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Tytuł:
Інституційні чинники пропорційності парламентського представництва українських політичних партій
Institutional Aspects of Proportionate Parliamentary Representation of Ukrainian Political Parties
Autorzy:
Чабанна, Маргарита
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489231.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political party
democracy
parliamentary representation
electoral system
voter
turnout
electorate
indices of disproportionality
Opis:
In political science the assessment of institutional development is an important criterion for determining the level of democratic governance. Therefore, the role of formal political institutions is significant for the functioning of the political system. It concerns the functioning of the executive, legislative, judiciary, and has expression in the mechanisms of mediation between public authorities and citizens. In the article the participation of political parties as such mediators is shown. Political parties, in this context, perform the numbers of functions in order to promote the principle of political representation through elections and parliamentarism. Therefore, political elections aimed at the expression of public opinion may apply as a tool for representative government. Thus, democratic elections and the formation of the parliament can be evaluated according to the criteria of transparency and proportionality of political representation. The implementation of these principles in a democratic political system depends on several factors related to the type of electoral system and those political institutions that affect the electoral process. For instance the representation of political parties in elected bodies depends on the threshold for parties or blocks (in the case of a proportional system), voter turnout and the method of determining electoral quota; as well the number of political parties participating in the elections; and the rights of voters to vote «against all». The article examines the impact of the electoral system on proportionate representation of political parties in parliament during the elections to the Ukrainian parliament (2002-2014). As for the constitutional amendments and electoral legislation in 2004-2014 years, we focus on the type of electoral system, the methods for calculating the electoral quota, threshold for political parties, the number of political parties-participants of the election process, as well as indicators of voter turnout. In order to analyse the proportionality of parliamentary representation of political parties we consider the indices of disproportionality. Overall, the disproportionate representation of political party as a phenomenon is caused by the existence of threshold (in the case of a proportional electoral system) and single-member constituencies (in the case of the majority electoral system). The level of proportional parliamentary representation of political parties in Ukraine is moderate. At the same time, the downward trend of proportional representation is obvious. This is due to the increase in unrepresented voters who vote for political parties that do not win seats. In this regard, we can state that a high threshold helps large parties in the election competition. However, as a result, the disproportionate representation of political parties may rise because of the high percentage of voters whose interests are not represented in parliament. In other words, the essential electoral support for non-influential parties, their overall percentage and dispersion of voters who support political parties that do not pass in parliament, is a factor of disproportionate representation. That is, the level of proportionate representation refers to the total number of political parties that compete in elections.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 238-249
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Эхо партийного менеджмента: доверие московской молодёжи к Государственной Думе Российской Федерации
Echo of Party Management: trust of the youth from the city of Moscow to the State Duma of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Федорченко, Сергей
Мякотин, Сергей
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620481.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
party management
the State Duma of the Russian Federation
the Russian parties
parliament
the youth of Moscow
democracy Echo
Opis:
The article is based on the results of sociological research of the youth from the city of Moscow. The analysis showed that there is some duality in Moscow youth’s opinions in relation to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The researchers concluded that in contrast to public sector employees, who support the political course of the current president and are ready to vote for the party „United Russia”, young people from the private sector are more interested in politics, although their criticism of parliamentarism. However, young people from the public sector are less interested in politics and endorses to a greater or lesser extent the work of the State Duma of Russia, believing that it represents the interests of ordinary people.
