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Tytuł:
The Interaction of Yer Deletion and Nasal Assimilation in Optimality Theory1
Autorzy:
Iwan, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620868.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Optimality Theory
Derivational Optimality Theory
opacity
Opis:
The problem of opacity presents a challenge for generative phonology. This paper examines the process of Nasal Assimilation in Polish rendered opaque by the process of Vowel Deletion in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993), which currently is a dominating model for phonological analysis. The opaque interaction of the two processes exposes the inadequacy of standard Optimality Theory arising from the fact that standard OT is a non-derivational theory. It is argued that only by introducing intermediate levels can Optimality Theory deal with complex cases of opaque interactions.
Źródło:
Research in Language; 2015, 13, 2; 163-179
1731-7533
Pojawia się w:
Research in Language
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Compensatory Lengthening in OT and DOT: Loss of Dorsal Fricatives in Middle or Early Modern English
Autorzy:
Kleban, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/973911.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Compensatory Lengthening,
moraic phonology,
Optimality Theory,
Derivational Optimality Theory
Opis:
The loss of dorsal fricatives in English held significant consequences for the adjacent tautosyllabic vowels, which underwent Compensatory Lengthening in order to preserve a syllable weight. While the process appears to be regular in descriptive terms, its evaluation handled within standard Optimality Theory highlights the ineffectiveness of the framework to parse both the segment deletion and two weight-related processes: Weight- by-Position and vowel lengthening due to mora preservation. As Optimality Theory has failed to analyse the data in a compelling manner, the introduction of derivation, benefit- ting from the legacy of Lexical Phonology, seems inevitable. The working solution is provided by Derivational Optimality Theory, which assumes a restrictive use of intermediate stages throughout the evaluation.
Źródło:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies; 2019, 28/2; 47-61
0860-5734
Pojawia się w:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
An Optimality Theory Analysis of Velar Softening in English
Autorzy:
Radomski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/605910.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Optimality Theory
velar softening
Opis:
The goal of this article is to analyse the phenomenon of Velar Softening in English within the nonderivational framework of Optimality Theory. It is argued that earlier approaches, including the traditional OT model which incorporates purely phonological constraints and a single-UR approach to allomorphy, fail to account for the process in question in a satisfactory manner. Instead, it is claimed that Velar Softening can be explained in terms of the OT model which adopts a multiple-input view on allomorphy as well as the idea of morpho-phonological constraints. Thus, the paper offers a novel and more adequate analysis of this process.
Źródło:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature; 2010, 34; 65-80
0137-4699
Pojawia się w:
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Vowel System of Podhale Goralian
Autorzy:
Rubach, Jerzy
Łuszczek, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1026701.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Optimality Theory
Podhale Goralian
phonology
Polish dialects
Opis:
This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz. The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.
Źródło:
Research in Language; 2019, 17, 2; 105-126
1731-7533
Pojawia się w:
Research in Language
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Optimality Theoretic Analysis of Non-Rhoticity in English
Autorzy:
Ostalski, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Phonology
Optimality Theory
Rhoticity
Accents of English
Hiatus
Opis:
The paper intends to describe various rhotic phenomena within a unified phonological framework of Optimality Theory. This description encompasses "standard" rhotic phenomena, such as linking and intrusive r. Additionally both hyper- and hypo-rhoticity are discussed. The paper serves primarily two points. First, it proves practical workability of constraint mechanism, as proposed by Optimality Theory. Second, it presents an integrated account of seemingly unrelated phonological facts observed in various accents of English.The paper discusses also previous accounts of rhoticity in English in connection with an attempt of presenting solid evidence for the choice of underlying forms. Furthermore two competing theoretical descriptions of rhotic insertions (epenthesis vs. gliding/spreading) are compared and evaluated. Finally, the spreading account is shown to be formally superior to the anti-hiatus approach.Moreover, the paper demonstrates a way in which r-liaison might be incorporated in the synchronic grammar of non-rhotic accents. Simply put, r-liaison could be perceived as another instantiation of VSpread conspiracy, where vowels tend to spread their melodic content onto the following segments. The OT machinery was also employed to account for the differences between various subtypes of non-rhotic accents, in terms of re-ranking of several constraints. The peculiar phenomena of hyper-rhoticity have, too, been demonstrated to fit the proposal.
