadwyżką budżetową (0,5% PKB) jest jednym z najszybciej rozwijających się państw UE.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2018, 4 (36); 221-242
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Crisis of the Social Dialogue or the Crisis of Democracy? On the System of Hegemonic Party or Coalition
Autorzy:
Pańków, Włodzimierz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/942318.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
social dialogue
democracy, globalization
marketization
national state
system of hegemonic party (coalition)
Opis:
The paper attempts to prove that the current, widespread crisis in social dialogue is only one of many features of the overall crisis of democratic structures, mechanisms and procedures visible in the countries of various democratic traditions and culture. The author claims that the overall crisis has been, on the one hand, produced by the supremacy of market mechanisms (which is the most significant effect of the 'third capitalist globalisation), but, on the other hand, may be seen as a result of numerous residuals of the former communist globalisation and their antidemocratic influence still present in the post-communist countries.
Źródło:
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology; 2014, 5, 9; 69-80
2081-9633
Pojawia się w:
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kościół, partia, cenzura. „Ostatnie kuszenie Chrystusa” i zapomniane transakcje polskiej transformacji
Church, party, censorship. The last temptation of Christ and the forgotten transactions of the Polish transformation
Autorzy:
Mrozek, Witold
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/3201179.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-04
Wydawca:
Instytut im. Jerzego Grotowskiego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
censorship
Martin Scorsese
Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR
Church
state-Church relations
Opis:
In 1988 Polish Catholic bishops tried to convince leaders of the Polish United Workers’ Party to ban The Last Temptation of Christ, a film by Martin Scorsese in Poland. In November 1989, during the first months of the new government, led by the non-communist Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the Diocesan Curia of Olsztyn forced a local cinema to ban a screening of Scorsese’s film by referring to decisions allegedly made by the former communist government. These events, a kind of exchange of favours between the party and the church, are presented in context of Polish People’s Republic foreign policy, its approach to the Catholic Church and the dissemination of Western auter cinema in late 1980s Poland.
Źródło:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna; 2023, 174; 99-118
2720-0043
Pojawia się w:
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Proces Zarządu Okręgu Państwowych Nieruchomości Ziemskich w Koszalinie w 1948 roku
The Trial of the Board of the District of State-owned Landed Estates in Koszalin in 1948
Autorzy:
Romanow, Zenon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1194309.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
Pomerania
state agricultural estates
show trial
combat against the Polish Peasants’ Party
Opis:
At the beginning of 1946 the enterprise referred to as the State-owned Landed Estates (PNZ) was set up. In West Pomerania two such districts were established: in Szczecin and in Koszalin. The latter was one of the biggest in Poland;Władysław Czarnecki was appointed director in September 1946. Many landowners whose landed estates had been taken away and divided into smaller parts worked for the PZN in the years 1944 –1945. The management board of the enterprise was known for its negative attitude towards the so called “people’s authority” and for its support of the Polish People’s Party (PSL) headed by Stanisław Mikołajczyk. After the general parliamentary election to the sejm in January 1947 and Mikołajczyk’s escape from Poland in October 1947, the communists intensified their attacks on the management board of the PNZ. In April 1948, thirteen people were arrested following a fictitious accusation of sabotage; seven of them, including Czarnecki the director, were prosecuted at the Military District Court in Szczecin. The show trial took place in August 1948. The accused were sentenced to long terms in prison, while Władysław Czarnecki was sentenced to death. After appeal, the Supreme Military Court changed the death sentence into fifteen years’ imprisonment and alleviated the sentences of the remaining convicted people. One of them died in jail in February 1950, while the remaining were gradually released in the years 1950–1955. In January 1957, the Supreme Court acquitted all of them.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2017, 82, 3; 85-107
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybory regionalne jako wybory drugorzędne a perspektywa rządzenia wielopoziomowego
Autorzy:
Majcherkiewicz, Tatiana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616082.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
regional elections
multilevel system
second-order elections
regional party systems
state-wide parties and non-state-wide parties
Opis:
The article discusses the findings of the multilevel government school (MLG) which has been advancing since the beginning of the 21st century, studying regional elections. The concept defining regional elections as second-order elections has been recognized as critical, although it is reformulated by the MLG school to respond to changes in modern regional politics in Europe. Important recent political developments include the entrenchment of regional governments, the increase in the number of electoral appointments, expanded competencies of voters, the rise of non-state-wide parties and the empowerment of sub-national organizational levels of parties. Current MLG research focuses on identifying and explaining the cases where second-order election predictions do not appear to hold for regional elections, identifying states where it is still the case and, finally, identifying factors that increase or decrease this effect. An interesting theoretical development regarding regional elections as second-order elections is that this concept is supplemented and enriched by the theories of regional authority and territorial cleavages. The final part of the article reviews studies on regional elections and the applicability of the second-order concept to Central and Eastern European countries.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 1; 171-190