Научная статья основана на результатах социологического исследования молодежи города Москвы по итогам партийного менеджмента и партийной реформы в современной России. Анализ показал, что наблюдается некоторая дуальность позиций московской молодежи по отношению к Государственной Думе Российской Федерации. Исследователи делают вывод, что молодежь из частного сектора, в большей степени интересующаяся политикой в отличие от работников бюджетной сферы, поддерживает политический курс действующего президента и готова голосовать за партию «Единая Россия», хотя и критически оценивает сам институт парламентаризма. Тогда как молодежь из бюджетного сектора меньше интересуется политикой и одобряет в большей или меньшей степени работу Государственной Думы России, считая, что она представляет интересы простого населения.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2016, 1; 231-258
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Флоркросинг: особливості партійних перестрибувань в Україні
Floor-crossing: peculiar features of party switching in Ukraine
Флоркросинг – особенности партийных перемен (тушкування) в Украине
Autorzy:
Розік, Марія
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2176056.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Ukraine
floor-crossing
party switching
parliamentary faction
coalition
party affiliation
party-switchers
Украина
межпартийность
партийная смена
парламентская фракция
коалиция
партийная принадлежность
«тушки»
Opis:
The paper considers the meaning of the term “floor-crossing”, its basic kinds, legislative regulation and features of party switching in Ukraine since its independence. It has been found out that crossing the floor, change of political orientations and, as a consequence, adjustment of pre-election promises, the reality the Ukrainian politician face. Floor crossing in the Ukrainian Parliament has become a phenomenon that altered coalitions, generated opportunism and political corruption. It has been established that in modern practice there are two possible ways of influencing the process of inter-party switching: a legislative ban or a purely formal condemnation of the deputy’s/party’s actions on the part of the electorate and party members. To reduce the number of switching between factions, Ukraine has a so-called imperative mandate (a special version of it). It applies only to the deputies who are elected from the lists of political parties. Consequently, the problem lies in the partial legislative regulation of the problem of “floor-crossing”, which should be enshrined in new regulations /normative acts/. This acquires particular significance in the context of Russian military aggression and possible subversive activity of pro-Russian politicians, whose activities should be ruled out by such legislative acts. Any attempts to discredit the country on the part of deputies, making advances to the aggressor, should have legal consequences and the possibility for the electorate to influence the politician being elected. It has been found that frequent party switching discredits electoral and parliamentary system and shows flaws in the selection of personalities and why they go into politics; in addition, it can also indicate the strength or weakness of political parties. It has been proven that excessive and nontransparent motivated floor-crossing of deputies is becoming rarer with each new convocation, indicating a positive trend in the qualitative selection of candidates for deputies among party members. The final consolidation of the proportional system with open lists in the Electoral Code and the legislative regulation of inter-party/inter-factional switching should be the basis of qualitative deputy composition and commitment to declared political ideas.
В статье рассматривается значение термина «флоркросинг», его основные виды, законодательное регулирование и особенности смены партий в Украине за годы ее независимости. Выяснено, что флоркросинг, смена политических ориентаций и, как следствие, корректировка предвыборных обещаний, реальность, с которой столкнулся украинский политик. Флоркросинг в украинском парламенте стал явлением, которое изменило коалиции, породило оппортунизм и политическую коррупцию. Установлено, что в современной практике возможны два способа воздействия на процесс межпартийных переключений: законодательный запрет или чисто формальное осуждение действий депутата/ партии со стороны электората и членов партии. Для уменьшения количества переключений между фракциями в Украине существует так называемый императивный мандат (особая его версия). Он распространяется только на депутатов, избранных по спискам политических партий. Следовательно, проблема заключается в частичном законодательном регулировании проблемы «флоркросинга», что должно быть закреплено в новых нормативных актах. Это приобретает особое значение в условиях российской военной агрессии и возможной подрывной деятельности пророссийских политиков, деятельность которых должна быть исключена такими законодательными актами. Любые попытки дискредитировать страну со стороны депутатов, заигрывая с агрессором, должны иметь правовые последствия и возможность для электората влиять на избираемого политика. Выявлено, что частая смена партий дискредитирует избирательно-парламентскую систему, показывает недостатки в подборе личностей и причинах их ухода в политику; кроме того, это также может указывать на силу или слабость политических партий. Доказано, что чрезмерные и непрозрачные мотивированные переходы депутатов с каждым новым созывом становятся все более редкими, что свидетельствует о положительной тенденции качественного отбора кандидатов в депутаты из числа членов партии. Окончательное закрепление пропорциональной системы с открытыми списками в Избирательном кодексе и законодательное регулирование межпартийной/межфракционной смены должно стать основой качественного депутатского состава и приверженности декларируемым политическим идеям.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2022, 4(24); 56-70
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Українське соціалістичне селянсько-робітниче об’єднання („Сельроб”): стан дослідження та перспективи подальшого вивчення
