Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:

Miejskie partie prezydenckie w miastach na prawach powiatu województwa śląskiego
MUNICIPAL PRESIDENTIAL PARTIES IN SILESIAN MUNICIPALITIES

Autorzy:

Czaja, Marek

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513301.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

municipal presidential party
local party
political party
local policy

Opis:

This article focuses on the characteristics and the position of municipal presidential parties in the municipalities in the Silesian region. The article based on the results of the City Council elections in the years 2006–2014. Municipal presidential parties are defined as local initiatives created by independent Mayors. These parties were created as a result of the change in law connected with the mayoral elections. The analysis demonstrates that in the majority of municipalities in the Silesian Voivodeship initiatives that are described are relevant to local politics. Moreover, it presents significant differences among all the cities to their relevance. The article extends the analysis of urban move-ments in the biggest cities of the Silesian Voivodeship by the category of the municipal presidential parties which constitute one of the models of the described entities.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 3; 5-17 (13)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:

Leaders of Polish Political Parties and Their Scope of Power in Party Structures

Autorzy:

Tomczak, Łukasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514636.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

Polish party system
political party
leader of party
democracy

Opis:

The purpose of this article is to present the scope of authority of party leaders in selected Polish political parties. The study included the following parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS) party, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Polish Peasants’ Party (PSL), Your Movement (TR), Right Wing of the Republic Polish (PR), the New Right (NP) and the Greens. The article addresses the problem of electing a leader of party. The importance of exclusive competence (the powers that belong only to a leader) of the leaders of the Polish party is analyzed. The leader of party may on their grounds decide in certain areas of action of the party. This applies in particular to internal structure, staffing party, the nomination of candidates for election as well as disciplining party members. In most of the subjected parties the leaders have a broad range of rights including the exclusive character. According to the author, some of these powers undermine democratic nature of the party structure.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 7-17
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:

Wyborcy wobec sposobu wyboru i zakresu władzy liderów polskich partii politycznych
Voters in the face of election mechanism and scope of leaders authority in Polish political parties

Autorzy:

Tomczak, Łukasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514648.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

party leaders
party organization
party organizational change
political parties

Opis:

The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot’s Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2013, 6; 61-74
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:

Why do Political Parties Fail?
Przyczyny upadku partii politycznej.

Autorzy:

Wincławska, Maria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2154741.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013-12-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

party institutionalisation
party collapse
political transformation

Opis:

An analytical Framework to identify the general causes of party decline and collapse in Eastern and Central Europe is developed in this article. The causes of a parties failure are divided into those connected with its institutionalization (internal and external) and those independent of the party.
Autorka podejmuje próbę przedstawienia analitycznych ram dla badania generalnych przyczyn upadku partii politycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Przyczyny upadku partii podzielone są na te związane bezpośrednio ze zjawiskiem instytucjonalizacji partii, które są w dużym stopniu zależne od ugrupowania, na przyczyny zewnętrzne niezależne od partii.

Źródło:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2013, 40; 9-18
1505-2192

Pojawia się w:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:

„Zjednoczeni dla Śląska” - Support of Upper Silesians for Regional Initiative

Autorzy:

Muś, Anna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514798.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

regionalist party
ethnoregionalist party
proto-party
Upper Silesians
Upper Silesia

Opis:

The region of Upper Silesia is recognised as a particular due to the forms of social and political behaviour of a part of its population. Upper Silesians, as ethnic group, are convinced about their separateness. Due to that fact, they are, at least to some extent, an example of a group in which voters' alignments are based on the opposition centre-periphery. This is certainly true for the protagonists of Silesian regional movement, however, this article deals with the problem whether average voter acts similarly. Moreover, the article is a study of a possibility to create an ethnoregionalist party in the future and of consequences that it may have on the politics in the region.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2017, 14; 157-174
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:

The political party system in Slovakia in the era of Mečiarism. The experiences of the young democracies of central European countries

Autorzy:

Barański, Marek

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628419.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-12-30

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

Slovakia
Vladimir Mečiar
party system
democracy
political party

Opis:

This article aims to reconstruct the functioning of political parties that was present during the establishment of the foundations of the democratic system and political practice, from the “Velvet Revolution” to the creation of a competitive party system with a dominant political party – Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) set up by Vladimir Mečiar; who served as prime minister in the years 1993–1998 (including a hiatus in 1994) greatly affecting the state internal and international policy, and held the post of the sole chairman of the party until its dissolution. V. Mečiar’s rule was marked by the interweaving of the elements of the wave of democratization with the reverse wave of de-democratization. The pro-democratic and undemocratic tendencies displayed by Mečiar were determined – apart from objective factors – by the personality traits of the prime minister: his commanding and charismatic leadership style, authoritarianism, making public decisions in a ruthless manner devoid of impartiality, or violations of democratic norms and values. Apart from its scientific purpose, this article may also fulfil a practical function allowing the possibility of using the research findings in social practice/politics.

Źródło:

Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 33-48
1427-9657
2451-2567

Pojawia się w:

Eastern Review

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:

Comparison of the cleavages development in the Czech Republic and Poland after 1989

Autorzy:

Ticha, Karolina

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514453.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

Czech Republic party system
Poland party system
cleavages

Opis:

The aim of the article is to identify cleavages that have been in Czech and Polish party system located since 1989. These cleavages are compared to determine the hierarchy and degree of their importance. It is also demonstrated the effort to determine the potential future development of the cleavages in these two countries. In this article as key for the formation of cleavages are considered elections to the lower houses of parliament. Elections to the upper houses of parliament and European elections are not relevant for the purpose of this work, because they are considered as second-order elections, thus they have no direct impact on the formation of cleavages.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2013, 4; 77-88
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:

Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України
Decentralizacja jako wezwanie dla systemu partyjnego Ukrainy

Autorzy:

Стойко, Олена

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489241.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu

Tematy:

nationalization
party system
decentralization
ethnoregional party
local election

Opis:

There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.

Źródło:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 158-163
2312-8933

Pojawia się w:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:

Keeping Parties Together? The Evolution of Israel’s Anti-Defection Law

Autorzy:

Nikolenyi, Csaba

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594430.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

Knesset
anti-defection law
party switching
party unity

Opis:

In 1991, the Knesset passed a package of legislation with the aim of preventing the rampant party switching and defections by elected representatives. At the time of its adoption, the so-called anti-defection law was supported by an all-party consensus. Although the legislation has remained in effect, its apparent continuity conceals the way in which it has become transformed from what was at first an “efficient” institution to a “redistributive” one (Tsebelis 1990). In this paper, I review the development of the Israeli anti-defection law and argue that whereas at the initial moment of its adoption the anti-defection law was considered to benefit all parties in the system, over time it has become an instrument in the hands of the governing coalition to manipulate divisions and engineer further defections among the opposition in order to shore up its often fragile legislative base.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2018, 2 (47); 188-200
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:

Ciągłość czy zmiana? – o szansach nowych partii w Polsce
Continuity or change? – opportunities for new parties in Poland

Autorzy:

Marmola, Maciej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514705.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

new parties
party system
party system change
perception of new parties
Polish party system

Opis:

The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters’ demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate. The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don’t believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year’s European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 75-84
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:

„Partie politycznych przedsiębiorców” – nowy model partii?
“Parties of political entrepreneurs”: new party model?

Autorzy:

Sobolewska-Myślik, Katarzyna
Kosowska-Gąstoł, Beata

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1943171.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017-12-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

partia-przedsiębiorca
typy partii
nowy model partii
rola lidera
partia-firma
entrepreneurial party
party types
new model of the political party
party leader
business-firm party

Opis:

Przekształcenia struktur społecznych oraz zmiany w zakresie komunikacji politycznej spowodowały, że od lat 90. XX wieku zaczęły się upowszechniać w Europie partie nowego typu, które nie dają się opisać za pomocą stosowanych do tej pory tradycyjnych modeli. W literaturze pojawiło się wiele koncepcji obrazujących zachodzące zmiany. Do najbardziej znanych należą „partie-firmy” oraz „partie przedsiębiorców”. Przeprowadzona analiza pozwoliła na wyciągnięcie wniosku, że z przedstawionych przez różnych autorów propozycji wyłania się nowy model partii, który postulujemy określić mianem „partii politycznych przedsiębiorców”. Cechą tego typu ugrupowań jest centralna rola lidera w tworzeniu i funkcjonowaniu partii oraz odwoływanie się w ich sposobie działania do mechanizmów znanych z rynku ekonomicznego.
Recent changes of social structure and political communication resulted in the emergence of the new type of political parties, which have started to appear since the 1990s. Such parties are difficult to describe using the existing models, so new propositions were developed, the best known are “business-firm parties” or “entrepreneurial parties”. Those two models, and also several other, are analyzed in this paper in order to answer the question whether those propositions are capturing the most important characteristics of the new parties. As the result we confirm that the new model of political parties is really emerging. We propose to name it “parties of political entrepreneurs” because the most important traits of those parties are the central role of the leader in creation and functioning of the party and modes of activity borrowed from the market economy, which are supposed to increase the effectiveness of the party.

Źródło:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2017, 55; 108-129
1505-2192

Pojawia się w:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:

The Impact of Having Children on Party Member Activism

Autorzy:

Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642940.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych

Tematy:

Party membership
party organization
gender differences
political participation
family

Opis:

Party member activism varies in type and intensity, and it is necessary to take this into consideration when explaining the degree of participation. One potential explanation for the level of party member participation is the extent to which there are children in the household. Based on the Danish party member survey of 2012, analyses show: First, the cost of having children is more important when explaining more demanding activities than the less demanding activities, and, second, the impact of the cost of having children in the household is larger when including the intensity of participation in the dependent variable. Third, the smaller the children, the larger the cost and the larger the negative impact on party activism no matter what type or intensity. Furthermore, there are only limited gender differences in the impact of having children so that children, in particular in the young age group, do not have a larger impact on women than men, except when it comes to meeting attendance. In sum, children do have an impact on party member activism, and the gender gap in this effect is very limited.

Źródło:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335

Pojawia się w:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:

The Spanish Party System and the Issue of Assigning Responsibility

Autorzy:

Sroka, Anna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514751.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

party system
Spanish party system
assigning responsibility
electoral accountability

Opis:

The article addresses the dependency between the level of institutionalization present in the Spanish party system, electoral accountability and assigning responsibility. The primary research objective of this article is to determine the extent to which electoral volatility is present in Spain, both at the aggregate and individual level, which is a measure of the degree of institutionalization reached by a party system. Next, the dependency between electoral volatility and fluidity of elites at the electoral and parliamentary level is analysed. This allows for an answer to the question of whether there is a problem in Spain with assigning responsibility, having regard to the fact that the presence of extensive electoral volatility among both voters and political elites makes it difficult to speak of effective accountability.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 162-173
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:

Opinia prawna w sprawie zakresu obowiązku sprawozdawczego spoczywającego na partiach w sytuacji połączenia partii politycznych
Legal opinion on the scope of the reporting obligation incumbent on political parties in the case of merger of political parties (BAS-WAL-2953/14)

Autorzy:

Sobolewski, Przemysław

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2223676.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych

Tematy:

political party
report

Opis:

The opinion describes the procedures for mergers of political parties and all the accompanying reporting obligations. It presents the thesis that in the course of takeover of a party the universal succession applies, but in Polish law there is a lacuna as concerns the principles for succession of public-law rights and obligations of political parties. The author provide a thorough analysis of the obligation to submit financial statements to the National Electoral Commission, on pain of deprivation of subsidies and membership in the case of takeover of a party.

Źródło:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2015, 2(46); 94-102
1896-9852
2082-064X

Pojawia się w:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:

THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

Autorzy:

Wroniszewska, Bożena
Ganowicz, Ewa

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594671.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

political party
rivalry strategies
Hamburg
local politics
party politics

Opis:

The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature offered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2013, 42; 109-138
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 16.

Tytuł:

Party leadership in Poland in comparative perspective

Autorzy:

Radecki, Michał

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647573.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej

Tematy:

party leadership
leaders
intra-party democracy
political parties
Polska

Opis:

The aim of this paper is to analyse leadership in Polish political parties in comparative perspective. In the further parts of this paper, the methods of leader selections, their competitiveness, as well as reasons for their stepping down are discussed. Similarly to the western political parties, the Polish ones have been changing their methods of leadership selection. So far each time it has consisted in a formal increase in the inclusiveness of the selection. The reasons for transferring the rights relating to the leadership selection to party members were brought closer to the premises typical for Westminster democracies rather than the consensual ones. The analysis of the Polish case shows that the internal elections have been characterized by different levels of competitiveness.

Źródło:

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567

Pojawia się w:

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 17.

Tytuł:

Switching Political Affiliation: Electoral-List Mobility in Poland, 2005–2015

Autorzy:

Nyćkowiak, Justyna
Kołodziej, Tomasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790278.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-03-22

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne

Tematy:

political affiliation
party membership
electoral-list mobility
party switching

Opis:

The goal of this article is to establish (a) the relationship between electoral lists, party membership, and changes in party affiliation in the context of (b) electoral-list mobility. Our basic premise is that the illegible institutional rules for placing candidates on electoral lists favors mobility between lists. We use data from the EAST PaC Database (2005–2015), which allows us to estimate to what extent the composition of electoral lists differs in terms of the party affiliation of candidates and to track the mobility of parliamentary candidates between electoral lists in consecutive elections. Our basic findings confirm that candidates who changed party affiliation and those who were independent were most likely to change electoral lists. This is a quite surprising finding because according to studies (Shabad and Słomczyński 2002, 2004) such candidates, whose election potential is uncertain, should be unwelcome on new electoral lists.

Źródło:

Polish Sociological Review; 2021, 213, 1; 47-70
1231-1413
2657-4276

Pojawia się w:

Polish Sociological Review

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 18.

Tytuł:

Of Love and Hate. Origins and Effects of Positive and Negative Party Identification in Poland

Autorzy:

Żerkowska-Balas, Marta

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22792660.pdf

Data publikacji:

2022-03-21

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne

Tematy:

turnout
electoral behavior
party identification
negative party identification
partisanship

Opis:

The nature and effects of party identification in post-communist democracies have been an object of disputes, as the existing research does not lead to conclusive results. The present paper contributes to the discussion with analyses of four-fold typology of partisans (Rose, Mishler 1998), who either have a positive or negative party identification, or both, or none. We embed this typology in a contemporary Polish context. Using the PNES data for the 2005–2019 elections, we examine the proportions of each type of partisanship and their stability in time. We also verify what their determinants are and what their influence on electoral participation is. Our results demonstrate that positive and negative party identifications are of rational origin, although since 2015, expressive partisanship is also developing. We also prove that positive, negative, and combined motivations make Poles more prone to vote, contributing to the stability of democracy on a behavioral level.

Źródło:

Polish Sociological Review; 2022, 217, 1; 3-22
1231-1413
2657-4276

Pojawia się w:

Polish Sociological Review

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 19.

Tytuł:

Wypłacanie subwencji na działalność statutową w sytuacji podziału partii politycznej
Payment of subsidies for statutory activities when a political party splits

Autorzy:

Czarny, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2206974.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych

Tematy:

political party
subsidies

Opis:

In a situation when a political party divides into two (or more) formally „new” parties, the law does not provide for the division of subsidies from the state budget for statutory activities of the party. It s not acceptable for the new parties to receive subsidies granted to the predecessing party. In a situation of „separation” from the existing political party, the earlier existing party remains a subject of rights and obligations of a financial nature, including the right to receive subsidies for its statutory activity. If a political party is divided and dissolved, the subsidy is paid until the end of the month in which the party decides to „dissolve itself”.

Źródło:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2019, 4(64); 69-75
1896-9852
2082-064X

Pojawia się w:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 20.

