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Tytuł:
Інституційні чинники пропорційності парламентського представництва українських політичних партій
Institutional Aspects of Proportionate Parliamentary Representation of Ukrainian Political Parties
Autorzy:
Чабанна, Маргарита
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489231.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political party
democracy
parliamentary representation
electoral system
voter
turnout
electorate
indices of disproportionality
Opis:
In political science the assessment of institutional development is an important criterion for determining the level of democratic governance. Therefore, the role of formal political institutions is significant for the functioning of the political system. It concerns the functioning of the executive, legislative, judiciary, and has expression in the mechanisms of mediation between public authorities and citizens. In the article the participation of political parties as such mediators is shown. Political parties, in this context, perform the numbers of functions in order to promote the principle of political representation through elections and parliamentarism. Therefore, political elections aimed at the expression of public opinion may apply as a tool for representative government. Thus, democratic elections and the formation of the parliament can be evaluated according to the criteria of transparency and proportionality of political representation. The implementation of these principles in a democratic political system depends on several factors related to the type of electoral system and those political institutions that affect the electoral process. For instance the representation of political parties in elected bodies depends on the threshold for parties or blocks (in the case of a proportional system), voter turnout and the method of determining electoral quota; as well the number of political parties participating in the elections; and the rights of voters to vote «against all». The article examines the impact of the electoral system on proportionate representation of political parties in parliament during the elections to the Ukrainian parliament (2002-2014). As for the constitutional amendments and electoral legislation in 2004-2014 years, we focus on the type of electoral system, the methods for calculating the electoral quota, threshold for political parties, the number of political parties-participants of the election process, as well as indicators of voter turnout. In order to analyse the proportionality of parliamentary representation of political parties we consider the indices of disproportionality. Overall, the disproportionate representation of political party as a phenomenon is caused by the existence of threshold (in the case of a proportional electoral system) and single-member constituencies (in the case of the majority electoral system). The level of proportional parliamentary representation of political parties in Ukraine is moderate. At the same time, the downward trend of proportional representation is obvious. This is due to the increase in unrepresented voters who vote for political parties that do not win seats. In this regard, we can state that a high threshold helps large parties in the election competition. However, as a result, the disproportionate representation of political parties may rise because of the high percentage of voters whose interests are not represented in parliament. In other words, the essential electoral support for non-influential parties, their overall percentage and dispersion of voters who support political parties that do not pass in parliament, is a factor of disproportionate representation. That is, the level of proportionate representation refers to the total number of political parties that compete in elections.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 238-249
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Эхо партийного менеджмента: доверие московской молодёжи к Государственной Думе Российской Федерации
Echo of Party Management: trust of the youth from the city of Moscow to the State Duma of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Федорченко, Сергей
Мякотин, Сергей
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620481.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
party management
the State Duma of the Russian Federation
the Russian parties
parliament
the youth of Moscow
democracy Echo
Opis:
The article is based on the results of sociological research of the youth from the city of Moscow. The analysis showed that there is some duality in Moscow youth’s opinions in relation to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The researchers concluded that in contrast to public sector employees, who support the political course of the current president and are ready to vote for the party „United Russia”, young people from the private sector are more interested in politics, although their criticism of parliamentarism. However, young people from the public sector are less interested in politics and endorses to a greater or lesser extent the work of the State Duma of Russia, believing that it represents the interests of ordinary people.