Ukrainian Socialist Peasant Workers’ Union (“Sel’rob”): The State of Research and Prospects for Further Study
Autorzy:
Пиріг, Маріанна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/436401.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
Ukrainian Socialist Peasant Workers’ Union “Sel’rob”, Communist Party of Western Ukraine, le radical movement, Western Ukraine, interwar period
Źródło:
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne; 2020, 10; 61-71
2450-4475
Pojawia się w:
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Уклонение от погашения кредиторской задолженности: анализ объективной стороны
Evasion from Repayment of Accounts Payable: Analysis of the Objective Side
Autorzy:
Кукштель, Виктория
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2135759.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
methods of evasion from repayment of accounts payable
accounts payable
signs of an objective party
court order
large amount of damage
extreme necessity
Opis:
Goal – the aim is a comprehensive analysis of certain features of the objective side of Article 242 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable”. The article discusses ways to avoid paying off accounts payable; a court order that has entered into legal force, obliging to repay accounts payable, has been investigated; as well as the stage of enforcement of a court order that has entered into legal force; large amount of damage to accounts payable; reasonable risk of agricultural enterprises. Research methodology – comparison, abstraction, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, ascent from the abstract to the concrete. Score/results – the results of the article are used in the educational process within the framework of the discipline “Fundamentals of countering economic crime”. They can also be used in law enforcement practice when investigating the elements of crimes “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable”. Originality/value – the article substantiates the need to create a unified database of court decisions of economic courts of the Republic of Belarus in order to increase the efficiency of preliminary investigation in cases of this category; criticism highlighted in the doctrine as an obligatory sign of the objective side of evasion from repayment of accounts payable the stage of enforcement of an enforceable judgment, offers a reasonable change in the structure of the objective side of article 242 of the Criminal code of Belarus “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable».
Źródło:
Studia Sieci Uniwersytetów Pogranicza; 2020; 113-124
2544-5790
Pojawia się w:
Studia Sieci Uniwersytetów Pogranicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Техніка «санітарного кордону» до радикальних партій у країнах Центрально-Східної Європи
Technika stosowania „kordonu sanitarnego” wobec radykalnych partii w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Autorzy:
Романюк, Анатолій
Литвин, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489394.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
“cordon sanitaire”,
party,
elections,
parliament,
cabinet,
strategy of cross-party cooperation, radicalism,
Central-Eastern Europe
Opis:
The article is dedicated to reviewing the “cordon sanitaire” technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation’s strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and right-wing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the “cordon sanitaire” technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 130-144
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Соціальна спрямованість партійних програм як прояв політичного опортунізму (на прикладі парламентських виборів в Україні)
The Social Orientation of Party Programmes as a Trait of Political Opportunism(the Example of Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine)
Autorzy:
Chabanna, Marharyta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26850890.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Akademia Zamojska
Tematy:
political party
political opportunism
social expenses
political trust
political elections
ex ante and ex post opportunism
політична партія
політичний опортунізм
політична довіра
політичні вибори
ex ante та ex post опортунізм
Opis:
У статті розглянуто прояви опортуністичної поведінки у діяльності українських політичних партій, зокрема при формулюванні передвиборчих партійних програм. Із врахуванням економічних чинників та рис політичної свідомості українського суспільства, автор показує актуальність використання політичними партіями обіцянок, які стосуються збільшення соціальних виплат. Відповідно, спосіб їх формулювання у передвиборчий період є проявом політичного опортунізму у партійній діяльності, оскільки спирається на асиметричний розподіл інформації між лідерами політичних партій та виборцями. Зокрема прихованою є інформація про те, що реалізація декларованих популістських заходів, із мінімальним покращенням добробуту виборців у короткостроковому періоді, супроводжуватиметься негативними наслідками для економічного розвитку та подальшим зниженням добробуту переважної частини населення у довгостроковому періоді. У статті показано, що післявиборче невиконання політичними партіями передвиборчих обіцянок спричиняє зниження довіри суспільства до відповідних політичних інститутів.
The article analyzes the traits of opportunistic behaviour of Ukrainian political parties in the process of creating election programs. Taking into account economic factors and some features of political consciousness of the Ukrainian society, the author shows how political parties use promises of increasing social payments. The hidden effect of the programs’ realization depends on the “asymmetry” in the information about the differences between short-term benefits and long-term costs. The implementation of declared populist programs (aimed at voters’ welfare improvement in the short term) causes the negative effects on economic development and reduces the welfare of population in the long run. But at the same time, the paper shows that the failure of political parties’ campaign promises causes a decrease in public trust to the relevant political institutions which is a consequence of pre-election opportunism.