Tytuł:

Hungary’s Communist Party Élite in the “Long” Fifties (1948–1962)

Autorzy:

Kali, Csaba

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477887.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu

Tematy:

Hungary’s communist party élite 1948–1962
Hungarian Working People’s Party
Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party

Opis:

This article endeavours to analyse some characteristic segments of Hungary’s communist party élite between 1948 and 1962. Besides considering nationwide data, I introduce, at least partially, through highlighting one or two major characteristics, some smaller geographical areas, too. First of all, I survey the distinguishing features of Hungary’s capital Budapest, which is followed by an in-depth analysis of certain specific data characterising Zala County, a western region of Hungary. In the second half of the 1940s, a generation in their twenties to thirties seized control over politics within the MKP-MDP apparatus, and the same generation – changing only in terms of the individuals it comprised – retained its hold on power. It is partly for that reason that, after the revolution was crushed in 1956, the reconstructed party now named MSZMP was not simply built upon the membership of the old MDP but on its former staff of apparatchiks. While in the late forties a young and hardy individual unencumbered with personal loyalties represented the ideal type of party operative, after 1956, the experienced, reliable activist embodied the most desirable paid party apparatchik. It was an activist who had proved his loyalty during the perceived watershed year of 1956, so he or she belonged to the aforementioned generation, and therefore was obviously older.

Źródło:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2018, 32; 236-258
1427-7476

Pojawia się w:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 21.

Tytuł:

NOWE PARTIE W SYSTEMIE PARTYJNYM – SPECYFIKA POLSKI
NEW PARTIES IN PARTY SYSTEM – SPECIFICITY OF POLAND

Autorzy:

MARMOLA, MACIEJ

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513146.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

new parties
genuinely new parties
party system
Polish party system

Opis:

During the quarter-century of democracy in Poland, most of the parliamentary par-ties had a post-communist or post-Solidarity origin. Only three formations without links to the two sides of the Round Table agreement – League of Polish Families (LPR), Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota, now: Your Move) – have achieved political relevance. The analysis of their road to parliament helps to cap-ture the specificity of the success of genuinely new parties in Poland. The factors that affect high electoral support for the aforementioned three parties were: advantageous configuration in Polish party system, strong leadership and articula-tion of new issues or neglected demands (exploitation of new community division and filling an ideological niche). The fate of LPR and Samoobrona confirms that the last factor seems to be crucial for the success of genuinely new party.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 83-92 (10)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 22.

Tytuł:

Czy współczesne partie potrzebują jeszcze członków? Wnioski z badań empirycznych w polskich partiach politycznych
Do contemporary political parties still need members? Conclusions from the empirical study into Polish political parties

Autorzy:

Pacześniak, Anna
Wincławska, Maria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514445.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

political parties
membership
grassroots members
party elite and party leadership

Opis:

Research on political party members started on a grand scale at the beginning of the 1990s and it has gone in three main directions: (1) members and activists as a resource for the parties; (2) members as constituting “the party on the ground”; and (3) political participation of the members (van Haute, Paulis & Sierens 2017). In this article we are drawing from all three traditions of the research. The paper is based on empirical investigation from the project “Political Parties and their Social Environment. An Analysis of the Organization and Communication Activities of Polish Political Parties”, in which in-depth interviews with the parties’ leaders and parliamentarians were conducted and questionnaires were collected from the grassroots members and activists. To structure our research we put forward the following theses: (1) The parties’ elites declaratively appreciate the role of rank-and-file members in the organizations, but in practice rarely undertake activities to encourage people to join the parties or to engage the members they already have in party work. (2) The grassroots members would like to have more influence on party decisions. (3) The factor that is more important in differentiating the parties on their roles and expectations towards the organizations is the party age rather than its parliamentary or extra-parliamentary status.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 7-26
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 23.

Tytuł:

Marka idealnej partii politycznej w opinii wyborców o różnych preferencjach ideologicznych i partyjnych
Brand of an ideal political party in the opinion of voters of different ideological and partisan preferences

Autorzy:

Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514475.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

personality
political party
brand of a political party
voting behavior

Opis:

The present article presents results of research conducted with the working assumption that voters perceive political parties in terms of traits characteristics for people, giving them a unique identity. Research was focused on defining the “personality” of a perfect political party; voters were asked about desired intensity of certain characteristics in such imagined perfect political entity. The taxonomy of traits presented to the respondents used the HEXACO model, by Kibeom Lee and Michael C. Aschton, which refers to a six-dimensional personality structure. The authors distinguished the following personality factors in the model: Honesty, Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2013, 5; 29-47
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 24.

Tytuł:

“Phantom” Parties in the Ukrainian Political Space

Autorzy:

Kobuta, Larysa

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519479.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK

Tematy:

election
activity imitation
party
Ukrainian party system
phantom parties
fake

Opis:

The paper deals with the problem of quantitative and qualitative functioning of the political parties in modern Ukraine. It studies particular political structures which avoid their active political positioning, have an unsystematic, sporadic character of their political activity or imitate their active participation in the political life. Existence of the “phantom” parties in the Ukrainian political system has negative consequences as it withholds the party system qualitative structuring process.

Źródło:

Historia i Polityka; 2015, 14(21); 101-108
1899-5160
2391-7652

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 25.

Tytuł:

Przyczynek do analizy przejrzystości i skali outsourcingu politycznego w Polsce
Contribution to the analysis of the role of political outsourcing in the lawmaking process in Poland

Autorzy:

Kalinowski, Marcin
Szymczak, Damian

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2231748.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-09-29

Wydawca:

Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie

Tematy:

political outsourcing
ethical criterion
political party funding
political party spendings

Opis:

CEL NAUKOWY: Naczelnym celem badawczym niniejszych rozważań jest przedstawienie przejrzystości oraz skali zjawiska outsourcingu politycznego w Polsce w okresie od 2007 do 2019 roku. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Kluczowym problemem poruszanym w artykule jest zewnętrzna działalność doradcza, która wspomaga ideowo, programowo i medialnie partie polityczne w toku ich bieżącej działalności. W części teoretycznej wykorzystano metodę analizy krytycznej literatury przedmiotu. W części empirycznej poddano analizie dane dostępne na stronach Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej kolejności ustalona będzie definicja outsourcingu politycznego, w drugiej przedstawione zostanie kryterium jego oceny etycznej, w trzeciej zostanie podjęta próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy outsourcing polityczny jest w Polsce transparentny, a w czwartej przedstawione będą wydatki polskich partii politycznych na działalność outsourcingową w ciągu lat 2007–2019. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Analiza wykazała, że działalność doradcza na rzecz organizacji partyjnych jest prowadzona w Polsce w warunkach mało przejrzystych dla statystycznego wyborcy oraz badacza przedmiotowego zjawiska. Ogólnie dostępne dane zawierają zbyt mało informacji w zakresie praktycznej identyfikacji pomiotów świadczących tego rodzaju działalność. Jednocześnie skala samego zjawiska – jak dowiodło badanie empiryczne – jest na tyle szeroka, że wymaga dalszych pogłębionych badań. Artykuł ma w założeniu autorów stać się przyczynkiem do zintensyfikowania dyskusji na temat sposobu i celów wydatkowania subwencji partyjnych na usługi outsourcingowe. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Ustalenia zawarte w artykule – zarówno czynione z perspektywy teoretycznej, jak i na bazie przeprowadzonego badania empirycznego –mogą być przydatne w dyskusji interdyscyplinarnej na temat sposobu wydatkowania środków budżetowych przeznaczanych na subwencjonowanie działalności partii politycznych w Polsce. W zakończeniu autorzy sygnalizują potrzebę wprowadzenia kompleksowego systemu przepływu informacji publicznej, umożliwiającego statystycznemu wyborcy-podatnikowi weryfikację podmiotów świadczących usługi doradcze na rzecz partii politycznych oraz zakresu przedmiotowego zawieranych umów.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main research objective of this publication is to present the transparency and scale of the political outsourcing phenomenon in Poland in the years 2007–2019. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The key problem raised in the article is the external advisory activity that supports ideologically, programmatically and medially political parties in the course of their current activities. In the theoretical part was used method of critical analysis of the literature. In the empirical part was analyzed available data on the website of the State Electoral Commission THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The reasoning will be based on the presentation of definition of political outsourcing and the criterion of its ethical evaluation. Then an attempt will be focused to answer the question whether political outsourcing is transparent in Poland. Finally will be presented the expenses of Polish political parties on outsourcing activities in the years 2007–2019 RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis has shown that consulting activity for polish political parties is conducted in not transparent conditions for a statistical voter and a researchers of this phenomenon. Generally available data contain limited information on the practical identification of entities providing this kind of activity. Simultaneously the scale of this phenomenon proved by the empirical studies was so wide that it requires further detailed research. The article is intended to be a contribution to intensify the discussion on the methods and purposes of spending parties subsidies on outsourcing services. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The conclusions contained in the article, both from the theoretical perspective and on the basis of empirical research, may be useful in the interdisciplinary discussion on the way of spending budget funds allocated to subsidize the activities of political parties in Poland. In conclusion, the authors signal the need to establish a comprehensive system of public information flow. Statistical voter‑taxpayers should be able to verify the entities providing consulting services to political parties and the scope of their contracts.

Źródło:

Horyzonty Polityki; 2022, 13, 42; 31-54
2082-5897

Pojawia się w:

Horyzonty Polityki

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 26.

Tytuł:

NADZÓR PARTYJNY NAD PRZEMYSŁEM W DEKADZIE LAT 70. XX WIEKU. STUDIUM PRZYPADKU ZWCH „STILON” W GORZOWIE WLKP.
PARTY SUPERVISION OF INDUSTRY IN THE 1970S. A CASE STUDY OF THE “STILON” SYNTHETIC FIBRES PLANT IN GORZÓW WIELKOPOLSKI IN POLAND

Autorzy:

Trojecki, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513236.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Stilon
party supervision
nomenklatura

Opis:

The ineffectuality of the socialist system, which in literature was described as the shortage economy, could be observed even at a company level. Despite having no ef-fects, the system was maintained, which required constant political supervision. Its most important authority was the ruling party that used the nomenclature as the best tool to perform their supervising functions. Determining positions and decision-making bodies was only a part of the unofficial prerogatives of The Polish United Workers' Party. In each company there were party structures that were aimed at encouraging both the party members and non-party workers to obey to the system and to do the tasks which they had been allotted as a part of the planned economy. The party supervision system was sup-ported by a secretly acting organization called the Security Service. This article presents how the party supervision worked, what the forms of its action were and what effects they had. The study is based on the case of the “Stilon” Synthetic Fibres Plant in Gorzów Wielkopolski in Poland.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 4; 86-100 (15)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 27.

Tytuł:

Politologiczne i socjologiczne teorie fragmentacji systemów partyjnych: od izolacji do interakcji
FROM ISOLATION TO INTERACTION. EVOLUTION OF THEORIES IN THE RESEARCH ON PARTY SYSTEM FRAGMENTATION

Autorzy:

Rafałowski, Wojciech

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/427685.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN

Tematy:

PARTY SYSTEMS
PARTY SYSTEM FRAGMENTATION
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS
CLEAVAGES
INTEGRATION OF PARADIGMS

Opis:

Explaining the variety of party systems has traditionally been an object of political science interest. The number of parties in parliament and party system fragmentation are fundamental parameters describing party systems. In the 20th century there was a division in the field: political scientists were studying the institutional determinants of party system fragmentation, whereas sociologists were focusing on social cleavages. Both paradigms were isolated from each other and their representatives had neglected discoveries by scholars representing the alternative approach. Contemporary research takes into account both groups of factors and their interaction. In this paper, the history and accomplishments of both approaches are presented. It is described how this scholarly reflection progressed from qualitative case studies to quantitative research and from isolation to integration of paradigms. The possible routes of development of this subfield of social science are analyzed and goals are formulated which should be accomplished if a complex theory of party systems fragmentation is to effectively emerge.

Źródło:

Studia Socjologiczne; 2013, 3(210); 53-74
0039-3371

Pojawia się w:

Studia Socjologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 28.

Tytuł:

Analiza porównawcza frakcji w Partii Liberalno-Demokratycznej oraz grup w Partii Demokratycznej po alternacji władzy w Japonii w 2009 roku
Comparative analysis of factions in the Liberal Democratic Party and groups inside the Democratic Party of Japan after alternation of power in 2009

Autorzy:

Żakowski, Karol

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953256.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015-03-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

factional divisions
Japan
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)

Opis:

The article examines the changes in factional system of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) after electoral victory in 2009. During opposition period, DPJ factions were believed to be much less significant groups than their counterparts in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Nevertheless, after the DPJ assumed power, its intra-party groups, to a certain degree, started functioning as LDP factions. Over the years, their ideological leanings weakened and instead of realizing distinctive political vision, they started focusing on pragmatic struggle for power in the party. In 2009 – 2012 period, the competition between intra-party mainstreams and anti-mainstreams increased, challenging the unity of the DPJ. The significance of factional divisions was also clearly visible in the distribution of governmental portfolios by succeeding prime ministers. Although DPJ factions were still not as powerful as LDP factions, they played a much greater role than before in maintaining intra-party balance and structuring intra-party competition.

Źródło:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 45; 32-45
1505-2192

Pojawia się w:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 29.

Tytuł:

Transfery poselskie jako źródło nowych inicjatyw politycznych
Parliamentary party switching as a source of new political initiatives

Autorzy:

Fijałkowski, Michał

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1595517.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego

Tematy:

party switching
parliamentary parties
party cleavages
transfery międzyklubowe
partie parlamentarne
rozłamy partyjne

Opis:

Partie polityczne – zgodnie z klasycznym ujęciem M. Duvergera – powstają według wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego trybu. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza powstawania partii politycznych w Polsce zgodnie z pierwszym trybem (wewnętrznym), wykorzystując do tego koncept „transferu parlamentarnego”, tj. zmian przynależności klubowej posłów skutkujących powstaniem nowej partii politycznej.
According to classic approach of M. Duverger, political parties are formed internally and externally. The following paper’s aim is to analyze the emerge of political parties in Poland according to the first of the listed courses (internal) by using the concept of parliamentary party switching, which results in formation of new political parties

Źródło:

Acta Politica Polonica; 2017, 42, 4; 5-15
2451-0432
2719-4388

Pojawia się w:

Acta Politica Polonica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 30.

Tytuł:

The Earthquake of the European Election in France. About Front National, French Party System and Politics

Autorzy:

Renard, Ludovic

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642945.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych

Tematy:

French Politics
European Parliamentary Election
National Front Party
Party System – New Politics

Opis:

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French “presidentialist” constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

Źródło:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335

Pojawia się w:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 31.

Tytuł:

Candidate Selection in the 2014 European Parliament Election in Poland

Autorzy:

Flis, Jarosław
Wojtasik, Waldemar

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514550.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

party candidate selection
European parliamentary election
candidate list position
Polish party system

Opis:

The article presents the determinants of creating candidate lists in European Parliament elections in Poland. Its subject context is the evaluation of importance of selected factors with reference to the effect obtained in the election. The main study hypothesis assumes different patterns of creating candidate lists in EP elections in comparison to parliamentary elections, involving the combined occurrence of several determinants. The first of them is the tendency to fill the highest positions in candidate lists with popular people well-known in the media, who have an advantage over anonymous ones. The second factor is territorial bonds connecting candidates with the electoral district where they stand for election. Another determinant taken into consideration is the territorial form of the candidate list. The last important element of analysis is the concentration of support, determined by the position on the candidate list.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 129-143
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 32.