Научная статья основана на результатах социологического исследования молодежи города Москвы по итогам партийного менеджмента и партийной реформы в современной России. Анализ показал, что наблюдается некоторая дуальность позиций московской молодежи по отношению к Государственной Думе Российской Федерации. Исследователи делают вывод, что молодежь из частного сектора, в большей степени интересующаяся политикой в отличие от работников бюджетной сферы, поддерживает политический курс действующего президента и готова голосовать за партию «Единая Россия», хотя и критически оценивает сам институт парламентаризма. Тогда как молодежь из бюджетного сектора меньше интересуется политикой и одобряет в большей или меньшей степени работу Государственной Думы России, считая, что она представляет интересы простого населения.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2016, 1; 231-258
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України
Decentralizacja jako wezwanie dla systemu partyjnego Ukrainy
Autorzy:
Стойко, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489241.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
nationalization
party system
decentralization
ethnoregional party
local election
Opis:
There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 158-163
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
«Поздний» Советский Союз - «ранняя» Российская Федерация: две эпохи – две бюрократии
„Późny” Związek Radziecki - „wczesna” Federacja Rosyjska: dwie epoki - dwie biurokracje
Autorzy:
Станкевич, Зигмунт
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969667.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra
Tematy:
бюрократия
государственный аппарат
государственный служащий
коммунистическая партия
Михаил Горбачев
Борис Ельцин
Аппарат Президента СССР
Администрация Президента России
Советский Союз
Российская Федерация
bureaucracy
state apparatus
civil servant
communist party
Mikhail Gorbachev
Boris Jeltcin
Apparatus of the President of the USSR
Administration of the President of Russia
Soviet Union
Russian Federation
biurokracja
aparat państwowy
urzędnik
partia komunistyczna
Michaił Gorbaczow
Borys Jelcyn
prezydent ZSRR
Prezydent Rosji
ZSRR
Federacja Rosyjska
Opis:
Artykuł jest próbą analizy porównawczej, historyczno-polityczno-prawnej, dwóch biurokracji, a raczej dwóch systemów biurokratycznych - radzieckiego, opartego na socjalistycznych zasadach systemu publicznego i państwowego, oraz rosyjskiego postsowieckiego, który głównie odzwierciedla przejście kraju do gospodarki rynkowej i demokracji politycznej. Autor główną uwagę przywiązuje do podstawowych cech danych dwóch biurokracji, ich specyficznych cech wyróżniających, warunków istnienia i możliwości wpływu na ogólny rozwój państwa odpowiednio Związku Radzieckiego i Federacji Rosyjskiej.
Źródło:
Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny; 2019, XVI, 4; 123-136
1731-982X
Pojawia się w:
Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Техніка «санітарного кордону» до радикальних партій у країнах Центрально-Східної Європи
Technika stosowania „kordonu sanitarnego” wobec radykalnych partii w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Autorzy:
Романюк, Анатолій
Литвин, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489394.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
“cordon sanitaire”,
party,
elections,
parliament,
cabinet,
strategy of cross-party cooperation, radicalism,
Central-Eastern Europe
Opis:
The article is dedicated to reviewing the “cordon sanitaire” technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation’s strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and right-wing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the “cordon sanitaire” technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 130-144
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Флоркросинг: особливості партійних перестрибувань в Україні
Floor-crossing: peculiar features of party switching in Ukraine
Флоркросинг – особенности партийных перемен (тушкування) в Украине
Autorzy:
Розік, Марія
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2176056.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Ukraine
floor-crossing
party switching
parliamentary faction
coalition
party affiliation
party-switchers
Украина
межпартийность
партийная смена
парламентская фракция
коалиция
партийная принадлежность
«тушки»
Opis:
The paper considers the meaning of the term “floor-crossing”, its basic kinds, legislative regulation and features of party switching in Ukraine since its independence. It has been found out that crossing the floor, change of political orientations and, as a consequence, adjustment of pre-election promises, the reality the Ukrainian politician face. Floor crossing in the Ukrainian Parliament has become a phenomenon that altered coalitions, generated opportunism and political corruption. It has been established that in modern practice there are two possible ways of influencing the process of inter-party switching: a legislative ban or a purely formal condemnation of the deputy’s/party’s actions on the part of the electorate and party members. To reduce the number of switching between factions, Ukraine has a so-called imperative mandate (a special version of it). It applies only to the deputies who are elected from the lists of political parties. Consequently, the problem lies in the partial legislative regulation of the problem of “floor-crossing”, which should be enshrined in new regulations /normative acts/. This acquires particular significance in the context of Russian military aggression and possible subversive activity of pro-Russian politicians, whose activities should be ruled out by such legislative acts. Any attempts to discredit the country on the part of deputies, making advances to the aggressor, should have legal consequences and the possibility for the electorate to influence the politician being elected. It has been found that frequent party switching discredits electoral and parliamentary system and shows flaws in the selection of personalities and why they go into politics; in addition, it can also indicate the strength or weakness of political parties. It has been proven that excessive and nontransparent motivated floor-crossing of deputies is becoming rarer with each new convocation, indicating a positive trend in the qualitative selection of candidates for deputies among party members. The final consolidation of the proportional system with open lists in the Electoral Code and the legislative regulation of inter-party/inter-factional switching should be the basis of qualitative deputy composition and commitment to declared political ideas.