Źródło:
Facta Simonidis; 2015, 8, 1; 63-87
1899-3109
Pojawia się w:
Facta Simonidis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Словацьке питання в зовнішньополітичній візії владних кіл І Речі Посполитої (1938 – березень 1939 р.)
The Slovak question in foreign policy vision of the Second Rzeczpospolita authorities (1938 – march 1939)
Autorzy:
Borovets, Ivan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1976077.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-11-01
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. The Institute of History of Ukraine
Tematy:
Second Rzeczpospolita
Czechoslovak Republic
Glinka Slovak People’s Party
foreign policy
diplomatic sondage
autonomy
union
revindication
separatism
secession
Opis:
Тогочасна польська влада негативно ставилася до центрального уряду Чехословацької республіки. Тому вона активно контактувала з опозиційною Глінковою словацькою народною партією, з якою мала низку спільних ідеологічних цінностей: слов’янська взаємність, католицизм, антибільшовизм, позитивне ставлення до авторитаризму. Польські діячі запевняли, що Варшава підтримує державотворчі плани словацьких лідерів, урочисто вітали їх делегацію в Польщі у травні 1938 р. Під час та відразу після мюнхенської кризи польсько-словацькі взаємини відзначалися суперечністю. Словаки запропонували державне об’єднання і представили декларацію про польсько-словацьку унію. Проте, не отримавши відповіді, домовилися з празьким урядом про надання Словаччині автономії. Польська сторона очікувала від словаків більш вираженого сепаратизму. Аби підштовхнути нерішучих опозиціонерів Варшава висунула територіальні претензії на словацькі землі в районі Спіша та Орави. Ультимативний характер вимог та силові дії польської влади продемонстрували дійсний характер її політики щодо Словаччини. Це мало наслідком покращення чесько-словацьких відносин у рамках помюнхенської Чехо-Словаччини, а також зумовило звернення поглядів словацьких політиків до Німеччини. Взимку 1938-1939 рр. обидві сторони намагалися поліпшити атмосферу двосторонніх взаємин. Відбувалися зустрічі делегацій, на яких обговорювалися шляхи активізації позитивної співпраці. Головним чинником польсько-словацького зближення в цей час було усвідомлення небезпеки з боку Німеччини, яка збільшувала свій вплив у регіоні. На початку березня Берлін організував кампанію тиску на словацьких діячів, схиляючи їх до сецесії, водночас вони марно намагалися висунути цьому польську противагу. Проголошення незалежності Словаччини за німецьким сценарієм ознаменувало стратегічну невдачу польської зовнішньої політики, адже південний кордон держави ставав зоною потенційної небезпеки.
The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger
Źródło:
The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings; 2021, 30; 284-303
2411-345X
2415-7198
Pojawia się w:
The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Св. Димитрий Ростовский и «кризис» приходской школы в конце XVII века
St. Dimitry of Rostov and the «crisis» of the parish school in the end XVII century
Autorzy:
Коновалов, Валерий В.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1992777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Dimitry of Rostov
Petr Mogila
Education system
National Education
Orthodox Brotherhoods
Self-identification
National identity
Scholastic
Latin party
parish school
Димитрий Ростовский
Петр Могила
образовательная система
национальное образование
православные братства
самоидентификация
национальная идентичность
схоластика
«латинская партия»
приходская школа
Opis:
This article is about problems of national Russian and partly Ukrainian education system in end XVI – beginin XVIII centuries and about how people try to solve this problems. Partly touches such role persons like Dimitry of Rostov and Petr Mogila. Including some interesting details about some educationreligious and cultural aspects of this time. In addition, it is about some selfidentification problems and some orthodox-catholic traditions vacillation, and how this problems are influenced to this nations history at all.