Tytuł:

Репутація політичної партії: основні підходи до її розуміння
Reputacja partii politycznej: podstawowe podejścia do jej rozumienia

Autorzy:

Буряченко, Олексій

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489384.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu

Tematy:

political party
reputation of apolitical party
personal reputation
electoral preferences
political image

Opis:

The article studies the key approaches to understanding the reputation of one of the key subjects of the political process, i.e. of a political party. The Ukrainian society currently has a growing demand for the reputation of political parties. The author emphasizes that the most citizens of Ukraine choose apolitical party not by their political programs, but rather by their images created by the mass media. There is a solid tendency, that results of the elections depend on the reputation of a political party, which may serve as a guarantor of social stability of the society in general. That is why mass consciousness has a growingly fixed vision of reputation as a certain value, the existence of which determined the success of a political force. The author stresses that certain aspect of the concept of “reputation” have already been studied, primarily in the political leadership theory and during the studies of images of political leaders. The understanding of a reputation has been personalized since ancient times. That is why, the article highlights and explains the personalized approach to this phenomenon. The article shows that Confucius, Laozi, Protagoras, Plato, Titus Livy, Plutarch, N. Machiavelli and others have determined a direct dependency between the welfare of whole nations and the correspondence of the ruler to a certain “ideal image”, which consisted of a number of moral and ethical qualities. It has been determined that, unlike the reputation of a political party, the study of personal reputation is explained by a considerably late appearance of actual political parties. At the start of the process, we may remember the socalled movement of “The Populares” – a sociopolitical coalition, which started to form soon after the end of the second Punic war (218-201 BC). The first prototypes of modern political parties appear only during the periods of bourgeois revolutions and the appearance of parliamentary forms of fighting for power. The concrete examples may be the 16701680-s in England (Tory and Whigs); the 1780-1790-s in France (Jacobins and Girondins). The first parties of a modern type appear in the first half of the 19th century. On the basis of this, a conclusion is drawn that due to objective reasons, namely, the time of party formation, there is a longer history of studying the reputation of a person. The author notes that the concept of a “reputation of a political party” is not used as a fixed term in modern political science. It is rather used in association with such terms as “brand”, “image”, “cognitive image”. At the same time, image and reputation have different purposes – image is aimed exclusively at the consumer of services whereas reputation is aimed at consumers, employees, partners, society etc. The author substantiates that personal reputation (reputation of the leader of a political party) is connected to the reputation of a political party in general. This may be seen on the examples of modern “personalized” political parties of Ukraine. Unlike the image, reputation must be suited in the context of personality, an actual living person as it may not exist separately from its bearer. In the context of understanding the reputation of a political party, the practical contents of the concept of “sustainability of electoral preferences” is revealed. It has been determined that the shift of the reputation of a certain political party may objectively influence the shift of electoral preferences. This, in turn, may signify that a sustainable reputation of apolitical party is a certain guarantee of the sustainability of electoral preferences. The author uses various approaches – economic, legal, sociological, communicative, systemic, socio-philosophic – to reputation analysis. In general, the study concludes that reputation of a political party must be viewed as a phenomenon of public opinion, evaluation of moral, business and professional qualities of the members of a certain party. It should be viewed as a non-material resource or a non-material assets of a political organization.

Źródło:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 187-192
2312-8933

Pojawia się w:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 33.

Tytuł:

Formalne determinanty pozycji przywódców w strukturach pozaparlamentarnych partii politycznych w Polsce
Formal determinants of the position of leaders in the structures of non-parliamentary parties in Poland

Autorzy:

Hartliński, Maciej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/520276.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Fundacja Niepodległości

Tematy:

przywódca partyjny
organizacja partii
demokracja wewnątrzpartyjna
partie polityczne
Polska
party leader
party organization
intra-party democracy
political parties
Polska

Opis:

The study is aimed at analysing the statutes of 76 political parties and constitutes an attempt at characterising the formal position of party leaders in the structures of Polish non-parliamentary parties. Formal conditions determining leadership in non-parliamentary parties may be characterised with references to a few issues. Almost all of such parties have either of two formally determined positions of the leader. This is chairman (35) and president (33). In the majority of the parties (44) the position of the leader is an independent body set apart in their organisational structure. In fewer parties, the leader is the head of a collegiate body. Classifying the hierarchy of party bodies, in the greatest number of cases the leader was not set apart (29). If it was done, the leader received the second (20) or the third (14) position. The leader almost always, as a result of the position he occupies, becomes a member of other key bodies in the party. In slightly more than half of the parties (39), the leader has an opportunity to decide about the choice of his closest collaborators thanks to the right to propose candidates to take such positions. The length of the term in office is also different in different parties, although the most common period is 4 years (31 parties). In 63 out of 71 parties the leader is chosen by the delegates of local structures during a national congress. As regards the proposed research hypothesis, non-parliamentary parties do not significantly differ from the mainstream parties. There are no considerable disproportions with reference to the applied terminology, selecting various bodies, solutions concerning terms of office, automatic election to the most important decision-making bodies, as well as methods of selecting the leaders. The only difference concerns the fact that in non-parliamentary parties the leader is often not set apart against other party bodies, which is a situation quite rare among the main political parties. As far as the distinguished indexes are concerned, there is of course some degree of variation, yet both parliamentary as well as non-parliamentary parties show similar tendencies in formal positioning of the leaders in their structures.

Źródło:

Prawo i Polityka; 2015, 6; 40-64
2080-5799

Pojawia się w:

Prawo i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 34.

Tytuł:

Budżet partii komunistycznej (planowanie, wydatki, kontrola) na przykładzie PZPR
Communist party budget (planning, expenses, control) on the example of Polish United Workers Party

Autorzy:

Żukowski, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478153.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu

Tematy:

Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza finanse PZPR budżet PZPR prelimiarz PZPR gospdoarka finansowa PZPR pieniądze polityczne PZPR
Polish United Worker's Party Polish United Worker's Party finances Polish United Workers Party budget Polish United Worker's Party estimates Polish United Worker's Party financial economy Polsih United Worker's Party political money

Opis:

PZPR stanowiła rdzeń sytemu politycznego Polski Ludowej. Zarządzała administracją dużego państwa, dążyła do nadzorowania życia publicznego obywateli i stanowiła część międzynarodowego ruchu komunistycznego. Dlatego rozpoznanie mechanizmów rządzących PZPR jest ważne nie tylko dla zrozumienia dziejów samej partii. Pozwala także na głębsze (wielowymiarowe) poznanie historii PRL. Prezentowany artykuł traktuje o wypracowanych przez komunistów, a wciąż słabo poznanych sposobów finansowania PZPR. Koncentruje się na procedurach związanych z planowaniem budżetu, grupach wydatków i na różnych aspektach kontroli wykonania planów budżetowych. Autor nie ograniczył się tylko do odtworzenia samych mechanizmów, które pokazują jak silnie scentralizowane było to ugrupowanie. W oparciu o szeroką kwerendę zaprezentował szereg istotnych wyliczeń obrazujących materialne koszty utrzymania PZPR. W celu uzyskania szerokiego tła porównawczego przedstawiono również, niemal nie znane w historiografii, dane o finansach KZPR i SED. Dzięki temu zabiegowi czytelnik może poznać wybrane aspekty finansowania PZPR i zobaczyć w czym lub w jakim zakresie były podobne do partii komunistyczny rządzących w ZSRR i NRD.

Źródło:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2016, 27; 49-68
1427-7476

Pojawia się w:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 35.

Tytuł:

Why do Poles (still) Dislike Political Parties? Some Survey Insights into Anti-Party Attitudes in Poland, 1995–2011

Autorzy:

Gendźwiłł, Adam

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1930060.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014-01-07

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne

Tematy:

anti-partyism
anti-party attitudes
political parties
party system institutionalization
public
opinion
Polska

Opis:

The article examines the negative approach of Poles towards political parties and partisanship in the recent years, presenting this phenomenon as a part of wider anti-party syndrome, characterizing Polish democracy after 1989. Adapting the approach of Torcal, Gunther and Montero (2002), the author constructs a scale of the anti-partyism, based on the statements typical for anti-party discourse, assessed by respondents in three surveys conducted in 1995, 2001 and 2011. Subsequently, some explanations of anti-party attitudes are tested. The analyses demonstrate that anti-partyism in Poland is relatively durable and embraces both cultural and reactive components. Anti-party attitudes are more visible among citizens socialized during the communist period. However, the consolidation of democracy generated its “own” anti-partyism: the youngest citizens were gradually more disinclined to political parties in the period analyzed (1995–2011).

Źródło:

Polish Sociological Review; 2014, 184, 4; 467-486
1231-1413
2657-4276

Pojawia się w:

Polish Sociological Review

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 36.

Tytuł:

Dokumentacja finansowa Komitetów Wojewódzkich PZPR na przykładzie gdańskiej organizacji partyjnej – Instrukcja do preliminarza budżetowego na 1950 r.
Financial records of Voivodeship Committees PUWP. The example of Gdansk party organization - Instructions for budget estimate at 1950.

Autorzy:

Żukowski, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488049.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

Polish United Workers' Party
communist party apparatus
Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
aparat partyjny

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2012, 1; 229-241
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 37.

Tytuł:

Podstawowa Organizacja Partyjna PZPR w Ministerstwie Spraw Zagranicznych 1949-1989
Basic Party Organisation of PZPR in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1949-1989

Autorzy:

Ceranka, Paweł

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477949.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu

Tematy:

MSZ ministerstwo PZPR partia PRL POP OOP organizacja partyjna Marzec '68
Ministry of Foreign Affairs ministry PZPR party Polish People's Republic Basic Party Organisation Department Party Organisation party organisation March 68'

Opis:

Organizacja partyjna w MSZ działała w latach 1949-1989 i uchodziła za jedną z wyróżniających się poziomem zaangażowania jej członków. Stopień upartyjnienia w ministerstwie oscylował między 44% a 87%, w grupie pracowników merytorycznych stale wynosił ponad 90%. Charakterystyczne dla organizacji partyjnej w MSZ była duża rotacja członków (około 50%), co wynikało ze specyfiki pracy w służbie zagranicznej i stałej rotacji pracowników. POP miała bardzo duży wpływ na przebieg czystek personalnych na przełomie lat 40. I 50. oraz podczas wydarzeń marca 1968 r. Aktywnie wzięła udział w tłumieniu protestu przeciwko zamknięciu tygodnika „Po Prostu”. Nie dopuściła do powstania struktur „Solidarności” w ministerstwie w latach 80.

Źródło:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2016, 27; 247-307
1427-7476

Pojawia się w:

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 38.

Tytuł:

Höhepunkt der Kampfzeit – Die Pommersche NSDAP zwischen Auflösung und Machtergreifung 1931–1934
The peak of the fight – the Pomeranian NSDAP between disbandment and takeover 1931–1934
Apogeum czasu walki – pomorska NSDAP pomiędzy rozwiązaniem a zdobyciem władzy 1931–1934

Autorzy:

Mittenzwei, Jan
Nerlicki, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1622680.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego

Tematy:

Nazi Party
Pomerania
Sturmabteilung
Karpenstein

Opis:

The article concerns the role of violence while takeover of the National Socialists in Pomerania. Another aim is the explanation of the influence of state control surveillance measures on the strategic organization of the party’s inner life. Mittenzwei states that the NSDAP-history in Pomerania was dominated by many internal conflicts. These conflicts not only raise to question about action potential of the regional party authorities but also influenced the abilities of the whole party. Even if the Stennes’ revolt did not cause a sustainable division in the party and even if the state control surveillance ended up with no party prohibition, the circumstances reflected the influence on the party organization. In spite of the feared party prohibition the NSDAP-Gauleitung in Pomerania regarded itself being incapable of backing away from the violent takeover course. The Gauleiter Wilhelm Karpenstein saw in view of the inner conflicts in the party and revolting SA formations the only option: he put himself against the directives of the NSDAP-Reichsleitung at the head of the group which demanded a violent takeover and called for violence repeatedly. Finally, this strategy allowed the takeover in the countrified Pomerania but it caused also the end of Wilhelm Karpenstein as the Pomeranian Gauleiter. This end took place with the imprisonment of the Pomeranian SA-leader within so called Röhm revolt. This was also the reason after the Karpenstein’s dismissal to replace the Gau’s elite with Schwede-Coburg who surrounded himself with familiar faces from his times in Coburg.

Źródło:

Studia Maritima; 2014, 27, 2; 217-239
0137-3587
2353-303X

Pojawia się w:

Studia Maritima

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 39.

Tytuł:

In Search of Prestige and a Lost Position: Russia’s Policy in the Korean Policy

Autorzy:

Lubina, Michał

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/599792.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017-12-01

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN

Tematy:

Korea
Russia
Six-Party Talks

Opis:

Since the fall of the USSR, Russia has been trying to improve its position in the Korean Peninsula. In the 1990s this ended in almost total failure. Only in the 2000s did one see an improvement in Russia’s position: Moscow was able to balance its position in the Peninsula, achieve good relations with both Koreas and was invited to Six-Party Talks. Unfortunately, these beneficial circumstances did not last long. Since then Russia has been a rather non- active international player in the Peninsula, which has usually been bound up to Chinese actions. Hence, despite the ups and downs, Russia’s position since 1991 has been quite constant – that of a secondary great power in Korea.

Źródło:

Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia; 2017, 2/30; 157-172
0860-6102

Pojawia się w:

Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 40.

Tytuł:

Флоркросинг: особливості партійних перестрибувань в Україні
Floor-crossing: peculiar features of party switching in Ukraine
Флоркросинг – особенности партийных перемен (тушкування) в Украине

Autorzy:

Розік, Марія

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2176056.pdf

Data publikacji:

2022-12-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

Ukraine
floor-crossing
party switching
parliamentary faction
coalition
party affiliation
party-switchers
Украина
межпартийность
партийная смена
парламентская фракция
коалиция
партийная принадлежность
«тушки»

Opis:

The paper considers the meaning of the term “floor-crossing”, its basic kinds, legislative regulation and features of party switching in Ukraine since its independence. It has been found out that crossing the floor, change of political orientations and, as a consequence, adjustment of pre-election promises, the reality the Ukrainian politician face. Floor crossing in the Ukrainian Parliament has become a phenomenon that altered coalitions, generated opportunism and political corruption. It has been established that in modern practice there are two possible ways of influencing the process of inter-party switching: a legislative ban or a purely formal condemnation of the deputy’s/party’s actions on the part of the electorate and party members. To reduce the number of switching between factions, Ukraine has a so-called imperative mandate (a special version of it). It applies only to the deputies who are elected from the lists of political parties. Consequently, the problem lies in the partial legislative regulation of the problem of “floor-crossing”, which should be enshrined in new regulations /normative acts/. This acquires particular significance in the context of Russian military aggression and possible subversive activity of pro-Russian politicians, whose activities should be ruled out by such legislative acts. Any attempts to discredit the country on the part of deputies, making advances to the aggressor, should have legal consequences and the possibility for the electorate to influence the politician being elected. It has been found that frequent party switching discredits electoral and parliamentary system and shows flaws in the selection of personalities and why they go into politics; in addition, it can also indicate the strength or weakness of political parties. It has been proven that excessive and nontransparent motivated floor-crossing of deputies is becoming rarer with each new convocation, indicating a positive trend in the qualitative selection of candidates for deputies among party members. The final consolidation of the proportional system with open lists in the Electoral Code and the legislative regulation of inter-party/inter-factional switching should be the basis of qualitative deputy composition and commitment to declared political ideas.
В статье рассматривается значение термина «флоркросинг», его основные виды, законодательное регулирование и особенности смены партий в Украине за годы ее независимости. Выяснено, что флоркросинг, смена политических ориентаций и, как следствие, корректировка предвыборных обещаний, реальность, с которой столкнулся украинский политик. Флоркросинг в украинском парламенте стал явлением, которое изменило коалиции, породило оппортунизм и политическую коррупцию. Установлено, что в современной практике возможны два способа воздействия на процесс межпартийных переключений: законодательный запрет или чисто формальное осуждение действий депутата/ партии со стороны электората и членов партии. Для уменьшения количества переключений между фракциями в Украине существует так называемый императивный мандат (особая его версия). Он распространяется только на депутатов, избранных по спискам политических партий. Следовательно, проблема заключается в частичном законодательном регулировании проблемы «флоркросинга», что должно быть закреплено в новых нормативных актах. Это приобретает особое значение в условиях российской военной агрессии и возможной подрывной деятельности пророссийских политиков, деятельность которых должна быть исключена такими законодательными актами. Любые попытки дискредитировать страну со стороны депутатов, заигрывая с агрессором, должны иметь правовые последствия и возможность для электората влиять на избираемого политика. Выявлено, что частая смена партий дискредитирует избирательно-парламентскую систему, показывает недостатки в подборе личностей и причинах их ухода в политику; кроме того, это также может указывать на силу или слабость политических партий. Доказано, что чрезмерные и непрозрачные мотивированные переходы депутатов с каждым новым созывом становятся все более редкими, что свидетельствует о положительной тенденции качественного отбора кандидатов в депутаты из числа членов партии. Окончательное закрепление пропорциональной системы с открытыми списками в Избирательном кодексе и законодательное регулирование межпартийной/межфракционной смены должно стать основой качественного депутатского состава и приверженности декларируемым политическим идеям.