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zdrada stanu. Działalność Komunistycznej Partii Zachodniej Białorusi w Wilnie w latach 1930 – 1935
High Treason: The Activity of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in the Period between 1930 - 1935
Autorzy:
Łukasiewicz, Sergiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/460184.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
II Rzeczpospolita
Wilno
Komunistyczna Partia Zachodniej Białorusi
Policja Państwowa
komunizm
województwo wileńskie
communism
Second Polish Republic
Communist Party of Western Belarus Vilnius, State Police
Vilnius Voivodeship
Opis:
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia działalności Komunistycznej Partii Za-chodniej Białorusi w Wilnie podczas pierwszej połowy lat trzydziestych dwudziestego wieku. Celem autora jest ukazanie organizacji, teorii i praktyki funkcjonowania nielegalnej organizacji komunistycznej na podstawie kwerendy archiwalnej odbytej od lutego do czerwca 2011 w Li-tewskim Centralnym Państwowym Archiwum w Wilnie. Ponadto zamierzeniem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie działalności policji miasta Wilna wobec sympatyków i działaczy ugrupowań komunistycznych operujących na terenie tego miasta. Utworzona w 1923 r. w Wilnie Komunistyczna Partia Zachodniej Białorusi była ugrupowa- niem fi lialnym KPP. Działalność KPZB miała szczególny wymiar w Wilnie. Jako największe mia-sto regionu, była stolica Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, oraz dom dla wielu narodów, wyznań i kultur, Wilno było najważniejszym polem dla działania KPZB. Z uwagi na liczbę mieszkańców, uprzemysłowiony charakter oraz wielonarodowość komuniści mieli możliwości rozwinięcia szerokiej pracy wywrotowej i konspiracyjnej. Ponadto, miasto było wielkim centrum produkcji i kolportażu wydawnictw komunistycznych, co umożliwiało szerzenie propagandy zarówno w jego granicach administracyjnych, jak i na prowincji. Działalność komunistów wileńskich nie pozostawała bez reakcji. Energicznie ją zwalczała Policja Państwowa w Wilnie. Działania organów śledczych nacechowane były niezwykłą de-terminacją mającą na celu wyeliminowanie lub przynajmniej ograniczenie komunistycznego zagrożenia w Wilnie.
The purpose of this paper is to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the first half of the 1930s. The author's aim is to show the organizational, theoretical and practical dimensions of the operation of an illegal organization under the Communist archival queries held in II - VI 2011 in the Lithuanian Central State Archives in Vilnius. Furthermore, I intend to present the actions of the police in Vilnius taken towards the sympathizers and activists of the communist groups operating in the city. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belarus was a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization, just like the Polish communist party, was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and the electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, it in practice opted for transferring the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USRR. CPWB’s activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region's largest city, the former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and home to many nations, religions and cultures, Vilnius was the strategic area for communist actions. Given the large number of inhabitants and its industrialized multi-ethnic character, the city offered the communists a possibility to develop a wide, subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the center for the production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda within the city’s administrative boundaries as well as in the neighbourig provinces. The activities of the Vilnius communists evoked response on the part of the State Police in Vilnius. The investigative bodies were determined to eliminate or at least reduce the Communist threat in Vilnius.
Źródło:
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk; 2012, 2
2084-1426
Pojawia się w:
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Patriarchal Marriage? The Women’s Movement and the Communist Party in Poland (1945–1989)
Autorzy:
Jarska, Natalia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/953695.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
the women’s movement
state socialism
Polska
the League of Women
the communist party
Opis:
This article is a contribution to the debate on the role and character of women’s organizations in Eastern Europe after 1945, including the role they played in the process of women’s emancipation. The purpose of the article is to offer insight into the relation between the communist party (that is the PPR and its successor – the PZPR) and the women’s movement in Poland in the years 1945–89 and to provide a new interpretation of the movement’s history under state socialism. I contend that women’s organizations should be viewed as part of the communist system and the roles they played should be understood in the context of the policies pursued by the communist states.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Historyczny; 2018, 125, 2
0023-5903
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Historyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 35

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