В статье рассматривается значение термина «флоркросинг», его основные виды, законодательное регулирование и особенности смены партий в Украине за годы ее независимости. Выяснено, что флоркросинг, смена политических ориентаций и, как следствие, корректировка предвыборных обещаний, реальность, с которой столкнулся украинский политик. Флоркросинг в украинском парламенте стал явлением, которое изменило коалиции, породило оппортунизм и политическую коррупцию. Установлено, что в современной практике возможны два способа воздействия на процесс межпартийных переключений: законодательный запрет или чисто формальное осуждение действий депутата/ партии со стороны электората и членов партии. Для уменьшения количества переключений между фракциями в Украине существует так называемый императивный мандат (особая его версия). Он распространяется только на депутатов, избранных по спискам политических партий. Следовательно, проблема заключается в частичном законодательном регулировании проблемы «флоркросинга», что должно быть закреплено в новых нормативных актах. Это приобретает особое значение в условиях российской военной агрессии и возможной подрывной деятельности пророссийских политиков, деятельность которых должна быть исключена такими законодательными актами. Любые попытки дискредитировать страну со стороны депутатов, заигрывая с агрессором, должны иметь правовые последствия и возможность для электората влиять на избираемого политика. Выявлено, что частая смена партий дискредитирует избирательно-парламентскую систему, показывает недостатки в подборе личностей и причинах их ухода в политику; кроме того, это также может указывать на силу или слабость политических партий. Доказано, что чрезмерные и непрозрачные мотивированные переходы депутатов с каждым новым созывом становятся все более редкими, что свидетельствует о положительной тенденции качественного отбора кандидатов в депутаты из числа членов партии. Окончательное закрепление пропорциональной системы с открытыми списками в Избирательном кодексе и законодательное регулирование межпартийной/межфракционной смены должно стать основой качественного депутатского состава и приверженности декларируемым политическим идеям.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2022, 4(24); 56-70
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Українське соціалістичне селянсько-робітниче об’єднання („Сельроб”): стан дослідження та перспективи подальшого вивчення
Ukrainian Socialist Peasant Workers’ Union (“Sel’rob”): The State of Research and Prospects for Further Study
Autorzy:
Пиріг, Маріанна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/436401.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
Ukrainian Socialist Peasant Workers’ Union “Sel’rob”, Communist Party of Western Ukraine, le radical movement, Western Ukraine, interwar period
Źródło:
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne; 2020, 10; 61-71
2450-4475
Pojawia się w:
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Динаміка представництва духовенства у районних радах Волинської області II–VI скликань
Dynamika reprezentacji duchowieństwa w radach powiatowych obwodu wołyńśkiego II–VI kadencji
Autorzy:
Пахолок, Василь
Дудка, Ольга
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489243.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
freedom of conscience,
clergy,
election campaign,
party list,
representation,
deputies,
district
councils
Opis:
The religious factor occupies the remarkable place in the political process of state. The end of the XX-the beginning of the XXI century has been affected by the attraction to the strengthening of trends of the mutual usage by these worlds all possible resources for the achievement of the personal strategic goals. The role of religious organizations in the parliamentary and presidential election campaigns of the recent years has been examined. The official positions of the religious organizations in which the tendency to the separation of the spiritual and political life is clearly traced. It has been emphasized the active involvement of the religious organizations in the political life of the regional and district levels, local communities, which quite often openly support certain candidates, or parties. It is found out, on the example of the Volyn region, that quite not uncommon are the cases of the direct participation of the religious organizations’ representatives in the struggle for the deputy mandates in the bodies of government of the different levels. These tendencies are mostly expressed on the districts’ levels. For the first time the representatives of the priesthood won the deputy mandates in the district councils of Volyn region in 1994 (local councils of the second convocation). Characteristically, that starting from the given convocation the clergy had constant representation in the district councils despite the changes of electoral system to the local councils, though the cases of the membership in the political parties had been extremely rare. The investigation showed, that the summarizing of the results of election campaigns to the local councils, in this section, is being possible only at the regional level, as in the councils of some areas there were not clergy representatives in any of convocation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 163-168
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Вплив місцевих виборів 2010 та 2015 років на конфігурацію партійної структури Закарпатської області