Źródło:
Research in Language; 2007, 5; 109-133
1731-7533
Pojawia się w:
Research in Language
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Segmental adaptation of Polish voiceless affricates in CC consonant clusters by native speakers of English
Autorzy:
Radomski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2051103.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Polish voiceless affricates
loanword adaptation
Optimality Theory
consonant clusters
Opis:
The article deals with the patterns of segmental adaptation of Polish voiceless affricates in initial and final CC (consonant + consonant) clusters by native speakers of English. The data have been collected in an online loanword adaptation experiment in which 30 native speakers of Southern British English reproduced Polish words containing such sequences. The major problem posed by the data is the divergent adaptation of the post-alveolar /t͡ʂ/ vs. the pre-palatal /t͡ɕ/, with the former substituted mainly with the coronal plosive [t] and the latter realised as the palato-alveolar affricate [t͡ʃ]. It is argued that these patterns of nativisation are due to the highlyranked IDENT-IO[dist] constraint, which militates against the modifi cation in the value of the feature [distributed]. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that the experimental results provide evidence in favour of the fundamental assumptions underlying the phonological approach to loan assimilation, namely the phonological input view as well as the faithful perception view.
Źródło:
Linguistica Silesiana; 2019, 40; 121-137
0208-4228
Pojawia się w:
Linguistica Silesiana
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Cluster Reduction from the Perspective of Articulatory Phonology: A Case of Polish Affricates
Autorzy:
Zembrzuski, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/888760.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
affricates
reduction
degemination
homorganic clusters
Articulatory Phonology
Optimality Theory
Opis:
Sequences of affricates followed by homorganic fricatives are simplified to affricates in preconsonantal context in Polish. Similarly, geminates are reduced in this environment, which results from the fact that length distinction is not licensed in this position. Despite common motivation, the two types of reduction cannot be handled by the same rule. Unlike geminates, sequences of affricates and fricatives cannot undergo the process of degemination. However, the simplification is motivated by the phonetic adjacency of identical fricative portions, which leads to a conclusion that the rule belongs to the domain of phonetic implementation. Therefore, an Optimality Theoretic solution is aided by the theory of Articulatory Phonology, which can capture the phonetic facts of reduction processes.
Źródło:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies; 2014, 23/2; 15-32
0860-5734
Pojawia się w:
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Finite-state Optimality Theory : non-rationality of Harmonic Serialism
Autorzy:
Hao, Yiding
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/103903.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Podstaw Informatyki PAN
Tematy:
optimality theory
harmonic serialism
phonology
finite-state
strictly local
subregular
Opis:
This paper analyzes the language-theoretic complexity of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational variant of Optimality Theory. I show that HS can generate non-rational relations using strictly local markedness constraints, proving the “result” of Hao (2017), that HS is rational under those assumptions, to be incorrect. This is possible because deletions performed in a particular order have the ability to enforce nesting dependencies over long distances. I argue that coordinated deletions form a canonical characterization of non-rational relations definable in HS.