Źródło:

Studia Orientalne; 2022, 4(24); 56-70
2299-1999

Pojawia się w:

Studia Orientalne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 41.

Tytuł:

„Tacy byli”. Pracownicy polityczni KW PZPR w Gdańsku w latach 1978–1979
Political workers of Provincial Committee of PUWP in Gdansk in the years 1978-1979

Autorzy:

Żukowski, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488021.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
aparat partyjny
Polish United Workers' Party
communist party apparatus

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2014, 3; 207-219
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 42.

Tytuł:

Pracownicy Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w świetle przepisów Biura Politycznego Komitetu Centralnego z 1983 r.
The workers of the Polish United Workers Party in the light of regulations of Political Bureau of the Central Committee in 1983.

Autorzy:

Magier, Dariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488141.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

Polish United Workers' Party
communist party apparatus
Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
aparat partyjny

Opis:

Personnel policy was one of the main forms and methods of exercising authority by the communist party during the times of the Polish People’s Republic. The article discusses the rights and duties of the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party as a consequence of the new regulations concerning the mentioned matter, which appeared after the crisis of the communist party in the years 1980–1981. There has been made an observation that any job position in the communist party involved numerous privileges concerning wages and living conditions and above all, the real authority of the state was not exercised by the officers of state but by the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party.

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2012, 1; 89-100
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 43.

Tytuł:

ПОЛІТИЧНА КРИЗА У СЛОВАЧЧИНІ 1947 РОКУ
POLITICAL CRISIS IN SLOVAKIA IN 1947

Autorzy:

Vovkanych, Іvan
Shnitser, Ihor

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2153618.pdf

Data publikacji:

2022-12-12

Wydawca:

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. The Institute of History of Ukraine

Tematy:

Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
parliamentary elections
Democratic Party
Communist Party of Slovakia
political crisis
communism

Opis:

The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship

Źródło:

The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings; 2022, 31; 285-300
2411-345X
2415-7198

Pojawia się w:

The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 44.

Tytuł:

Zmiana systemu partyjnego jako kategoria badań politologicznych
Party System Change as a Category for the Political Science Research

Autorzy:

Myshlyayev, Taras

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26850687.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Akademia Zamojska

Tematy:

political party
party system
institutionalization
electoral system
partia polityczna
system partyjny
instytucjonalizacja
system wyborczy

Opis:

Artykuł traktuje o kategorii zmiany systemu partyjnego we współczesnej politologii. Celem pracy jest ustalenie istoty procesu zmian systemu partyjnego i jego roli w warunkach transformacji politycznej. Określono specyfikę zmian różnych rodzajów systemów partyjnych. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na wpływ czynnika podziałów socjopolitycznych na proces kształtowania się systemu partyjnego. Starano się zbadać, w jakim przypadku ma się do czynienia ze zmianą systemu partyjnego a w jakim nie. Podkreślono, że system partyjny kładzie nacisk na partie jako główne elementy składowe, a ewolucja systemu partyjnego jest funkcją zmian, które zachodzą w samych partiach.
Article is devoted to the study of the concept of party system change in the contemporary political science. The aim of the paper is to determine the essence of the party system change and its role in the process of political transformation. The article deals with the specifics of changes in different party systems. A lot of attention is devoted to the influence the socio-political divisions have on the formation of a party system. The author presents the cases when the actual change in the party system has taken place and where it has not. It is stressed that parties are the main components of the party system, and the evolution of the party system is a function of the changes that occur in the parties.

Źródło:

Facta Simonidis; 2013, 6, 1; 9-26
1899-3109

Pojawia się w:

Facta Simonidis

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 45.

Tytuł:

Party Behavior and the Formation of Minority Governments – Experiences in Denmark

Autorzy:

Radek, Robert

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514781.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

party leaders
minority government
coalition
Nordic States
Denmark
party behavior
elections
majority
parliamentary members

Opis:

In many modern democracies, the leaders who make important influential political decisions are highly likely to be party politicians or indeed party leaders. Very often they cannot prepare an adequate strategy for their political parties because it is usually impossible to find out all necessary elements for projecting the goals. It is not surprising that political parties are the most important organizations in modern politics and in the contemporary world, only a few states do without them. The reason that political parties are well-nigh ubiquitous is that they perform functions that are valuable to many political actors. Political parties play a major role in the recruitment of top politicians, on whom the momentous and painful political decisions often fall. With very few exceptions, political chief executives are elected on the slate of some established political party, and very often the head of government continues to serve as the head of the political party that propelled him or her into office. Democracy may be conceived as a process by which voters delegate policy-making authority to a set of representatives, and political parties are the main organizational vehicle by which such delegation takes place. The main aim of this article is focus on the minority government, which are especially common in the Scandinavian countries. They can be more easily formed and maintained where the party system makes it difficult to secure support for an alternative majority coalition to be formed, a vote of investiture is not required, and a government can stay in office unless there is an absolute majority against it. In the article will be emphasized some case studies of Denmark minority government formation and durability. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the specific of minority cabinet in Denmark.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 107-124
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 46.

Tytuł:

Variations in media freedom: Why do some governments in Central and Eastern Europe respect media freedom more than others

Autorzy:

Bajomi-Lázár, Péter

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471027.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej

Tematy:

clientelism
media capture
media freedom
party colonization of the media
party systems
state capture

Opis:

It is argued in this paper that the relative defi cit of media freedom in most of Central and Eastern Europe as opposed to the relative freedom of the media in most of Western Europe is ultimately rooted in the specifi cities of the former communist countries’ party systems. Young parties in young democracies lack the resources needed for party building and organization, which they compensate for by colonizing the state and the media and by exploiting state and media resources; party colonization of the media necessarily inhibits media freedom. It is further argued that temporal and spatial variations in media freedom in and across Central and Eastern Europe are explained by diff erent patterns of media colonization. Th e more centralized the governing party’s or parties’ decisionmaking structures, the greater the likelihood of one-party colonization, and the more fragmented the governing party’s or parties’ decision-making structures, the lesser the likelihood of such colonization; one-party colonization of the media leads to lower levels of media freedom than multi-party colonization. In other words, the weaker the government, the more freedom the media have.

Źródło:

Central European Journal of Communication; 2015, 8, 1(14); 4-20
1899-5101

Pojawia się w:

Central European Journal of Communication

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 47.

Tytuł:

The constitutional conditions and models of political party funding
Konstytucyjne uwarunkowania oraz modele finansowania partii politycznych

Autorzy:

Bidziński, Mariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/524561.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015-12-31

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

constitution, fundnig, party, political, transparency

Opis:

From the perspective of the political party, defining the sources and funding models are very important issues. Defining the legal standards, which provide in particular the certain and secure political parties funding, in a right manner, enables to direct their main activity on the more substantive areas. The subject area of the sources and models of political parties funding causes a great deal of emotions and controversy, not only among the political class, but also among the representatives of the science world and scholars. While the issue concerning the scope and amount of the funds has been revived at almost every single local, parliamentary or presidential elections, the analysis of and debate on the systemic solutions have been continued permanently.
Niezwykle ważnym z punktu widzenia funkcjonowania partii politycznych zagadnieniem jest określenie źródeł i modelu ich finansowania. Odpowiednie sformułowanie norm prawnych zapewniających w szczególności pewne i stałe źródła finansowania partiom politycznym pozwala skierować ich główną aktywność na bardziej merytoryczne obszary. Tematyka źródeł i modeli finasowania partii politycznych budzi wiele emocji i kontrowersji nie tylko wśród klasy politycznej, ale także w gronie przedstawicieli nauki i doktryny. O ile samo zagadnienie źródeł i wysokości środków odżywa przy okazji praktycznie każdych wyborów samorządowych, parlamentarnych czy prezydenckich, o tyle analiza i debata nad rozwiązaniami systemowymi trwa w zasadzie permanentnie.

Źródło:

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2015, 6 (28); 163-171
2082-1212

Pojawia się w:

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 48.

Tytuł:

Polska Partia Socjalistyczna w powiecie częstochowskim w latach 1945 – 1948
Polish Socialist Party in the district of Częstochowa in the years of 1945-1948.

Autorzy:

Szczypka, Andrzej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/517582.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach

Tematy:

History
Polish Socialist Party
Częstochowa

Opis:

During the first three months after the liberation of the Częstochowa district by the Red Army the structures of the Polish Socialist Party were rebuilt. Its completion was achieved by the time the first town and district congress of PSP took place on 29th April 1945. The function of the provisional town and district president of PSP was entrusted to Jan Kaźmierczak. The socialists from Częstochowa assumed several important positions in the civil service ,e.g. Bronisław Federak became the vice president of Częstochowa and Ferdynand Szmidla was appointed the president of the Municipal National Council. Two parties competed for the influence in the working class community – Polish Workers’ Party and Polish Socialist Party. Due to this political competition some conflicts between these parties arose. One of them became especially conspicuous after the comunists’ loss in the elections to the works councils. However, the mutual antagonism between the two parties abated in connection with the referendum and elections to the Legislative Sejm as . Both parties cooperated with each other in the propaganda actions. After the communists’ win in the Legislative Sejm elections, they started the stage of assuming control over PSP. Their methods included organization of meetings for the activists of both parties during which , those PSP members who were against the communists’ politics were eliminated, often with the help of Secret Service executing frequent arrests. The main goal of all these intimidating actions was to weaken PSP by forcing the socialists to join the Polish Workers’ Party. The decision concerning such a strategy was made during the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers’ Party on 6th March 1948 and it was fulfilled in the middle of December 1948 during the Unification Congress when The Polish United Workers' Party was established.

Źródło:

Historia i Świat; 2014, 3; 231-258
2299-2464

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Świat

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 49.

Tytuł:

A comparative empirical analysis of voter behavior 2012 and 2016 US elections

Autorzy:

Tahir, Ismail

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2049784.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021

Wydawca:

Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum

Tematy:

Campaigns
Election
Voters
Candidate
Party

Opis:

The analysis focuses on similarities and differences of behavior exhibited by voters in the 2012 and 2016 US elections with verification from empirical sources. The analysis has revealed the use of internet in both elections as well as the mobilization of certain groups of voters including Latinos, women, and working class. Social classes are also revealed to also have effect on the election due to the varying response by the groups during elections. The analysis of the two elections is not ample to come up with a decisive conclusion on the behavior of voters during elections in regard to their reaction to the political and other factors involved.

Źródło:

Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2021, 2(41); 105-109
1898-8431

Pojawia się w:

Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 50.

Tytuł:

Czy polskie partie są demokratyczne?
Are the Polish parties democratic?

Autorzy:

Tomczak, Łukasz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953218.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015-09-30

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

political parties
democracy
party leader

Opis:

The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland). The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.

Źródło:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 47; 84-97
1505-2192

Pojawia się w:

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 51.

Tytuł:

Ara es l’hora? The Approach of the Catalan Political Scene to Independence Issues

Autorzy:

Pobóg-Lenartowicz, Maria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519532.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK

Tematy:

Catalonia
independence
nationalism
party system

Opis:

The political situation in Catalonia during the last months is changing almost daily. Catalan nationalist movements consistently continue their efforts to create an independent state. As a result, every vote – an unofficial plebiscite, local elections or elections to the Catalan parliament – is treated like a referendum on the matter of independence. The Catalan actions that are ever more faster and further-reaching meet with a growing opposition of the central government, threatening the Catalan authorities with a number of sanctions in case of taking further, concrete steps to break away from Spain. Although, from the outside, the Catalan independence parties seem to be a monolith, the situation on the regional political scene is much more complex. During the past several months, the balance of power of political parties in Catalonia was completely changed. Ruling for almost thirty years, Convergencia i Unió divided and the results of the election of 27 September forced Prime Minister Artur Mas (of the centre-right CiU) and the leaders of the new pro-independence coalition Junts pel Si to seek an ally in the far-left Popular Unity Candidacy. Therefore, this is a time of difficult choices for Catalonia, not only in relation to the issue of independence, but also when it comes to alliances on the national political scene. In this article, I will try to analyze the curent political scene in Catalonia and its impact on the independence aspirations of the Autonomous Community. I will examine the current balance of power of political parties and the changes that have occurred in 2015. I will look at the programmes of the leading – in recent years as well as currently – Catalan political factions in terms of their outlook on the issue of independence. Finally, I will consider in what way the complex situation on the Catalan political scene may become a determinant of the effectiveness of the demands for independence made by the authorities of Catalonia.

Źródło:

Historia i Polityka; 2016, 16(23); 27-41
1899-5160
2391-7652

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 52.

Tytuł:

Produkcja kancelaryjna wojewódzkiej organizacji Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1975-1990
The output of the filing systems of the Voivodeship-level organizations of the Polish United Workers Party in the years 1975-1990

Autorzy:

Magier, Dariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488127.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
dokumentacja partii komunistycznej
Polish United Workers’ Party
communist party documentation

Opis:

The filing system of the Voivodeship-level party organisation of the Polish United Workers' Party in the years 1975-1990 covered the operations of the filing system of the Voivodeship Committee, the provincial centres of party work (from 1982), the committees of Cities, City-Communes, and Communes, and also staff committees and the central and branch party organisations. Depending on the volume and degree of industrialisation of a region, the organisation could show even as many as a thousand staff, who participated in recording the activities of the Communist party bureaucracy. In fact, every recorded piece of information which was created as a result of the party structures' functioning constituted a party document. The party documents consisted of internal and external records, which accumulated as a result of cases being conducted (the system of mcase files), and these comprised the whole of the documentation held moriginally in particular organisational units, whole organisations, and party organisational cells. Despite the existing rule of the reproducing of mthe work of superior party structures by the inferior units, the filing work of PUWP structures resulted in highly diverse documentation. In this marticle, the Author is going to attempt to answer three fundamental questions capturing the essence of "a party document", i.e. what were the main types of documentation produced by the Communist Party, what rules governed the formulation of the records in the party structures, and what rules governed the measures of authentication?

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2013, 2; 141-156
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 53.