Wpływ wyborów municypalnych 2010 i 2015 roku na konfigurację struktury partyjnej Obwodu zakarpackiego
Autorzy:
Остапець, Юрій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489512.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Transcarpathian region
local elections
electoral campaign
party system
regional political parties
Opis:
The paper under consideration describes the local elections of 2006-2015 in the Transcarpathian region. Their influence on the development of party structure of the region has been revealed as well. It has been noted that according to the results of local elections of 2006 and 2010, parliamentary mandates were received by the electoral block «Our Ukraine», Yulia Tymoshenko’s block, the Socialist Party of Ukraine, the Party of Regions, Lytvyn’s People block, “KMKS”, the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine, the Democratic Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. The distribution of party political forces on the eve of local elections and the favorites of the election campaign of 2015 are as follows: political party «Petro Poroshenko’s Solidarity Block», political party «People’s Front», political party «Unified Center». It has been stressed that the local elections of 2006, 2010, 2015 demonstrated a high result of the Hungarian parties. The regional peculiarities of the organization of election campaigns have been clarified. The factors, determining them have been outlined as well. Among them: geographic location of the region, historical traditions, ethnic factor (the residence of the Hungarian minority) etc. The main milestones in the evolution of the Party’s structure of the region are described: 1) 1990-1995; 1995-2002; 2002-2006; 2006-2010; 2010-2014; starting from 2014. It has been summarized that according to the results of 2014 parliamentary elections, and the local elections of 2015, the following political parties become dominant in the party’s structure: a) formed as the сonsequences of the Revolution of Dignity («Petro Poroshenko’s Solidarity Block», political party «People’s Front», political party «Samopomich” Union»); b) «regional parties» (political party “Unified Center”, KMKS, the Hungarian Party of Ukraine, the Democratic Party of Hungarians of Ukraine); c) the parties that won the results of the local elections of 2015 (political party «Vidrodzhennya», the political party «Our region», the Agrarian Party of Ukraine).
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 145-157
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„В името на Кирил и Методий“. Кирило-методиевската идея и социалистическата пропаганда
Autorzy:
Найденова [Naĭdenova], Десислава [Desislava]
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/677890.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
Cyril and Methodius
Slavic alphabet
nationalism
Bulgaria
socialism
Communist Party
Opis:
“In the name of Cyril and Methodius”: The Cyrillo-Methodian idea and the socialist propagandaThe paper aims to describe and analyze the dynamics of transformation undergone by the symbolism of the Cyrillo-Methodian oeuvre in the socialist propaganda in Bulgaria. The work and lives of the two saints represent the different national paradigms and state priorities before and after 1944. In the years from 1878 to 1944, St. Cyril and Methodius became a symbol of Bulgarian national identity. They were used in political propaganda to justify the Bulgarian territorial claims in the Balkans in an attempt to achieve the national ideal. On the contrary, after the socialist propaganda during the years of World War II, the Cyrillo-Methodian work became a symbol of Slavic unity and solidarity with the Soviet Union. The idea of Cyril and Methodius as a symbol of internationalism and fraternal unity of the Slavic peoples was developed by socialist propaganda in the years after 1944 and has in fact dominated the scientific interpretations of their work from that time on.The paper is based on unpublished communist addresses from the feast of St. Cyril and Methodius in 1942 and 1943 and other documents from the Central State Archives in Sofia and the Scientific Archives of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. „W imię Cyryla i Metodego”. Idea cyrylometodejska i propaganda socjalistyczna Celem artykułu są opis i analiza dynamiki transformacji symboliki misji cyrylometodejskiego w propagandzie socjalistycznej w Bułgarii. Dzieło i życie śś. Cyryla i Metodego wpisują się w różne paradygmaty narodowe i priorytety państwowe przed i po roku 1944. W okresie od 1878 do 1944 roku stali się oni symbolem bułgarskiej tożsamości narodowej. Ich figury są używane w propagandzie politycznej, aby uzasadnić bułgarskie pretensje terytorialne na Bałkanach w dążeniu do osiągniecia narodowego ideału. Natomiast w wyniku propagandy socjalistycznej w czasie II wojny światowej dzieło Braci Sołuńskich staje się symbolem Słowiańszczyzny i solidarności ze Związkiem Radzieckim. Idea cyrylometodejska jako symbol internacjonalizmu i braterskiej jedności z narodami słowiańskimi zostaje rozwinięta w propagandzie socjalistycznej po 1944 roku. Dominuje ona też w interpretacjach naukowych z tego okresu.Artykuł powstał w oparciu o niepublikowane przemowy komunistyczne z okazji święta śś. Cyryla i Metodego w roku 1942 i 1943 oraz inne dokumenty z Centralnego Archiwum Państwowego w Sofii i Archiwum Naukowego Bułgarskiej Akademii Nauk.