Źródło:
Journal of Language Modelling; 2019, 7, 2; 49-99
2299-856X
2299-8470
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Language Modelling
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Neutralization in Aztec Phonology – the Case of Classical Nahuatl Nasals
Autorzy:
Kuźmicki, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620711.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-09-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Classical Nahuatl
derivational optimality theory (DOT)
coda neutralization
nasal assimilation
Opis:
This article investigates nasal assimilation in Classical Nahuatl. The distribution of nasal consonants is shown to be the result of coda neutralization. It is argued that generalizations made for root and word level are disproportionate and cannot be explained through the means of rule-based phonology. It is shown that the process responsible for nasal distribution can only be accounted for by introducing derivational levels in Optimality Theory
Źródło:
Research in Language; 2016, 14, 3; 263-295
1731-7533
Pojawia się w:
Research in Language
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Handling equivalence classes of Optimality-Theoretic comparative tableaux
Autorzy:
Yanovich, I.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/103897.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Podstaw Informatyki PAN
Tematy:
Optimality Theory
ERC set
tableau equivalence
normal form
equivalence-preserving transformations
Opis:
Many Optimality-Theoretic tableaux contain exactly the same information, and equivalence-preserving operations on them have been an object of study for some two decades. This paper shows that several of the operations proposed in the earlier literature together are actually enough to express any possible equivalence-preserving transformation. Moreover, every equivalence class of comparative tableaux (equivalently, of sets of Elementary Ranking Conditions, or ERC sets) has a unique and computable normal form that can be derived using those elementary operations in polynomial time. Any equivalence-preserving operation on comparative tableaux (ERC sets) is thus computable, and normal form tableaux may therefore represent their equivalence classes without loss of generality. Optimality Theory (OT) is a grammatical formalism based on constraint competition, formulated by Prince and Smolensky (1993) (later published as Prince and Smolensky (2004)). OT is especially popular in phonology, and is used to some extent in other branches of linguistics. In OT, a set of competing output forms {Output1, Output2,…} is generated by machine Gen for the underlying form Input. Each pair N is then evaluated against a set of constraints Con. The grammar of a particular language is modeled as an ordering of the universal set of constraints Con which determines the winning input-output pair for each Input: an input-output pair α = N wins over another pair β = M when α incurs fewer violations than β in the most highly ranked constraint where α and β differ. The input-output pairs that do not lose to any other pair are declared grammatical. The OT formalism expresses two important intuitions regarding how languages might function. First, it easily captures conditions of the form “try A; if impossible, try B; if also impossible, resort to C”, which seem to frequently occur in natural language. Second, OT allows for elegant modeling of cross-linguistic variation and language change in terms of re-ranking of a universal set of constraints. The information that a given dataset contributes constrains the possible rankings of constraints. Such information may be represented in the form of a comparative tableau (Prince 2000) or the corresponding set of Elementary Ranking Conditions, or ERC set (Prince 2002). In this paper, I present an incremental step completing the development of a full theory of equivalence classes of comparative OT tableaux, or, equivalently, ERC sets. Earlier work, especially that of Hayes (1997), Prince (2000), Prince (2002), Brasoveanu and Prince (2011)1, and Prince (2006), has established a number of results concerning how one may transform the information in an OT tableau without loss. What has not yet been done in this line of research is to establish the limits of operations that preserve equivalence. For example, the following natural question has not been answered: given two arbitrary comparative tableaux or ERC sets, can we determine whether they contain identical information?2 The present paper fills this gap: I show that any (finite) comparative tableau may be (computably, and actually quite efficiently) transformed into a normal form, which is unique for the whole equivalence class. Moreover, this transformation is possible by applying a sequence of a set of five elementary operations and their inverses already introduced in the literature. Only two of those are non-trivial, so a very small and simple set turns out to be sufficient to capture all the diversity of possible equivalence-preserving operations on tableaux. Normalization gives us a handle on equivalence classes of tableaux/ERC sets, as we show that each equivalence class contains exactly one normal form tableau. The normal form may therefore serve as the class’s representative. A test for equivalence of arbitrary tableaux (computable for finite tableaux) involves normalizing the input tableaux and comparing the resulting normal form tableaux. The original tableaux are equivalent if and only if their normal forms are identical. Thanks to the normal form theorem proved in the present paper, the space of all possible equivalence-preserving operations may be enumerated, and the same is true of the members of which equivalence class.
Źródło:
Journal of Language Modelling; 2014, 2, 2; 285-306
2299-856X
2299-8470
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Language Modelling
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Constraint summation in phonological theory
Autorzy:
Magri, Giorgio
Storme, Benjamin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1818892.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Podstaw Informatyki PAN
Tematy:
constraint-based phonology
optimality theory
harmonic grammar
dispersion theory
paradigm uniformity
optimal paradigms model
Opis:
The classical constraints used in phonological theory apply to a single candidate at a time. Yet, some proposals in the phonological literature have enriched the classical constraint toolkit with constraints that instead apply to multiple candidates simultaneously. For instance, Dispersion Theory (Flemming 2002, 2004, 2008) adopts distinctiveness constraints that penalize pairs of surface forms which are not sufficiently dispersed. Also, some approaches to paradigm uniformity effects (Kenstowicz 1997; McCarthy 2005) adopt Optimal Paradigm faithfulness constraints that penalize pairs of stems in a paradigm which are not sufficiently similar. As a consequence, these approaches need to “lift” the classical constraints from a single candidate to multiple candidates by summing constraint violations across multiple candidates. Is this assumption of constraint summation typologically innocuous? Or do the classical constraints make different typological predictions when they are summed, independently of the presence of distinctiveness or optimal paradigm faithfulness constraints? The answer depends on the underlying model of constraint optimization, namely on how the profiles of constraint violations are ordered to determine the smallest one. Extending an independent result by Prince (2015), this paper characterizes those orderings for which the assumption of constraint summation is typologically innocuous. As a corollary, the typological innocuousness of constraint summation is established within both Optimality Theory and Harmonic Grammar.