Tytuł:

KOMUNISTYCZNA PARTIA CZECH I MORAW – SKUTECZNE POŁĄCZENIE PROTESTU SOCJALNEGO I NACJONALISTYCZNEGO
THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA: A SUCCESSFUL ENGAGEMENT OF THE SOCIAL AND THE NATIONALIST PROTEST

Autorzy:

Kubát, Michal

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513008.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia
social protest
nationalist protest

Opis:

Communist parties are generally associated with proletarian internationalism. How-ever, some communist parties have a double “face” – an internationalist one and nation-alist one. Present-day Czech communists successfully build on this tactic. My article will answer the following research questions: What causes the strong nationalist orientation of contemporary Czech communists? What type of nationalism does it represent? And is the outlined continuity between the interwar period and the present-day accidental or is it (at least partly) caused by certain objective political and/or social factors?

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 79-90 (12)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 54.

Tytuł:

Jedność czy różnorodność? Bułgarskie partie lewicowe w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku
Єдність чи різнорідність? Болгарські ліві партії у 90-х роках ХХ ст.

Autorzy:

Woźnica, Rafał

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489498.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu

Tematy:

Bulgarian political scene,
Bulgarian Comunist Party,
Bulgarian Socialist Party,
Bulgarian Euroleft,
New Left coalition, election

Opis:

The Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), a successor of the Bulgarian Communist Party, retained a dominant position among left-wing political groups in the country. This position of the post-communist party made it increasingly difficult for other leftist groups to emerge on the Bulgarian political scene. The most successful attempt to break this monopoly was made by the Bulgarian Euroleft (BEL), established in February 1997. Changes in the BSP’s management and the election failure of 1997 made it possible to begin cooperation with other leftist parties, aiming at establishing the New Left coalition. The political treaty signed on 7 January 2001 ended the 100 years of competition between left-wing and centre-left parties and strengthened the position of the BSP as a leader among Bulgarian left-wing parties.

Źródło:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 195-201
2312-8933

Pojawia się w:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 55.

Tytuł:

THE MULTIVOCALITY OF TURKISH POLITICAL ISLAM AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE COUNTRY’S DEMOCRATIZATION

Autorzy:

Ozzano, Luca

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642948.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych

Tematy:

multivocality
political theology
Welfare Party
AKP

Opis:

The last decades of the 20th century and the beginnings of the 21st century have witnessed a global resurgence of religion and an increase of its influence on politics worldwide. Therefore, political scientists have started to try to assess the influence of the religious factor on the democratization processes, both in democratizing countries and in established democracies. Several points of view have been put forward, regarding religion as a factor hindering democratization, distinguishing between democracy-friendly and democracy-hostile religions, or regarding every religious tradition as a multivocal corpus of different messages, which can be interpreted in the political field both in pro-democratic and in anti-democratic terms. This contribution adopts this latter point of view in its analysis of the influence of political Islam on Turkey’s democratization processes. Particularly, it shows that political Islam has favoured democratization processes whenever its leaders have not refused social and political pluralism, while it has obstructed such processes when its leaders were unable to emancipate themselves from religious organizations and from the bulk of their Islamist social base, which has left their commitment divided between them and democratic ideals.

Źródło:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2017, 1
2299-4335

Pojawia się w:

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 56.

Tytuł:

Organizacja Międzywojewódzkiej Szkoły Partyjnej we Wrocławiu na przykładzie: Projektu organizacji pracy w Międzywojewódzkiej Szkole PZPR w Łodzi wraz z diagramami organizacyjnymi Międzywojewódzkiej Szkoły Partyjnej w Łodzi i we Wrocławiu z roku 1952
The organization Interprovincial Party School Wroclaw example: Project organization work in the Interprovincial School of PUWP in Lodz along with organizational diagrams Interprovincial Party School in Lodz and Wroclaw from 1952

Autorzy:

Czaderna, Ryszard

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488075.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

szkoły partyjne PZPR
communist party schools

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2013, 2; 297-313
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 57.

Tytuł:

WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI
A VISION OF THE STATE IN UNIA WOLNOŚCI’S POLITICAL THOUGHT

Autorzy:

Szczepański, Dominik

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513078.pdf

Data publikacji:

2012

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

political party
Union Freedom
constitution
democracy

Opis:

The aim of the article was to present the UW party’s assumptions of the political system of the country. A particular attention was paid to the principle of separation of powers and the need to maintain a balance between the legislative, administrative and judicatory power. The scope of the various authorities have been discussed, and specific solutions pointed at which, according to UW ideologues, may have contributed to their better functioning.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2012, 10; 151-159 (9)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 58.

Tytuł:

Spain`s Party System at Times of the Economical Crisis after 2008

Autorzy:

Myśliwiec, Małgorzata

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514541.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

political parties
party system
economical crisis

Opis:

In reality of representative democracy, the economic situation of the state is one of the most important factors determining the stability and durability of a political system. In 2008 an intense economic crisis affected whole Europe. One of consequences of this situation were serious changes in composition and functioning of political systems and its subsystems in almost all countries belonging to the region. This phenomenon has also occurred in contemporary Spain. The main aim of this paper will be to show how the Spanish party system has changed after the outbreak of the economic crisis of 2008.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 125-162
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 59.

Tytuł:

Glosa do postanowienia Sądu Najwyższego z dnia 27 września 2017 r., v csk 50/17
The Gloss on the judgment of the NSA dated 8 March 2017, II OSK 1698/15

Autorzy:

Księżak, Paweł

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/596963.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe

Tematy:

party to proceedings; investor; use permit

Opis:

The subject of gloss on the judgment of the Supreme Administrative Court, ref. II OSK 1698/12, includes the issue of establishing a party in the proceedings for the annulment of the decision on the use permit for a building. In the opinion of the Supreme Administrative Court, the procedure of extraordinary proceedings, in this case, cannot be limited only to the possibility of the investor initiating proceedings.
Glosa do postanowienia Sądu Najwyższego z dnia 27 września 2017 r., v csk 50/17

Źródło:

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne; 2018, 107; 83-91
0081-6841

Pojawia się w:

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 60.

Tytuł:

Первая аграрная программа Конституционно-Демократической Партии
The first agrarian program of Constitutional-Democratic Party
Pierwszy program agrarny Partii Konstytucyjno-Demokratycznej

Autorzy:

Wiśniewski, Edward

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687774.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

-
Rosja
chłopi
partia
Russia
peasants
party

Opis:

Powstała w październiku 1905 roku Partia Konstytucyjno-Demokratyczna na swoim pierwszym zjeździe przyjęła program, w którym również znalazły się punkty dotyczące kwestii chłopskiej. Między innymi proponowano bezrolnym i małorolnym chłopom przydzielenie ziemi państwowej i apanażowej, a także częściowe uwłaszczenie ziemi obszarniczej za wynagrodzeniem dotychczasowym właścicielom w tych regionach, gdzie by jej nie wystarczało. Postulowano utworzenie państwowego funduszu ziemi, przesiedlanie chłopów i uregulowanie kwestii dzierżawy. Program ten na posiedzeniu Komitetu Centralnego i na drugim zjeździe partii w styczniu 1906 roku uznano za niewystarczający i proponowano jego zmianę. Jednak liderzy partii z Pawłem Milukowem na czele uznali, że nie należy dokonywać żadnych zmian, co odbiło się na rezultatach wyborów do I Dumy Państwowej w 1906 roku, kiedy tylko 4% chłopów głosowało na partię kadetów.
The Constitutional Democratic Party, which was established in October 1905, during its First Congress adopted a program that took into consideration the peasant issue. Among many others, party members proposed landless peasants and smallholders to allocate state and appanage land as well as partial enfranchisement of lands, with refund paid to its owners in the regions with no land to offer. They postulated the creation of a state fund land, resettlement of peasants and regulation of the lease. The program in question was declared insufficient at the meeting of the Central Committee and the Second Party Congress in January 1906. However, party leaders with Paul Miliukov amongst them, decided that no changes should be implemented, which gravely affected the results of the elections to the State Duma in 1906 with only 4% of farmers voting for the party of cadets.
-

Źródło:

Studia z Historii Społeczno-Gospodarczej XIX i XX Wieku; 2016, 16; 133-145
2450-6796

Pojawia się w:

Studia z Historii Społeczno-Gospodarczej XIX i XX Wieku

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 61.

Tytuł:

Техніка «санітарного кордону» до радикальних партій у країнах Центрально-Східної Європи
Technika stosowania „kordonu sanitarnego” wobec radykalnych partii w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

Autorzy:

Романюк, Анатолій
Литвин, Віталій

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489394.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu

Tematy:

“cordon sanitaire”,
party,
elections,
parliament,
cabinet,
strategy of cross-party cooperation, radicalism,
Central-Eastern Europe

Opis:

The article is dedicated to reviewing the “cordon sanitaire” technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation’s strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and right-wing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the “cordon sanitaire” technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.

Źródło:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 130-144
2312-8933

Pojawia się w:

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 62.

Tytuł:

UNIA WOLNOŚCI W OŚWIĘCIMIU
THE FREEDOM UNION IN OŚWIĘCIM

Autorzy:

URBIŃSKI, JACEK

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513555.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

Freedom Union
political party
power
Oświęcim

Opis:

The Freedom Union was a liberal democratic political party based on the Solidarity trade union movement. It was founded in 1994 out of the merger of the Democratic Union and the Liberal Democratic Congress. The leaders of The Freedom Union had a huge influence on policy in free and democratic Poland. In 2001 some members of the party decided to move to join the new Civic Platform. In 2005 the Freedom Union’s leadership founded the social-liberal Democratic Party. The article is about The Freedom Union in Oswiecim, where the party was authentic in power.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 19-31 (13)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 63.

Tytuł:

Partia Demokratyczna w midterm elections 2010
The Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010

Autorzy:

RÓŻEWICZ, Maciej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616432.pdf

Data publikacji:

2011

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

Democratic Party
midterm elections
Partia Demokratyczna

Opis:

The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the ‘midterm elections effect’, the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama’s domestic policy.

Źródło:

Przegląd Politologiczny; 2011, 3; 133-146
1426-8876

Pojawia się w:

Przegląd Politologiczny

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 64.

Tytuł:

Opinia prawna na temat utraty przez partie polityczne prawa do otrzymywania subwencji z budżetu państwa w myśl art. 38d ustawy z 27 czerwca 1997 r. o partiach politycznych
Legal opinion on the deprivation of political parties of their right to receive subsidies from the state budget pursuant to Article 38d of the Act of 27 June 1997 on Political Parties (BAS-WAUiP-140/15)

Autorzy:

Kubuj, Katarzyna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2223675.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych

Tematy:

term of office
political party
subsidies

Opis:

The opinion emphasizes that the sanction of deprivation of the right to receive subsidies by political parties constitute an ailment resulting from the violation of legal standards concerning financial reporting of a political party for a calendar year. The Act on Political Parties provides for the possibility of different interpretations of Article 38d governing the reception of subsidies from the state budget by political parties. However, the author claims that a three-year period after which a political party loses the right to receive subsidies, runs irrespective of the termination or shortening of the term of the Sejm.

Źródło:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2015, 2(46); 86-93
1896-9852
2082-064X

Pojawia się w:

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 65.

Tytuł:

Zmiany zaangażowania Komitetu Warszawskiego PZPR w sprawy gospodarki i przemysłu w latach 1950–1975

Autorzy:

Tymiński, Maciej

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/603213.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie

Tematy:

PZPR
gospodarka
przemysł
aparat partyjny
Komitet Warszawski
Polish United Workers’ Party
economic matters
industry
local apparatus of the Polish United Workers’ Party
Party’s Warsaw Committee

Opis:

W artykule przeprowadzono analizę ilościową zaangażowania aparatu Komitetu Warszawskiego PZPR w gospodarkę (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem przemysłu) w latach 1950–1975. Po przedstawieniu materiału źródłowego i jego krytyki autor prezentuje zmiany poziomu aktywności KW określane poprzez liczbę spraw dyskutowanych podczas posiedzeń egzekutywy (rocznie), by następnie dokonać analogicznej analizy w odniesieniu do spraw gospodarczych i przemysłowych. W konkluzjach zostały wskazane podstawowe tendencje zaobserwowane w badanym okresie – ogólna tendencja spadkowa aktywności aparatu warszawskiego PZPR, momenty stanowiące punkty zwrotne w jego aktywności (przede wszystkim rok 1956) oraz gwałtowny wzrost zaangażowania KW w sprawy gospodarcze po dojściu do władzy Edwarda Gierka.
The article focuses on quantitative analysis of the involvement of the Warsaw Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in economic matters (with particular emphasis on industry) in the years 1950–1975. After introducing and commenting on source material, the author discusses changes in the Committee’s general level of activity estimated on the basis of the number of items discussed during executive meetings (annually) and uses the same method in evaluating the activity concerning economic and industrial matters. The conclusions indicate basic trends which could be observed in the period in question – the overall decrease in the level of activity of the Warsaw Committee’s apparatus, watershed moments in its operation (primarily the year 1956) and a sudden surge in its involvement in economic matters after Edward Gierek’s rise to power.

Źródło:

Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych; 2019, 80
0080-3634

Pojawia się w:

Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 66.

Tytuł:

Ksiądz pułkownik Józef Panaś jako niezłomny działacz ludowy w walce z obozem sanacji w latach 1926–1939
Father Colonel Józef Panaś as an indomitable peasant activist in the fight against the Sanacja camp in 1926–1939

Autorzy:

Stawarz, Przemysław

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/688350.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Tematy:

sanacja
strajk
obchody
PSL „Piast”
Stronnictwo Ludowe
sanitation
strike
celebration
Polish Peasant Party „Piast”
Peasant Party

Opis:

The purpose of this article is to show the chaplain’s activity in the fight against sanitation. Opposition to the hero of this article against the government after the May coup was reflected mainly in his articles published in the interwar press. It should also be noted that the chaplain was a strong opponent of the 1926 May coup and the event was strongly condemned. In addition, the chaplain was an ardent and uncompromising patriot. The overriding goal for the chaplain was the good of the state based on democratic and sovereign principles. He was also an advocate of the emancipation of the Polish village and its inhabitants. Many valuable articles written by this chaplain were an impulse a clue to the then opposition. This opposition adopted an unwavering attitude to the ruling country. This article is characterized by an ideological and programmatic contribution to the development of the popular movement in the Second Polish Republic. In summary, the chaplain expressed his views on many political, social and national issues. However, over the years the chaplain’s attitude has evolved and his views have become more pragmatic at the time. This attitude was then mainly due threat of an outbreak of world armed conflict.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie aktywności księdza kapelana Józefa Panasia w walce z obozem sanacji. Stosunek kapelana do rządów pomajowych znajdował odzwierciedlenie przede wszystkim w jego artykułach publikowanych na łamach prasy ludowej okresu międzywojennego. Ksiądz kapelan był żarliwym i bezkompromisowym patriotą oraz zdecydowanym przeciwnikiem zamachu majowego z 1926 r. Wydarzenie to w sposób zdecydowany i jednoznaczny potępił. Nadrzędnym celem działalności ks. J. Panasia było dobro państwa, opartego na zasadach demokratycznych i suwerennych. Był też orędownikiem emancypacji wsi polskiej i jej mieszkańców. Wiele cennych i wartościowych tekstów pióra kapelana było także impulsem i wskazówką do niezłomnej postawy niektórych członków ówczesnej opozycji z rządzącymi. W artykule scharakteryzowano ideowo-programowy wkład J. Panasia w rozwój ruchu ludowego w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej. Ksiądz kapelan dawał wyraz swoim poglądom na wiele zagadnień politycznych, ustrojowych i narodowościowych. Jednakże z biegiem lat jego postawa wobec sanacji ewoluowała i jego ocena ówczesnej rzeczywistości stawała się bardziej liberalna i pragmatyczna. Wynikało to w dużej mierze ze zbliżającego się niebezpieczeństwa i realnej groźby wybuchu światowego konfliktu zbrojnego.

Źródło:

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2018, 100; 117-143
0208-6050
2450-6990

Pojawia się w:

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 67.