Статья посвящена проблемам в русской и отчасти в украинской об- разовательных системах в конце XVI – начале XVIII вв. и тому, какие решения использовались для выхода из этого положения, включая интересные подробности о культуральной и образовательно-религио- зной ситуации того времени. Частично затрагивается роль в этом про- цессе таких личностей как Димитрий Ростовский и Петр Могила. Так же в статье идет речь о проблемах самоидентификации и некоторых «метаниях» между православной и католической традициями и о том, как это повлияло на дальнейшую историю этих народов.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2019, 1(15); 116-138
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
РОТАЦИЯ ПЕРВЫХ СЕКРЕТАРЕЙ РЕГИОНАЛЬНЫХ КОМИТЕТОВ ВКП(Б) В 1946–1952 ГГ.: МАСШТАБЫ, ПРИЧИНЫ, МЕХАНИЗМЫ
Rotation of First Secretaries of Regional Committees of the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) in 1946–1952: Scale, Causes, Mechanisms
Autorzy:
Fedorov, Aleksey
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478330.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
The Central Committee of the All-Russia Communist Party (bolsheviks)
obkom first secretaries
party provincial committees
personnel rotation
post-war period
Opis:
The article is devoted to the scale, causes and mechanisms of rotation of party provincial committee first secretaries in the postwar period (1946–1952). The source base of this a research are documents of governing bodies of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) and its divisions that engaged in personnel work. The study revealed that rotation of the regional leadership was significant, but in 1946–1952 it was updated by about a third. This rotation was largely reduced to the movement of the secretaries from one region to another and from the region to the center and back. Similarly, the problem of the lack of qualified managers was tried. Until the end of 1948 the Central Committee restrained the rotation of obkom first secretaries. In 1949–1952 the personnel rotation was very intensive as the center sought to update the regional leadership, mobilize it to solve current economic problems and prepare for the XIX Party Congress. In some cases, the center replaced not only the first secretary, but also the entire leadership of the region. In the postwar years, such purges were at least two dozen, but only four turned into repression.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2018, 32; 126-142
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Репутація політичної партії: основні підходи до її розуміння
Reputacja partii politycznej: podstawowe podejścia do jej rozumienia
Autorzy:
Буряченко, Олексій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489384.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political party
reputation of apolitical party
personal reputation
electoral preferences
political image
Opis:
The article studies the key approaches to understanding the reputation of one of the key subjects of the political process, i.e. of a political party. The Ukrainian society currently has a growing demand for the reputation of political parties. The author emphasizes that the most citizens of Ukraine choose apolitical party not by their political programs, but rather by their images created by the mass media. There is a solid tendency, that results of the elections depend on the reputation of a political party, which may serve as a guarantor of social stability of the society in general. That is why mass consciousness has a growingly fixed vision of reputation as a certain value, the existence of which determined the success of a political force. The author stresses that certain aspect of the concept of “reputation” have already been studied, primarily in the political leadership theory and during the studies of images of political leaders. The understanding of a reputation has been personalized since ancient times. That is why, the article highlights and explains the personalized approach to this phenomenon. The article shows that Confucius, Laozi, Protagoras, Plato, Titus Livy, Plutarch, N. Machiavelli and others have determined a direct dependency between the welfare of whole nations and the correspondence of the ruler to a certain “ideal image”, which consisted of a number of moral and ethical qualities. It has been determined that, unlike the reputation of a political party, the study of personal reputation is explained by a considerably late appearance of actual political parties. At the start of the process, we may remember the socalled movement of “The Populares” – a sociopolitical coalition, which started to form soon after the end of the second Punic war (218-201 BC). The first prototypes of modern political parties appear only during the periods of bourgeois revolutions and the appearance of parliamentary forms of fighting for power. The concrete examples may be the 16701680-s in England (Tory and Whigs); the 1780-1790-s in France (Jacobins and Girondins). The first parties of a modern type appear in the first half of the 19th century. On the basis of this, a conclusion is drawn that due to objective reasons, namely, the time of party formation, there is a longer history of studying the reputation of a person. The author notes that the concept of a “reputation of a political party” is not used as a fixed term in modern political science. It is rather used in association with such terms as “brand”, “image”, “cognitive image”. At the same time, image and reputation have different purposes – image is aimed exclusively at the consumer of services whereas reputation is aimed at consumers, employees, partners, society etc. The author substantiates that personal reputation (reputation of the leader of a political party) is connected to the reputation of a political party in general. This may be seen on the examples of modern “personalized” political parties of Ukraine. Unlike the image, reputation must be suited in the context of personality, an actual living person as it may not exist separately from its bearer. In the context of understanding the reputation of a political party, the practical contents of the concept of “sustainability of electoral preferences” is revealed. It has been determined that the shift of the reputation of a certain political party may objectively influence the shift of electoral preferences. This, in turn, may signify that a sustainable reputation of apolitical party is a certain guarantee of the sustainability of electoral preferences. The author uses various approaches – economic, legal, sociological, communicative, systemic, socio-philosophic – to reputation analysis. In general, the study concludes that reputation of a political party must be viewed as a phenomenon of public opinion, evaluation of moral, business and professional qualities of the members of a certain party. It should be viewed as a non-material resource or a non-material assets of a political organization.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 187-192
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Радянська стратегія та практика політичної мобілізації населення Західної України в умовах військово-політичного протистояння на завершальному етапі Другої світової війни
Radziecka strategia i praktyka politycznej mobilizacji ludności zachodniej Ukrainy w warunkach wojskowo-politycznego konfliktu w końcowym okresie drugiej wojny światowej
Autorzy:
Докаш, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489502.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
The Second World War,
Western Ukraine,
Stalin’s totalitarian regime,
military-political confrontation,
political mobilization,
the party nomenclature,
manipulating-raising tools of influence
Opis:
The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization. In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population. The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 224-234
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Попытка смены поколений партийно-советской номенклатуры как инструмент преодоления кризиса Коммунистической Партии Украины (1985–1991 гг.)