Źródło:
Slavia Meridionalis; 2017, 17
1233-6173
2392-2400
Pojawia się w:
Slavia Meridionalis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Уклонение от погашения кредиторской задолженности: анализ объективной стороны
Evasion from Repayment of Accounts Payable: Analysis of the Objective Side
Autorzy:
Кукштель, Виктория
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2135759.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
methods of evasion from repayment of accounts payable
accounts payable
signs of an objective party
court order
large amount of damage
extreme necessity
Opis:
Goal – the aim is a comprehensive analysis of certain features of the objective side of Article 242 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable”. The article discusses ways to avoid paying off accounts payable; a court order that has entered into legal force, obliging to repay accounts payable, has been investigated; as well as the stage of enforcement of a court order that has entered into legal force; large amount of damage to accounts payable; reasonable risk of agricultural enterprises. Research methodology – comparison, abstraction, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, ascent from the abstract to the concrete. Score/results – the results of the article are used in the educational process within the framework of the discipline “Fundamentals of countering economic crime”. They can also be used in law enforcement practice when investigating the elements of crimes “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable”. Originality/value – the article substantiates the need to create a unified database of court decisions of economic courts of the Republic of Belarus in order to increase the efficiency of preliminary investigation in cases of this category; criticism highlighted in the doctrine as an obligatory sign of the objective side of evasion from repayment of accounts payable the stage of enforcement of an enforceable judgment, offers a reasonable change in the structure of the objective side of article 242 of the Criminal code of Belarus “Evasion from repayment of accounts payable».
Źródło:
Studia Sieci Uniwersytetów Pogranicza; 2020; 113-124
2544-5790
Pojawia się w:
Studia Sieci Uniwersytetów Pogranicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Св. Димитрий Ростовский и «кризис» приходской школы в конце XVII века
St. Dimitry of Rostov and the «crisis» of the parish school in the end XVII century
Autorzy:
Коновалов, Валерий В.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1992777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Dimitry of Rostov
Petr Mogila
Education system
National Education
Orthodox Brotherhoods
Self-identification
National identity
Scholastic
Latin party
parish school
Димитрий Ростовский
Петр Могила
образовательная система
национальное образование
православные братства
самоидентификация
национальная идентичность
схоластика
«латинская партия»
приходская школа
Opis:
This article is about problems of national Russian and partly Ukrainian education system in end XVI – beginin XVIII centuries and about how people try to solve this problems. Partly touches such role persons like Dimitry of Rostov and Petr Mogila. Including some interesting details about some educationreligious and cultural aspects of this time. In addition, it is about some selfidentification problems and some orthodox-catholic traditions vacillation, and how this problems are influenced to this nations history at all.
Статья посвящена проблемам в русской и отчасти в украинской об- разовательных системах в конце XVI – начале XVIII вв. и тому, какие решения использовались для выхода из этого положения, включая интересные подробности о культуральной и образовательно-религио- зной ситуации того времени. Частично затрагивается роль в этом про- цессе таких личностей как Димитрий Ростовский и Петр Могила. Так же в статье идет речь о проблемах самоидентификации и некоторых «метаниях» между православной и католической традициями и о том, как это повлияло на дальнейшую историю этих народов.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2019, 1(15); 116-138
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie partie parlamentarne na temat konfliktu na Ukrainie (2013/2014)
Autorzy:
Кирвель, Элеонора
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687072.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
the Ukrainian crisis, Polish parliamentary parties , Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish Peasants’ Party, the Democratic Left Alliance
ukraiński kryzys, polskie partie parlamentarne, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platforma Obywatelska, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
украинский кризис, польские парламентские партии, «Право и справедливость», «Гражданская платформа», Польская крестьянская партия, Союз демократических левых сил
Opis:
The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
Głównym celem tego artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w stosunku do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób z jednej strony bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie do dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że niebyło pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne, które leżą u podstaw różnic partyjnych (SLD, PiS) oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy PO i PIS.