Tytuł:

Program i działalność CasaPound Italia a model antypartii Ryszarda Herbuta
Program and activity of CasaPound Italia in the context of Ryszard Herbut’s anti-party model

Autorzy:

Józefowicz, Maria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616804.pdf

Data publikacji:

2015

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

Italy
extreme right
anti-party model
CasaPound Italia
anti-party
Włochy
skrajna prawica
model antypartii
antypartia

Opis:

CasaPound Italia, program and organizational model of which are examined in this article, is one of the most important extreme right-wing socio-political groups currently active in Italy. The aim of the paper is to present the program, organizational structure and principles of operation of CasaPound in terms of the anti-party model formulated by Ryszard Herbut. The theoretical background for the anti-party model’s presentation is a result of a research on the conceptualization of the anti-partisanship’s idea and anti-party attitude (sentiments). Analysis of CasaPound’s campaigns, promoted values, proposed slogans and methods of facing challenges leads to answer to a question of whether it is possible to use the Herbut’s model to describe and systematize the organization’s profile.
CasaPound Italia, której program i model organizacyjny są przedmiotem analizy, jest jednym z największych skrajnie prawicowych ugrupowań społeczno-politycznych działających obecnie we Włoszech. Celem artykułu jest prezentacja programu, struktury organizacyjnej oraz zasad działania CasaPound w aspekcie modelu antypartii sformułowanego przez Ryszarda Herbuta. Teoretycznym tłem dla przedstawienia modelu antypartii są wyniki badań dotyczące konceptualizacji pojęcia antypartyjności i antypartyjnych nastawień. Analiza przeprowadzanych kampanii, propagowanych wartości, wysuwanych haseł oraz sposobów podejmowania wyzwań przez CasaPound Italia prowadzi do odpowiedzi na pytanie czy można posłużyć się modelem Herbuta do deskrypcji i usystematyzowania profilu organizacji.

Źródło:

Przegląd Politologiczny; 2015, 1; 121-136
1426-8876

Pojawia się w:

Przegląd Politologiczny

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 68.

Tytuł:

Better Not at All Than Not Well. A Review of a Biography of Władysław Gomułka

Autorzy:

Eisler, Jerzy

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/953776.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie

Tematy:

Władysław Gomułka ‘Wiesław’
communism
Polish United Workers’ Party
Polish Workers’ Party
Anita Prażmowska
biography
communist leadership

Opis:

Władysław Gomułka was the Polish communist leader who, most probably, played the most important role in the history of Poland. In the years 1943–48 he was the Secretary of the Polish Workers’ Party, and next, from 1956 to 1970, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. According to the rule ‘the more power the more responsibility’, which had particular significance in non-democratic systems, Gomułka was responsible or co-responsible for everything good but also for everything bad that happened in Poland during his rule. At the same time he is this Polish communist leader, on whose life and activity over twenty books were published. One of the recent ones was published by Anita Prażmowska. Unfortunately, this is not a successful attempt.

Źródło:

Kwartalnik Historyczny; 2017, 124
0023-5903

Pojawia się w:

Kwartalnik Historyczny

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 69.

Tytuł:

TWO STATES, FOUR ELECTIONS, ONE ISSUE – GREECE AND POLAND ON THE POPULIST PATH
DWA PAŃSTWA, CZTERY WYBORY, JEDNO ZAGADNIENIE – GRECJA I POLSKA NA ŚCIEŻCE POPULISTYCZNEJ

Autorzy:

Jakimowicz-Pisarska, Iwona
Tzagkarakis, Stylianos Ioannis

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/418755.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Akademia Marynarki Wojennej. Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych

Tematy:

populism
right wing party
left wing party
Greece
Polska
populizm
partie prawicowe
partie lewicowe
Grecja
Polska

Opis:

Populism is a phenomenon that has developed particularly in the years after the crisis in Europe. This does not mean that it did not exist in the pre-crisis era, but its impetus at this time creates significant pressures for both democracy and the very future of Europe. However, populism exist both in the right and the left of the political spectrum, but its meth-ods goes beyond the ideological contradictions on the road to gaining and preserving pow-er. The comparative study of these features and an attempt to categorize them is the basic aim of this article. Therefore, we use the example of the right-wing populist party “Law and Justice” which is governing Poland and the left-wing populist party, SYRIZA, which is the ruling party in Greece, in order to highlight both the differences, but most importantly the similarities in their strategies and methods.
Populizm jest swego rodzaju fenomenem, który szczególnie zyskuje na sile w cza-sie kryzysu trwającego w dzisiejszej Europie. Nie znaczy to oczywiście, że jego przejawy nie występowały znacznie wcześniej ale ponowny rozkwit łączony jest z widoczną presją polityczną oraz ekonomiczną, a także wyraźnie uwidacznia się w kontekście współczesnej debaty o demokracji i przyszłości Unii Europejskiej. Populizm ma dwa oblicza – lewicowy i prawicowy, które pozwalają mu na elastycz-ne reagowanie na sytuację polityczną, a dzięki temu, na dojście do władzy posługującym się nim politykom i partiom politycznym. Porównawczy tekst działań obu rodzajów współ-czesnego populizmu stał się osią prezentowanego artykułu. Wykorzystanie przykładów : Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w Polsce, jako partii prawicowo -populistycznej oraz greckiej SY-PIZA, reprezentującej lewicowy populizm, pozwala na porównanie strategii obu ugrupowań. Dzięki zestawieniu tych dwóch populistycznych partii możliwe było wskazanie zarówno różnic, jak i podobieństw obu rodzajów populizmu w czasie bieżących wydarzeń politycz-nych w państwach należących do Unii Europejskiej. Mimo bowiem wielu odmienności poli-tyki Polski i Grecji zjawisko populizmu politycznego zdaje się być wspólne nie tylko dla tych wskazanych w tekście państw ale także innych europejskich demokracji.

Źródło:

Colloquium; 2019, 11, 3; 127-145
2081-3813
2658-0365

Pojawia się w:

Colloquium

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 70.

Tytuł:

The role of political parties in building democracy in India and Pakistan. A party-oriented approach towards democratisation processes

Autorzy:

Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526934.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Collegium Civitas

Tematy:

democracy in Asia
party system in India
party system in Pakistan
nuclear weapon states
criminalisation of politics

Opis:

Political parties in India and Pakistan consider democracy a desirable regime for their countries. In order to introduce their own vision of a democratic state, they violate rules of free and fair elections, undermining the very procedures that constitute democracy. The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League made different kinds of impacts on the democratisation processes in India and Pakistan respectively. In just a few years, the Indian National Congress, contrary to its counterpart in Pakistan, introduced a constitution and organised elections.

Źródło:

Securitologia; 2016, 1 (23); 159-175
1898-4509

Pojawia się w:

Securitologia

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 71.

Tytuł:

Antykomunizm socjalistów – kilka uwag krytycznych
Anti-Communism of Socialists – Some Critical Remarks

Autorzy:

Piskała, Kamil

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628429.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie

Tematy:

socialism
communism
Polish Socialist Party
Communist Party of Poland
socjalizm
komunizm
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna
Komunistyczna Partia Polski

Opis:

Niniejszy artykuł recenzyjny omawia edycję dokumentów dotyczącą stosunku międzywojennej PPS do ruchu komunistycznego. Recenzowana praca stanowi przedsięwzięcie ambitne, lecz ma wiele słabości, związanych m.in. ze sposobem doboru dokumentów czy perspektywą przyjętą we wstępie. Wobec tego można ją uznać co najwyżej za wstęp do dalszych badań nad tą problematyką, a nie całościowy i wielowymiarowy obraz stosunków pomiędzy PPS a KPRP/KPP.
This review article discusses an edition of documents concerning the attitude of the interwar Polish Socialist Party (PPS) to the communist movement. The reviewed work is an ambitious undertaking, but it has many weaknesses resulting from, among other things, the method of selecting documents or the perspective adopted in the introduction. Therefore, it can be considered at best as an introduction to further research on this issue, and not a comprehensive and multidimensional picture of relations between the PPS and the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (KPRP)/Communist Party of Poland (KPP).

Źródło:

Dzieje Najnowsze; 2021, 53, 2; 203-215
0419-8824

Pojawia się w:

Dzieje Najnowsze

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 72.

Tytuł:

The ‘Christian Fortress of Hungary’ – The Anatomy of the Migration Crisis in Hungary

Autorzy:

Gield, Viktor
Pap, Norbert

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/419606.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie

Tematy:

Migration
Crisis
Fidesz
Jobbik
Party competition
Campaign

Opis:

This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam, the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders and altering the Hungarian Constitution played in the competitive communication of the national-radical Jobbik party and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-KDNP which typically emphasise their Christian character. Furthermore this essay follows up the elements of political campaign related to the referendum on relocation quota between the end of 2014 and November 2016.

Źródło:

Yearbook of Polish European Studies; 2016, 19; 133-150
1428-1503

Pojawia się w:

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 73.

Tytuł:

Electoral Defeat and Party Change: When do Parties Adapt?

Autorzy:

Pacześniak, Anna
Bachryj-Krzywaźnia, Maciej
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375464.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-12-10

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

electoral defeat
political parties
party change
Europe

Opis:

Electoral defeat has sometimes been called the mother of party change, but is this reputation warranted? In this paper we investigate whether party characteristics such as government status, party systemic origins, or ideological family affect how parties respond to defeat. Examining 73 parties in 28 countries, considering party efforts to change their leadership, their programs and their organizations, we conclude that only systemic origin (post-communist vs. West European countries) is a relevant factor affecting depth of party change. Parties take some corrective actions after electoral defeat, however, they are not likely to be a wholesale reforms. Thus, it would be more accurate to describe electoral defeat as a midwife of a party change, not as its mother.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2020, 27; 63-78
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 74.

Tytuł:

An Institutional Approach to Trade Union Density. The Case of Legal Origins and Political Ideology

Autorzy:

Lewkowicz, Jacek
Lewczuk, Anna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1357594.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018-03-21

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Ekonomicznych

Tematy:

institutions
trade unions
legal origin
party ideologies

Opis:

Which institutions may be important in terms of trade union density and how significant they are? Although the status of trade unions may be very different among states, unions are still a very meaningful component of labour markets. In this paper, we contribute to the debate about the institutions that may affect the outcome of trade unions in different legal systems. Firstly, we draw on the theoretical underpinnings of trade union activity and density. Then, we conduct an empirical analysis of the relationships between trade union density in a particular country, country’s legal origins and government’s ideology. In this way, the paper enriches an underexploited niche in institutional research devoted to labour market issues.

Źródło:

Central European Economic Journal; 2017, 2, 49; 35 - 49
2543-6821

Pojawia się w:

Central European Economic Journal

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 75.

Tytuł:

WIZJA UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W KONCEPCJACH PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI W ŚWIETLE TEORII MIĘDZYRZĄDOWYCH I PONADNARODOWYCH
THE VISION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONCEPTS OF THE LAW AND JUSTICE PARTY IN THE LIGHT OF THE INTERGOVERNMENTAL AND SUPRANATIONAL THEORIES

Autorzy:

Staszczyk, Artur

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513653.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

European Union
vision
integration theories
political party

Opis:

The paper explores the issue of the application of selected theories of European inte-gration (intergovernmental and supranational) to explain the position of the Polish Justice Law and Justice party with regard to the functioning and future of the EU. The party, led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, is a political formation which is actively engaged in the debate on the shape of the EU, pertaining to both its theoretical and practical policies. The ongoing debate has taken the form of battle between neo-functionalism and state-centric intergovernmental approach. The author believes that the main theory that explains the Law and Justice party’s approach to European issues is inter-governmentalism which aligns well with the concept of “Europe of Motherlands” adopted by the party. It proclaims the primacy of nation state and its interests in the process of European integration. This is tantamount to refuting the view that the EU can develop only in accordance with the neo-functionalism’s spill-over logic which will eventually lead to the formation of a European federation.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 3; 169-184 (19)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 76.

Tytuł:

Party system and media in Poland after 1989

Autorzy:

Sula, Piotr

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471123.pdf

Data publikacji:

2008-09

Wydawca:

Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej

Tematy:

Polska
political parties
party system
media
cartelization

Opis:

The importance of the media for the party system formation in Poland in the transforma- tion is unarguable. This signifi cance resulted from the lack of developed party structures that could be involved in process of communication between party elites and electorate. Hence, media became the only possible instrument that might have been used in arousing electorate’s interest. However, the interdependence between party system and media means also that the parties had their influence on the legal framework of the media and sometimes ideological profile as well.

Źródło:

Central European Journal of Communication; 2008, 1, 1; 145-155
1899-5101

Pojawia się w:

Central European Journal of Communication

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 77.

Tytuł:

Ruch Praw i Wolności – partia bułgarskich Turków
The Movement for Rights and Freedoms – the party of Bulgarian Turks

Autorzy:

Bieniek, Karol

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489915.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie

Tematy:

national minorities
political party
ethnoregionalism
Bulgaria
Turks

Opis:

The main subject of the article is the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (Hak ve Özgürlükler Hareketi, HÖH) – a party that operates in Bulgaria and represents the Turkish national minority living in that country. In the course of the deliberations that aim at establishing whether the party is of ethnoregional character, the article discusses the historical functioning of the Turkish national minority in Bulgaria, the contemporary legal situation of the minority, and the genesis of the party. Then, the article describes the activity of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms on the Bulgarian political scene with respect to parliamentary, local, and European Parliament elections.

Źródło:

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2013, 11; 8-20
2081-3333

Pojawia się w:

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 78.

Tytuł:

Partia Narodowa w Afryce Południowej - od pełni władzy do upadku
The National Party in South Africa - from full power to downfall

Autorzy:

Żukowski, Arkadiusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566674.pdf

Data publikacji:

2009

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych

Tematy:

National Party
South Africa
Afrikaner nationalism
Republicanism

Opis:

The article focuses on analysing the activity of the National Party in South Africa from its establishment in 1914 until disbanding in 2005 as well as the article covers period of the last years when the attempts to reestablish the party occurred. At first, the aims of the party were presented with practise of their implementation (Afrikaner nationalism, Republicanism) during the inter-war period and especially after 1948 when the National Party, after winning election, started to rule South Africa continuously for 46 years. The phenomenon of supremacy of the National Party, its growing support among white electorate against a background of introducing apartheid policy and its later modifications are widely explained. Special emphasis is drawn to the period of transition and the role of National Party in the process. Presenting election results in 1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009, the reasons of declined importance and then marginalisation of the National Party are underlined.

Źródło:

Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 101-124
1734-1698

Pojawia się w:

Forum Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 79.

Tytuł:

A Vision of the State’s Political System in the Political Thought of the National Party between 1928 and 1939

Autorzy:

Dawidowicz, Aneta

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594372.pdf

Data publikacji:

2019

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

political thought
National Party
nationalism
political system

Opis:

Views of the National Party (1928-1939) merit special attention, given both the Party’s prominent role in the political life of interwar Poland and the interesting combination of various elements derived from diverse ideological trends within the Party’s programme. The ideological legacy of the National Party reflected, to a large extent, the key constituents of the National Democracy’s political thought, such as nationalism, representation of all social classes, national integrity and the concept of the nation-state. The National Party underwent major evolution and was subject to internal divisions which makes the image of its political thought much more complex. Based on an analysis of the National Party’s political thought, several conclusions can be formulated. The National Party developed its own views regarding political systems. These were, to a large extent, determined by their own system of values based on the national idea. The National Party’s political system projections were mainly inspired by (1) the successes of the “new type” states; (2) pressure from totalitarian systems; and (3) the influence of the economic and spiritual crisis. The National Party leaders wanted to make the political system more efficient. Nonetheless, views in favor of directly imitating any foreign political systems could hardly be found in the Party’s political thought. The National Party’s ideologists and journalists invariably stated that there was no pre-defined political system, but its form had to be adjusted to the specificity and unique character of a given national body. Although inspiration was drawn from external political systems, the Party’s political thought did not lose its independence.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 2 (48); 330-344
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 80.

