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Tytuł:
Miejskie partie prezydenckie w miastach na prawach powiatu województwa śląskiego
MUNICIPAL PRESIDENTIAL PARTIES IN SILESIAN MUNICIPALITIES
Autorzy:
Czaja, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513301.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
municipal presidential party
local party
political party
local policy
Opis:
This article focuses on the characteristics and the position of municipal presidential parties in the municipalities in the Silesian region. The article based on the results of the City Council elections in the years 2006–2014. Municipal presidential parties are defined as local initiatives created by independent Mayors. These parties were created as a result of the change in law connected with the mayoral elections. The analysis demonstrates that in the majority of municipalities in the Silesian Voivodeship initiatives that are described are relevant to local politics. Moreover, it presents significant differences among all the cities to their relevance. The article extends the analysis of urban move-ments in the biggest cities of the Silesian Voivodeship by the category of the municipal presidential parties which constitute one of the models of the described entities.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 3; 5-17 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Leaders of Polish Political Parties and Their Scope of Power in Party Structures
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514636.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Polish party system
political party
leader of party
democracy
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to present the scope of authority of party leaders in selected Polish political parties. The study included the following parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS) party, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Polish Peasants’ Party (PSL), Your Movement (TR), Right Wing of the Republic Polish (PR), the New Right (NP) and the Greens. The article addresses the problem of electing a leader of party. The importance of exclusive competence (the powers that belong only to a leader) of the leaders of the Polish party is analyzed. The leader of party may on their grounds decide in certain areas of action of the party. This applies in particular to internal structure, staffing party, the nomination of candidates for election as well as disciplining party members. In most of the subjected parties the leaders have a broad range of rights including the exclusive character. According to the author, some of these powers undermine democratic nature of the party structure.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 7-17
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wyborcy wobec sposobu wyboru i zakresu władzy liderów polskich partii politycznych
Voters in the face of election mechanism and scope of leaders authority in Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514648.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party leaders
party organization
party organizational change
political parties
Opis:
The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot’s Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 6; 61-74
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Why do Political Parties Fail?
Przyczyny upadku partii politycznej.
Autorzy:
Wincławska, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2154741.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
party institutionalisation
party collapse
political transformation
Opis:
An analytical Framework to identify the general causes of party decline and collapse in Eastern and Central Europe is developed in this article. The causes of a parties failure are divided into those connected with its institutionalization (internal and external) and those independent of the party.
Autorka podejmuje próbę przedstawienia analitycznych ram dla badania generalnych przyczyn upadku partii politycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Przyczyny upadku partii podzielone są na te związane bezpośrednio ze zjawiskiem instytucjonalizacji partii, które są w dużym stopniu zależne od ugrupowania, na przyczyny zewnętrzne niezależne od partii.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2013, 40; 9-18
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Zjednoczeni dla Śląska” - Support of Upper Silesians for Regional Initiative
Autorzy:
Muś, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514798.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
regionalist party
ethnoregionalist party
proto-party
Upper Silesians
Upper Silesia
Opis:
The region of Upper Silesia is recognised as a particular due to the forms of social and political behaviour of a part of its population. Upper Silesians, as ethnic group, are convinced about their separateness. Due to that fact, they are, at least to some extent, an example of a group in which voters' alignments are based on the opposition centre-periphery. This is certainly true for the protagonists of Silesian regional movement, however, this article deals with the problem whether average voter acts similarly. Moreover, the article is a study of a possibility to create an ethnoregionalist party in the future and of consequences that it may have on the politics in the region.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 14; 157-174
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The political party system in Slovakia in the era of Mečiarism. The experiences of the young democracies of central European countries
Autorzy:
Barański, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628419.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Slovakia
Vladimir Mečiar
party system
democracy
political party
Opis:
This article aims to reconstruct the functioning of political parties that was present during the establishment of the foundations of the democratic system and political practice, from the “Velvet Revolution” to the creation of a competitive party system with a dominant political party – Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) set up by Vladimir Mečiar; who served as prime minister in the years 1993–1998 (including a hiatus in 1994) greatly affecting the state internal and international policy, and held the post of the sole chairman of the party until its dissolution. V. Mečiar’s rule was marked by the interweaving of the elements of the wave of democratization with the reverse wave of de-democratization. The pro-democratic and undemocratic tendencies displayed by Mečiar were determined – apart from objective factors – by the personality traits of the prime minister: his commanding and charismatic leadership style, authoritarianism, making public decisions in a ruthless manner devoid of impartiality, or violations of democratic norms and values. Apart from its scientific purpose, this article may also fulfil a practical function allowing the possibility of using the research findings in social practice/politics.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 33-48
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Comparison of the cleavages development in the Czech Republic and Poland after 1989
Autorzy:
Ticha, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514453.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Czech Republic party system
Poland party system
cleavages
Opis:
The aim of the article is to identify cleavages that have been in Czech and Polish party system located since 1989. These cleavages are compared to determine the hierarchy and degree of their importance. It is also demonstrated the effort to determine the potential future development of the cleavages in these two countries. In this article as key for the formation of cleavages are considered elections to the lower houses of parliament. Elections to the upper houses of parliament and European elections are not relevant for the purpose of this work, because they are considered as second-order elections, thus they have no direct impact on the formation of cleavages.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 4; 77-88
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України
Decentralizacja jako wezwanie dla systemu partyjnego Ukrainy
Autorzy:
Стойко, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489241.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
nationalization
party system
decentralization
ethnoregional party
local election
Opis:
There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 158-163
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Keeping Parties Together? The Evolution of Israel’s Anti-Defection Law
Autorzy:
Nikolenyi, Csaba
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594430.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Knesset
anti-defection law
party switching
party unity
Opis:
In 1991, the Knesset passed a package of legislation with the aim of preventing the rampant party switching and defections by elected representatives. At the time of its adoption, the so-called anti-defection law was supported by an all-party consensus. Although the legislation has remained in effect, its apparent continuity conceals the way in which it has become transformed from what was at first an “efficient” institution to a “redistributive” one (Tsebelis 1990). In this paper, I review the development of the Israeli anti-defection law and argue that whereas at the initial moment of its adoption the anti-defection law was considered to benefit all parties in the system, over time it has become an instrument in the hands of the governing coalition to manipulate divisions and engineer further defections among the opposition in order to shore up its often fragile legislative base.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2018, 2 (47); 188-200
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ciągłość czy zmiana? – o szansach nowych partii w Polsce
Continuity or change? – opportunities for new parties in Poland
Autorzy:
Marmola, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514705.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
new parties
party system
party system change
perception of new parties
Polish party system
Opis:
The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters’ demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate. The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don’t believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year’s European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 75-84
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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