Oсновной целью данной статьи является представление позиций польских парламентских партий в связи с конкретными событиями украинского конфликта на рубеже 2013/2014. С самого начала кризиса в Украине большинство политиков парламентских партий Польши наблюдало и комментировало события в Украине 2013/2014, с одной стороны, очень похоже – абсолютная поддержка европейских устремлений и защитa свободы, демократии и суверенитета Украины. Это не означает, что не было разницы во мнениях. Прежде всего, в идеологических вопросах, которые лежат в основе партийных различий, а также в процессе традиционной политической борьбы между двумя главными партиями.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 1
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Радянська стратегія та практика політичної мобілізації населення Західної України в умовах військово-політичного протистояння на завершальному етапі Другої світової війни
Radziecka strategia i praktyka politycznej mobilizacji ludności zachodniej Ukrainy w warunkach wojskowo-politycznego konfliktu w końcowym okresie drugiej wojny światowej
Autorzy:
Докаш, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489502.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
The Second World War,
Western Ukraine,
Stalin’s totalitarian regime,
military-political confrontation,
political mobilization,
the party nomenclature,
manipulating-raising tools of influence
Opis:
The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization. In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population. The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 224-234
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Репутація політичної партії: основні підходи до її розуміння
Reputacja partii politycznej: podstawowe podejścia do jej rozumienia
Autorzy:
Буряченко, Олексій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489384.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political party
reputation of apolitical party
personal reputation
electoral preferences
political image
Opis:
The article studies the key approaches to understanding the reputation of one of the key subjects of the political process, i.e. of a political party. The Ukrainian society currently has a growing demand for the reputation of political parties. The author emphasizes that the most citizens of Ukraine choose apolitical party not by their political programs, but rather by their images created by the mass media. There is a solid tendency, that results of the elections depend on the reputation of a political party, which may serve as a guarantor of social stability of the society in general. That is why mass consciousness has a growingly fixed vision of reputation as a certain value, the existence of which determined the success of a political force. The author stresses that certain aspect of the concept of “reputation” have already been studied, primarily in the political leadership theory and during the studies of images of political leaders. The understanding of a reputation has been personalized since ancient times. That is why, the article highlights and explains the personalized approach to this phenomenon. The article shows that Confucius, Laozi, Protagoras, Plato, Titus Livy, Plutarch, N. Machiavelli and others have determined a direct dependency between the welfare of whole nations and the correspondence of the ruler to a certain “ideal image”, which consisted of a number of moral and ethical qualities. It has been determined that, unlike the reputation of a political party, the study of personal reputation is explained by a considerably late appearance of actual political parties. At the start of the process, we may remember the socalled movement of “The Populares” – a sociopolitical coalition, which started to form soon after the end of the second Punic war (218-201 BC). The first prototypes of modern political parties appear only during the periods of bourgeois revolutions and the appearance of parliamentary forms of fighting for power. The concrete examples may be the 16701680-s in England (Tory and Whigs); the 1780-1790-s in France (Jacobins and Girondins). The first parties of a modern type appear in the first half of the 19th century. On the basis of this, a conclusion is drawn that due to objective reasons, namely, the time of party formation, there is a longer history of studying the reputation of a person. The author notes that the concept of a “reputation of a political party” is not used as a fixed term in modern political science. It is rather used in association with such terms as “brand”, “image”, “cognitive image”. At the same time, image and reputation have different purposes – image is aimed exclusively at the consumer of services whereas reputation is aimed at consumers, employees, partners, society etc. The author substantiates that personal reputation (reputation of the leader of a political party) is connected to the reputation of a political party in general. This may be seen on the examples of modern “personalized” political parties of Ukraine. Unlike the image, reputation must be suited in the context of personality, an actual living person as it may not exist separately from its bearer. In the context of understanding the reputation of a political party, the practical contents of the concept of “sustainability of electoral preferences” is revealed. It has been determined that the shift of the reputation of a certain political party may objectively influence the shift of electoral preferences. This, in turn, may signify that a sustainable reputation of apolitical party is a certain guarantee of the sustainability of electoral preferences. The author uses various approaches – economic, legal, sociological, communicative, systemic, socio-philosophic – to reputation analysis. In general, the study concludes that reputation of a political party must be viewed as a phenomenon of public opinion, evaluation of moral, business and professional qualities of the members of a certain party. It should be viewed as a non-material resource or a non-material assets of a political organization.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 187-192
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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