Tytuł:

Wymiar sprawiedliwości w świetle obrad i postanowień IX Nadzwyczajnego Zjazdu PZPR (14–20 lipca 1981 r.)

Autorzy:

Niewiński, Kamil

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/621532.pdf

Data publikacji:

2011

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku

Tematy:

Polish United Workers’ Party, administration of justice

Opis:

The sessions of the 9th Extraordinary Congress of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) was preceded by a profound public critique of both the structures and the activity of the judiciary and administration of justice. The corporations of lawyers demanded to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. They demanded to abolish the regulations on the so called “warranty” of socialist justice and to abolish the term of office in the Supreme Court. The Party, however, had no intention of changing and getting rid of legal regulations that allowed them to control the sphere of the judiciary. In the programme presented at the congress, the Central Committee of the PUWP emphasized the need to strengthen the existing structures of the socialist system of justice that in their opinion ensured the ‘independence’ of the judiciary. This approach of the PUWP towards the system of justice was rejected by a group of delegates who criticized the programme presented by the Central Committee at a meeting of a task group. They pointed out the need for tangible legal changes in the system administration of justice as postulated by the corporations of lawyers. These views were nonetheless found to be anti-socialist, and were not included in the final text of the congress resolution, which merely reiterated the theses set forth in the Central Committee’s programme statement.

Źródło:

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica; 2011, 10; 259-277
1732-9132
2719-9991

Pojawia się w:

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 81.

Tytuł:

Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA

Autorzy:

Misiuna, Jan

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630009.pdf

Data publikacji:

2011

Wydawca:

Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie

Tematy:

Political parties   Political party financing   Election campaign

Opis:

The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.

Źródło:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2011, 1; 203-221
2082-0976

Pojawia się w:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 82.

Tytuł:

The dynamics of the party system in the Czech Republic

Autorzy:

Czyżniewski, Marcin

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2048204.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-12-14

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK

Tematy:

party system
The Czech Republic
parliamentary elections

Opis:

The article examines the changes that took place in the Czech party system from the moment of the political transformation of 1989/1990 to the last parliamentary elections in 2017. It is based on a survey of data on the results of the elections to the Czech National Council and the Chamber of Deputies. The interpretation of the data allows answering several research questions: is the Czech party system stable, and if so, is it possible to determine it model? Are the inevitable model changes sudden or evolutionary as a consequence of an observable trend? Is it possible to distinguish and define the stages of functioning of the Czech party system? To what extent does the party system of the Czech Republic have roots in the party system of Czechoslovakia and did the disintegration of the federal republic significantly affect its change?
The article examines the changes that took place in the Czech party system from the moment of the political transformation of 1989/1990 to the last parliamentary elections in 2017. It is based on a survey of data on the results of the elections to the Czech National Council and the Chamber of Deputies. The interpretation of the data allows answering several research questions: Is the Czech party system stable, and if so, is it possible to determine its model? Are the inevitable model changes sudden or evolutionary as a consequence of an observable trend? Is it possible to distinguish and define the stages of functioning of the Czech party system? To what extent does the party system of the Czech Republic have roots in the party system of Czechoslovakia and did the disintegration of the federal republic significantly affect its change?

Źródło:

Historia i Polityka; 2021, 38 (45); 173-187
1899-5160
2391-7652

Pojawia się w:

Historia i Polityka

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 83.

Tytuł:

A Constitutional Coup! The Take-Down of the First President of the Republic of Kosovo

Autorzy:

Sejdiu, Korab R.

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036126.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house

Tematy:

Kosovo
Constitution
President
serious
violation
position
party

Opis:

A coup d’etat is defined as “a sudden and decisive action in politics, especially one resulting in a change of government illegally or by force.” As one looks through all the coup d’etats that have occurred throughout the history in various parts of the world, one can observe that often the protagonists of such events are political enemies, military leaders, or distressed insiders. Indeed, one is hard pressed to find where a coup d’etat has been executed by way of a poor legal reasoning of a Constitutional Court. Well, that is until now! In the newest country in Europe, the Republic of Kosovo, major international and domestic investments are being made on institution building. One of the beneficiaries of such investments has been the newly formed Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. Soon after its establishment, this young court faced its first tough decision, namely a challenge to the President of the country regarding his alleged serious violation of the Constitution by holding posts as President of the country and Chairman of his party. In a highly controversial case, marred with procedural irregularities, judicial misconduct, lack of due process, human rights violations, regular media leaks, and behind-the-scenes international and domestic political influences on the Court, a split Court decided that the President had seriously violated the Constitution. This decision led to the President’s resignation, which caused a political imbalance that still lingers, further harming Kosovo’s long term interests and prospects. But more importantly, some argue that this marks the first case where a coup d’etat that took down a President was executed by a Constitutional Court. This paper argues that the Court should have dismissed the claim of the MPs as inadmissible on procedural grounds, specifically that it was filed by the MPs after the time permitted by law and that the MPs never maintained the number of 30 members that were needed for the group to be an authorized party. Additionally, even on the merits, the Court failed to distinguish between the constitutional requirement to not exercise a party function, which the President in this case did not do, but rather simply held the position in a suspended mode. Moreover, even had the President’s holding of the position amounted to a violation of the Constitution, in no way did that equate to a serious constitutional violation. Still, the Court held contrary to the Constitution, applicable laws, and the available evidence before it and found that the President had seriously violated the Constitution.

Źródło:

Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2013, 08; 56-77
2079-3715
2309-1088

Pojawia się w:

Academicus International Scientific Journal

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 84.

Tytuł:

Prawne i praktyczne aspekty wolontariatu w działalności polskich partii politycznych
Legal and Practical Aspects of Voluntary Service in the Activities of Polish Political Parties

Autorzy:

Bejma, Agnieszka

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2171499.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014-02-28

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

volunteering
political activity
civil society
political party

Opis:

Voluntary activity is a form of civic activity, which is an essential part of modern, wellfunctioning democracy, both at the local and national levels. Popular ideas identify volunteering with work in community centers, rehabilitation centers for the disabled, hospices, nursing homes for the elderly, orphanages, and homes for single mothers. Meanwhile, as it was confirmed by the study of the Klon/Jawor and CBOS, voluntary activity is not just purely social and supportive one. Volunteers, as is the case in other countries, support with their work organizations of political nature – movements, committees, and political groups. The use of their support intensifies especially during election campaigns, when volunteers perform different tasks: gather signatures on lists of candidates in the election, organize rallies and campaign trails, lead wide campaigning – handing out leaflets and urging to vote for particular candidates or political parties, prepare handouts, and update web pages, blogs and profiles in social networks. This voluntary, and – what needs to be especially emphasized – also conscious involvement in political activity, is a manifestation of a particular group of civic participation in its political dimension.

Źródło:

Kultura i Edukacja; 2014, 1(101); 169-191
1230-266X

Pojawia się w:

Kultura i Edukacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 85.

Tytuł:

Demokracja w recesji? Diagnozy i projekty naprawcze
Democracy in a recession? Diagnosis and repair projects

Autorzy:

Pańków, Irena

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2042940.pdf

Data publikacji:

2020-11-16

Wydawca:

Collegium Civitas

Tematy:

demokracja liberalna
partia polityczna
zmierzch partii
adaptacja partii
populizm
polityczna personalizacja
podejście komparatystyczne
collective action
cross-national comparison
party adaptation
party change
party decline
political parties
political personalization

Opis:

Esej podejmuje kwestie ważne dla współczesnej demokracji. Z raportów instytucji monitorujących jej stan na świecie wyłania się obraz demokracji w recesji. Stanowi on globalne tło do „lokalnych” wyników badań i analiz zawartych w pracy badaczy, których książka stanowi główny przedmiot eseju. Rahat i Kenig badają dwa główne zjawiska współczesnej demokracji: zmierzch partii politycznych i personalizację polityki. Autorzy dokumentują wyraźne zjawisko personalizacji polityki i mniej wyraźny, bo przyjmujący dwie formy, trend zmian partyjnych (upadek bądź adaptacja). Oba zjawiska są paliwem polityki populistycznej. Groźne dla demokracji trendy opisane do roku 2015 nasiliły się później w postaci „wojen kulturowych”, stanowiących zdaniem innych badaczy ślepą uliczkę dla demokracji liberalnych.
The essay examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.

Źródło:

Zoon Politikon; 2020, 11; 81-102
2543-408X

Pojawia się w:

Zoon Politikon

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 86.

Tytuł:

Skutek interwencyjny wyroku w procesie cywilnym

Autorzy:

Karol, Weitz,

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/903138.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018-10-23

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego

Tematy:

intervening effect
indirect intervention
third-party intervention in support of a party to a dispute
third party summons
binding force
skutek interwencyjny
interwencja uboczna
przypozwanie
prawomocność materialna

Opis:

This article examines the judgment intervening effect. It is an effect of a judgment issued in the dispute in which third-party intervened in support of a party to that dispute or in which third party acceded to the dispute upon notice. That effect operates in further proceeding between an intervenor and supported party or between summoned party and party who filled a notice. The judgment intervening effect has a procedural nature and may not be disposed by parties. Upon that effect judgment’s sentence and its factual and legal grounds are binding. The effect operates to the benefit as well as to the detriment of involved parties. Judgment intervening effect is taking into consideration ex officio and may be waived in exceptional circumstances.

Źródło:

Studia Iuridica; 2018, 75; 209-235
0137-4346

Pojawia się w:

Studia Iuridica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

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Skocz do pozycji: 87.

Tytuł:

Pierwszy po triumwirach, pierwszy po „Wiesławie” – Roman Zambrowski

Autorzy:

Spałek, Robert

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/602403.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie

Tematy:

Polish Workers’ Party
Polish United Workers’ Party
People’s Poland
Roman Zambrowski
Mirosław Szumiło
PPR
PZPR
PRL

Opis:

In 1948–1963 Roman Zambrowski was one of the most important communist politicians and cabinet activists of the Polish United Workers’ Party. As a member of the Party authorities he survived two personal-ideological crises (in 1948 and 1956). Mirosław Szumiło has outlined Zambrowski’s life against the backdrop of the changing history of Poland and the communist movement (from its very onset to the 1970s).M. Szumiło has based the biography on an extremely meticulous, well devised, and successfully conducted survey of Polish and Russian archives, private collections, and accounts. The book’s chronological order is frequently interrupted by extensive descriptions of the history of the communist milieu, just as essential as the biographical motif. The publication is divided into seven chapters preceded by a methodological introduction and completed with a conclusion. From the factual point of view (facts, dates, statistical and percentage calculations, names, organisation structures) it reaches a very high level. In places, however, the narration falters due to the absence of a specialist who would explain and comment on the contents, compare new findings with existing ones, decipher the Party newspeak, and, consequently, draw the reader into the depicted world and, first and foremost, facilitate the absorption of the effects of the scientific research. The arrangement of the publication is also not entirely convincing: the book contains numerous interpretations in which Zambrowski vanishes in a crowd of other protagonists, facts, and data. We are thus dealing with a combination of two books written by applying different methods and dealing with unlike motifs: a life story and the development of an organisation. All these features do not reduce the cognitive value of the publication, which has already become one of the most relevant and indispensable studies for learning about the structures and mechanisms of the authorities of People’s Poland as well as the biographies of the communists who ruled the country.
Roman Zambrowski był w latach 1948–1963 jednym z najważniejszych polityków komunistycznych i działaczy gabinetowych PPR/PZPR, a więc zarazem postacią wartą opisu. Biografia pióra Mirosława Szumiły jest oparta na bardzo sumiennej, przemyślanej i z sukcesem przeprowadzonej kwerendzie archiwów polskich, rosyjskich, zbiorów prywatnych i relacji. Książka została napisana w układzie chronologicznym, który jest wielokrotnie przerywany obszernymi opisami historii środowisk komunistycznych. Opisy te są równie istotne, co wątek biograficzny. Od strony formalnej biografia jest podzielona na siedem rozdziałów, które poprzedzone są metodologicznym wstępem, a zwieńczone zakończeniem. Od strony rzeczowej (fakty, daty, obliczenia statystyczne i procentowe, nazwiska, struktury organizacji) praca prezentuje bardzo wysoki poziom. Miejscami jednak niedomaga narracja. Brakuje wykładu specjalisty, który tłumaczy i komentuje, co napisał, porównuje nowe ustalenia z dotychczasowymi i odkodowuje nowomowę partyjną, a dzięki temu wciąga czytelnika w świat przedstawiony i – przede wszystkim – pozwala w maksymalnym stopniu przyswoić efekty swojej pracy naukowej. Nie do końca przekonująca jest też konstrukcja pracy. Znajdziemy dużo ujęć, w których Zambrowski niknie w tłumie innych bohaterów, faktów, danych. Mamy do czynienia z połączeniem dwóch książek pisanych inną metodą i co innego mających za meritum: życie człowieka – rozwój organizacji. Wszystko to nie umniejsza wartości poznawczej książki, która stanowi już teraz jedną z najważniejszych prac niezbędnych do poznania struktur i mechanizmów władzy Polski Ludowej, a także do poznania biografii rządzących nią komunistów.

Źródło:

Kwartalnik Historyczny; 2016, 123, 2
0023-5903

Pojawia się w:

Kwartalnik Historyczny

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 88.

Tytuł:

Edukacja obywatelska w Anglii. Od polityki Partii Pracy do Brexitu – wybrane konteksty polityczne, społeczne i edukacyjne
Civic education in England. From Labor Party politics to Brexit – selected political, social and educational contexts

Autorzy:

Hejwosz-Gromkowska, Daria

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043227.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-12-31

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

Tematy:

citizenship education
politics
Labour Party
Conservative Party
England
edukacja obywatelska
polityka oświatowa
Partia Konserwatywna
Partia Pracy
Anglia

Opis:

Edukacja obywatelska w Anglii została wprowadzona do szkół, jako odrębny i obowiązkowy przedmiot w 2002 roku. Jej implementacji – poza celami merytorycznymi wyrażonymi w tzw. Raporcie Cricka (1998) – przyświecały również cele polityczne wyrażone w programie Partii Pracy. Szkolna edukacja obywatelska stała się przedmiotem zainteresowań rożnych aktorów społecznych: naukowców, komentatorów, polityków, nauczycieli. Od momentu jej wprowadzenia następowały zmiany w programach nauczania, będących konsekwencją zarówno transformacji politycznych, jak i zmian na szczeblach władzy. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba analizy i rekonstrukcji politycznych i społecznych uwarunkowań edukacji obywatelskiej w systemie szkolnictwa obowiązkowego w Anglii. Rozważania zawarte w niniejszym artykule zostały podzielone na cztery kluczowe okresy, obejmujące lata (1998–2020), w których rządy Laburzystów, a następnie konserwatystów dokonywały reform w programach kształcenia mających znaczenie dla szkolnej edukacji obywatelskiej.
Citizenship education was introduced as compulsory subject in English schools in 2002. Its implementation was followed by Crick Report (1998). Citizenship education has become the subject of interests of various social actors: academics, commentators, politicians and school teachers. Since its introduction, there have been changes in the National Curriculum as a consequences of both political transformations and changes in the government. The aim of the article is to analyze and reconstruct the political and social determinants of citizenship education in English schools. The considerations have been divided into four key periods, spanning the years 1998–2000 during which the Labour and then the Conservative goverments reformed National Curriculum of citizenship education.

Źródło:

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2021, 15; 215-231
1899-6256

Pojawia się w:

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 89.