An Attempt to Change Generations in the Soviet Party Nomenclature as a Tool for Tackling the Crisis in the Communist Party of Ukraine
Autorzy:
Bojko, Oleksander
Kuzmenko, Yuliia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/30098294.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
perestroika
Ukrainian SSR
Communist Party of Ukraine
reforms
crisis
generational change
age group
Opis:
The article aims at an in-depth analysis of the Communist Party of Ukraine crisis at the time of Perestroika (1985-1991). The consequences of the crisis are mass resignations, formation of fractions and platforms, regionalization and decentralization of party structures. Furthermore, the crisis contributes to continuing fall in authority of CPSU in general and of CPU in particular limiting its access to real levers of influence upon the transformational processes; the loss of control over the course of reforms; the growth of spontaneity, chaos and uncontrollability in the development of society. In order to overcome the crisis, the Communist Party makes an attempt at a generational change in the Soviet party nomenclature, which is supposed to significantly rejuvenate the political elite of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR. However, the authors of the article, having analyzed archival documents, prove that in the Ukrainian SSR, a generational change does not take place, and the young cadres who come to power have no real influence. An attempt to change generations in the country's political elite fails and becomes the cause of internal political conflict.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2021, 26, 336; 103-120
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
ПОЛІТИЧНА КРИЗА У СЛОВАЧЧИНІ 1947 РОКУ
POLITICAL CRISIS IN SLOVAKIA IN 1947
Autorzy:
Vovkanych, Іvan
Shnitser, Ihor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2153618.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-12
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. The Institute of History of Ukraine
Tematy:
Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
parliamentary elections
Democratic Party
Communist Party of Slovakia
political crisis
communism
Opis:
The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship
Źródło:
The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings; 2022, 31; 285-300
2411-345X
2415-7198
Pojawia się w:
The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Перехід галицької УСДП у комуністичний табір на початку 1920-х рр.
The transition of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party into the Communist camp in the early 1920s
Autorzy:
Rajkiwśkyj, Ihor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488091.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra
Tematy:
Ukraińska Socjal-Demokratyczna Partia
Galicja Wschodnia
Komunistyczna Partia Zachodniej Ukrainy
the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party
Eastern Galicia
Communist Party of Western Ukraine.
Українська соціал-демократична партія,
Східнa Галичинa,
Комуністичнa партія Західної
України
Opis:
The article highlights pro-communist activity of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party after its transition to the Radical Left Сamp at the VI. Party Congress of 18 March 1923 in Lviv. Among the reasons for the political evolution of the USDP was defeat of the Ukrainian revolution resulting in ideological disorganization among the social democrats, which was successfully used by the communists. After the Congress, the USDP became a legal extension of the Communist Party in Western Ukraine. In times of a deep ideological crisis in the national statehood camp (after the recognition of the Polish Power in Eastern Galicia at the Conference of Ambassadors of the Entente, March 1923), the USDP became dominant in society, its influence expanding to Volhynia (Volyn region), Kholmshchyna (Kholm region) and some other regions, which led to banning of the party by the Polish authorities in January 1924. Some of the Ukrainian deputies in the Polish Sejm set up a separate club of the USDP, and in November 1924 joined the Polish communist faction.
Źródło:
Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2015, 4; 31-52
2299-890X
Pojawia się w:
Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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