Tytuł:

Henryk Dembiński: The Man Who Became a Communist after Death?

Autorzy:

Libera, Paweł

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131440.pdf

Data publikacji:

2021-07-18

Wydawca:

Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie

Tematy:

communism
Comintern
the left
Communist Party of Poland
Communist Party of Western Belorussia
Henryk Dembiński
Czesław Miłosz

Opis:

The case of Henryk Dembiński (1908–41) represents the left-wing involvement of Polish intellectuals in the interwar period. After 1945, the party historians left a communist mark on his image. Those in exile also accepted this thesis. In fact, party historians portrayed Dembiński’s life in a one-sided fashion and omitted events inconsistent with their narrative. In light an of relevant accounts and documents, this article shows that Dembiński was neither a member of the communist party nor its youth organisation even though, in 1935–6, he participated in some activities inspired by the Communist Party of Poland (KPP), and edited a periodical supported financially by the KPP. It is unclear whether this was conscious cooperation or a matter of manipulation by the party. In 1937, Dembiński joined the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and was engaged in catholic activities centre, which the communists at the time perceived as a change of his political views. Nonetheless, after the war, party historians unequivocally stated that he was a communist.

Źródło:

Acta Poloniae Historica; 2021, 123; 239-260
0001-6829

Pojawia się w:

Acta Poloniae Historica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 90.

Tytuł:

Pierwsi sekretarze komitetu partyjnego Polskiej Partii Robotniczej/Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej przy WUBP/WUdsBP w Gdańsku w latach 1945–1956
The first party committee secretaries of Polish Workers’ Party / Polish United Workers’ Party at Voivodship Department of Public Security (WUBP)/ Voivodship Department for Public Security (WUdsBP) in Gdansk in the years 1945–1956

Autorzy:

Czerwiński, Daniel

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488047.pdf

Data publikacji:

2013

Wydawca:

Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra

Tematy:

Polska Partia Robotnicza
Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
aparat bezpieczeństwa
Polish Workers’ Party
Polish United Workers’ Party
Public Security

Opis:

The Communist Party has played a pivotal role in Polish politics after World War II. Her branches were set up in every workplace, including the security apparatus. This text describes eleven silhouettes of people in charge of party structures in Voivodship Department of Public Security i Gdansk (in the period 1955–1956 as Voivodship Department for Public Security). They had different education, different biographies, but they had the most important feature – the confidence of the Party authorities. The first party secretaries were shown as a group. The author described the most important features of their biographies and juxtaposed them together. The article also explains the details of the selection of each of them, the most important events of every term and the circumstances of their dismissal from a position.

Źródło:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2013, 2; 27-64
2299-890X

Pojawia się w:

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 91.

Tytuł:

Instrukcja organizacyjna Polskiej Partii Robotniczej z 10 września 1944 roku

Autorzy:

Magier, Dariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/631889.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej

Tematy:

instruction, organization, communist party, Polish Workers’ Party, PPR, structure
instrukcja, organizacja, partia komunistyczna, Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR, struktura

Opis:

Nowa sytuacja polityczna związana z instalowaniem władzy komunistycznej w Polsce przez armię sowiecką w 1944 r. stworzyła potrzebę unormowania organizacyjnego rozrastającej się liczebnie Polskiej Partii Robotniczej. Zamieszczony materiał ma na celu prezentację pierwszej instrukcji organizacyjnej partii datowanej na 10 września 1944 r., która obowiązywała do uchwalenia statutu PPR w końcu 1945 r. Instrukcja określała wymogi członkowskie, strukturę wewnętrzną PPR, sposób tworzenia komórek partyjnych, powoływania komitetów, sposób przyjmowania członków i zasady sprawozdawczości. Rozwiązania w niej zastosowane w istocie stanowiły recepcję wzoru sowieckiego funkcjonowania partii komunistycznej.

Źródło:

Res Historica; 2018, 45
2082-6060

Pojawia się w:

Res Historica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 92.

Tytuł:

Instrukcja organizacyjna Polskiej Partii Robotniczej z 10 września 1944 roku

Autorzy:

Magier, Dariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/632380.pdf

Data publikacji:

2018

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej

Tematy:

instruction, organization, communist party, Polish Workers’ Party, PPR, structure
instrukcja, organizacja, partia komunistyczna, Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR, struktura

Opis:

The new political scene that unfolded in Poland after the communist authority had been established by the Soviet army in 1944, required some organizational arrangements in the Polish Workers’ Party as its membership started to increase rapidly. The following material is intended to present the first organizational instruction of the party, dating from September 10, 1944, which was valid until the adoption of the PPR’s statute at the end of 1945. It described membership requirements, the PPR’s internal structure, methods of establishing new communist organizations, appointing committees, principles of admitting new members and reporting rules. The model applied in the instruction in fact followed the pattern of the Soviet communist party.
Nowa sytuacja polityczna związana z instalowaniem władzy komunistycznej w Polsce przez armię sowiecką w 1944 r. stworzyła potrzebę unormowania organizacyjnego rozrastającej się liczebnie Polskiej Partii Robotniczej. Zamieszczony materiał ma na celu prezentację pierwszej instrukcji organizacyjnej partii datowanej na 10 września 1944 r., która obowiązywała do uchwalenia statutu PPR w końcu 1945 r. Instrukcja określała wymogi członkowskie, strukturę wewnętrzną PPR, sposób tworzenia komórek partyjnych, powoływania komitetów, sposób przyjmowania członków i zasady sprawozdawczości. Rozwiązania w niej zastosowane w istocie stanowiły recepcję wzoru sowieckiego funkcjonowania partii komunistycznej.

Źródło:

Res Historica; 2018, 45
2082-6060

Pojawia się w:

Res Historica

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 93.

Tytuł:

Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości
Kwasi Wiredus concept of a nonparty state: About a utopia originating from a real experiences

Autorzy:

Trzciński, Krzysztof

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566812.pdf

Data publikacji:

2009

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych

Tematy:

Kwadi Wiredu
non-party state
Ghanaian thinker

Opis:

Kwasi Wiredu is one of the most outstanding contemporary African philosophers. He was born in Ghana and currently is a lecturer working in the United States. In his political works he uncovers different shortcomings of the concept of liberal democracy and suggests constituting democracy in Africa on the basis of indigenous political traditions, which in his mind are of democratic nature. Wiredu is of very negative opinion about the condition of contemporary 'majoritarian' democracies since their political mechanisms are rather adversarial in character. On the contrary, he perceives politics in many traditional African societies as very conciliatory. Thus the Ghanaian thinker supports the idea of introducing into modern African politics such traditional political institutions as deliberation (palaver) and consensus. Wiredu also suggests substituting present-day political parties for political associations. Such associations would have specific goals and Wiredu believes that in a nonparty state the government would not be created on their basis. Although Wiredu's critical approach especially towards the realities of ongoing political changes in Africa is well understood and justified, his concept has many drawbacks. This article is aimed at showing and analyzing some of them and make readers realize how difficult it is to transfer some political solutions, which once could have been very useful in some small homogenous communities, into present-day multi-ethnic societies.

Źródło:

Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 43-71
1734-1698

Pojawia się w:

Forum Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 94.

Tytuł:

Fenomen partii dominującej w systemach partii politycznych wybranych państw Afryki Subsaharyjskiej
The phenomenon of the dominant party in selected political systems ob Sub-Saharan Africa

Autorzy:

Radłowska, Anna

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567178.pdf

Data publikacji:

2009

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych

Tematy:

Dominant party
Political systems
Sub-saharan Africa

Opis:

The article discusses the reasons and the consequences of the emergence of dominant party systems in the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. Basing on Giovanni Sartori's classification of party systems and his definition of the dominant party, author presents a comparative study, concerning chosen examples of the countries of the Sub-Saharan Africa. The study applies both for democratic and non-democratic states. The beginning of the article is committed to the presentation of the theory and the idea of the dominant party. Having done that, the author conducts a broad presentation of the states in which the presence of a dominant party can be observed. The countries are divided in a few groups. The first one is a large group composed of 17 states which according to Satori’s criteria can be classified as countries with a dominant party system. These include: Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Burkina Faso, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Gabon, the Gambia, Nigeria, Seychelles, Tanzania, Zambia, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Togo and Zimbabwe. In all of these countries competitive elections are being held, and the ruling party has been in power for at least three consecutive elections. Next, the author concentrates on the countries drawing near to the dominant party system, and the ones in which party dominance can be observed. The next part of the article focuses on the reasons of this phenomenon, including the evolution of the political systems, ethnic fragmentation and ethnicity, weakness of the opposition, electoral systems, the character of the dominant party appeal, position of the president, political culture and traditions, assessment of dominant party performance, popular views concerning democratic values, and democratic experiences. Finally, the article points out the consequences of the described phenomenon for the respective political systems, the prospects for democracy and the efficiency of the government and the state, such as lack of the alternation of power, marginalization of the opposition, character of the party-state relations, depoliticization, lack of executive power control, marginalization of the legislatives, lack of incumbents responsibility, clientelism and political corruption, separation between the elite and the electorate, resources control, civil society and personalization of power.

Źródło:

Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 78-100
1734-1698

Pojawia się w:

Forum Politologiczne

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 95.

Tytuł:

PARTIA RAZEM W PRASIE OPINIOTWÓRCZEJ PRZED WYBORAMI PARLAMENTARNYMI W 2015 ROKU
THE “TOGETHER” PARTY IN THE QUALITY PRESS DURING THE 2015 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

Autorzy:

Mazur, Marek

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513475.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

election campaign, quality press, Razem/Together Party

Opis:

The main goal of the article concerning the parliamentary election in 2015 in Poland was to study the way the quality press presented the Razem/Together Party in the election campaign, the least (in terms of social support) the national electoral committee. Based on content analysis of Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita considering exposure, forms, context and themes of the party presentation there were some conclusions presented referring to the qualities of the presentation in the light of the media functions resulting from the liberal democratic model.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 1; 59-72 (14)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 96.

Tytuł:

STRONNICZOŚĆ MEDIÓW W BIPOLARNYM ŚRODOWISKU POLITYCZNYM. TYGODNIK „POLITYKA” W KAMPANIACH WYBORCZYCH 2015 ROKU
MEDIA BIAS IN A BIPOLAR POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT. “POLITYKA” WEEKLY IN THE 2015 ELECTORAL CAMPAIGNS

Autorzy:

Kolczyński, Mariusz

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513665.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

Tematy:

media-party parallelism, media bias, electoral campaign

Opis:

The 2014–2015 electoral cycle was a serious marketing challenge for Polish weeklies because of the gradual change in the balance of power (after several years of Civic Platform domination, the ratings of Law and Justice significantly improved), which implied a more leveled electoral rivalry and changes on the publishing market- leading to more intensive competition between weeklies presenting similar editorial perspective: “Polityka” – “Newsweek” – “W Sieci” – “Do Rzeczy” – “Gazeta Polska”, taking into consideration the relatively low number of readers of such publications. From this perspective the analysis of journalistic endeavors of “Polityka” during the period of time preceding the key elections (Presidential and Parliamentary) in 2015 seem to be an important research problem – taking into account the rank of “Polityka” and its part in forming and defining questions of civil and political discourse.

Źródło:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 1; 33-47 (15)
1732-9639

Pojawia się w:

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 97.

Tytuł:

Poseł burmistrzem, radny posłem. Opinia publiczna wobec zjawiska przerywania kadencji
Deputy as a mayor, councilor as a deputy. The public opinion on the phenomenon of termination of mandate in elective bodies

Autorzy:

Kowalik, Janina

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514554.pdf

Data publikacji:

2017

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

local government
cadences
elections
party electoral politics

Opis:

The main issue dealt with in this article pertains to a certain aspect of democratic rules, understood at large, occurring presently in Poland, which are: not serving full terms by various levels local government elected officials and members of parliaments (UE parliament included) due to running for other offices. Statistics of these practices are not reported by the State Board of Election, consequently estimating the level of this phenomenon is hard, for it requires following particular cases, which may lead to errors. While considering this author undertook an attempt to estimate this phenomenon. I will examine the issue of cutting short term due to candidacy for another position, from the legal point of view and then from the ethical and philosophical evaluation of such action with focus on the statistics of not fulfilling electoral term due to taking another preferred position. Finally I will examine how this affects public opinion according to Poland wide surveys conducted on representative samples at the turn of 2015 and 2016.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2017, 15; 87-104
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

/5

Artykuł

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Skocz do pozycji: 98.

Tytuł:

Prezydencjalizacja zachowań elektoratu w 2013 roku na tle porównawczym z poprzednim sezonem „niewyborczym”
The Presidentialisation of electoral behaviors in 2013. The comparative perspective with previous non election year

Autorzy:

Peszyński, Wojciech

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514650.pdf

Data publikacji:

2014

Wydawca:

Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

Tematy:

presidentialisation
personalization
party
parties leaders
television debates

Opis:

In 2012 and 2013, in Poland, did not take place any national election. It was excellent perspective to lead comparison research. The subject of this article is presidentialization of electoral preferences. This process depends on situation, when style of parliamentary campaign has become similarly like presidential election and people focus on parties leaders competition. Usually presidentialisation increased without any changes of election rules. The Author focuses on two aspects: determinantes of decisions in potential parliamentary elections and opinion connected with organizing television debates during campaigns. In the article were compared preferences among electoral five main Polish parties. Results of the polls were compared with effects previous surveys (in 2012), which included two the same questions about presidentialisation. First question (about presidentialisation) apply to determinates of decision in potential parliamentary election. In every parties electoral more respondents choose ‘party option’ than ‘leader variant’. The most questioned, who show party leader, find among Law and Justice (PiS) electoral (26,2 per cent). It could be predicted, because JarosławKaczyński (PiS president) is main party symbol and predominant person inside the organization. As surprise can be treated preferences of Civil Platform (PO) electoral. Here value of this ratings reveal 18,3 per cent. In comparison to previous survey (in 2012) it signifies decline about 2,4 per cent. Donald Tusk (the prime minister and PO leader) is the most important component of this party and his attitude was main factor of the winning of two last parliamentary elections (2007 and 2011). Second question apply to organization television debates in every elections. Among electoral every parties find more followers than oppositionists this solution. However in comparison this results to previous polls we can conclude about decrease amount of supporter this postulate. In reality, debates became important element of campaign if politicians understand a role of this issues. But presently political parties and public opinion are not interested in this issue.

Źródło:

Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 11-27
2449-9064

Pojawia się w:

Political Preferences

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 99.

Tytuł:

Political Parties and Trade Unions in the Post–Communist Poland: Class Politics that Have Never a Chance to Happen

Autorzy:

Kamiński, Paweł
Rozbicka, Patrycja

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594809.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek

Tematy:

trade unions
social cleavages
Polska
party politics

Opis:

Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long–term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long–term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.

Źródło:

Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 191-204
0208-7375

Pojawia się w:

Polish Political Science Yearbook

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 100.

Tytuł:

Financing Political Parties in France, Germany and The United Kingdom

Autorzy:

Misiuna, Jan

Powiązania:

https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630122.pdf

Data publikacji:

2016

Wydawca:

Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie

Tematy:

Political parties, Political party financing, Election campaign

Opis:

The paper compares the systems of financing political parties in France, Germany and the UK. The analysis concentrates on effectiveness of collecting contributions, dependency on large donors for providing funds for financing election campaigns and daily operation of political parties, and the level of transparency of finances of political parties. The final conclusion is that only introducing limits on expenditures on election campaigns allows to keep the costs of election campaigns and political parties at a low level, while mandatory common accounting standards and public access to financial information is necessary to preserve transparency of finances of political parties.

Źródło:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2016, 1; 91-110
2082-0976

Pojawia się w:

Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace

Dostawca treści:

Biblioteka Nauki

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