Źródło:
Journal of Language Modelling; 2020, 8, 2; 251--294
2299-856X
2299-8470
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Language Modelling
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Constraint summation in phonological theory
Autorzy:
Magri, Giorgio
Storme, Benjamin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1818888.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Podstaw Informatyki PAN
Tematy:
constraint-based phonology
optimality theory
harmonic grammar
dispersion theory
paradigm uniformity
optimal paradigms model
Opis:
The classical constraints used in phonological theory apply to a single candidate at a time. Yet, some proposals in the phonological literature have enriched the classical constraint toolkit with constraints that instead apply to multiple candidates simultaneously. For instance, Dispersion Theory (Flemming 2002, 2004, 2008) adopts distinctiveness constraints that penalize pairs of surface forms which are not sufficiently dispersed. Also, some approaches to paradigm uniformity effects (Kenstowicz 1997; McCarthy 2005) adopt Optimal Paradigm faithfulness constraints that penalize pairs of stems in a paradigm which are not sufficiently similar. As a consequence, these approaches need to “lift” the classical constraints from a single candidate to multiple candidates by summing constraint violations across multiple candidates. Is this assumption of constraint summation typologically innocuous? Or do the classical constraints make different typological predictions when they are summed, independently of the presence of distinctiveness or optimal paradigm faithfulness constraints? The answer depends on the underlying model of constraint optimization, namely on how the profiles of constraint violations are ordered to determine the smallest one. Extending an independent result by Prince (2015), this paper characterizes those orderings for which the assumption of constraint summation is typologically innocuous. As a corollary, the typological innocuousness of constraint summation is established within both Optimality Theory and Harmonic Grammar.
Źródło:
Journal of Language Modelling; 2020, 8, 2; 251--294
2299-856X
2299-8470
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Language Modelling
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
*Hydra, Nasality and Palatalization in Polish
Autorzy:
Zdziebko, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52915096.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Element Theory
Optimality Theory
headedness
palatalization
nasalization
teoria elementów
teoria optymalności
elementy nadrzędne
palatalizacja
nazalizacja
Opis:
The paper proposes that the phonological make-up of segments is influenced by the activity of the constraint *Hydra, which penalizes the presence of more than one headed element per one phonological expression. *Hydra influences the shape of the inventories and the phonological behaviour of nasal vowels in languages such as French and Brazilian Portuguese. At the same time, the behaviour of nasal vowels in Yoruba shows that *Hydra a violable constraint. In Polish, the high ranking of *Hydra proves necessary to account for the absence of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front nasal vowel /ɛ/. It also allows us to formulate a unified account of the 1st Velar and Anterior Palatalization, which have very different structural descriptions but take place before the same set of derivational affixes.
Artykuł postuluje, iż kształt reprezentacji segmentów mowy w językach świata jest regulowany przez aktywność zasady *Hydra, która wskazuje jako nacechowane takie reprezentacje segmentalne, w których więcej niż jeden element pełni funkcję elementu nadrzędnego. W artykule wykazujemy, iż w językach takich jak francuski czy portugalski zasada *Hydra ma decydujący wpływ zarówno na kształt inwentarza samogłosek nosowych, jak i na wyniki pewnych procesów fonologicznych. Równocześnie zachowanie samogłosek nosowych w języku joruba wskazuje na nieabsolutną naturę zasady *Hydra. W języku polskim aktywność tej zasady jest niezbędna do zrozumienia zjawiska braku zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych w kontekście samogłoski nosowej /ɛ/͂ oraz mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za fakt, iż morfonologiczne zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych, wargowych i zębowych mają miejsce w kontekście tych samych przyrostków słowotwórczych.
Źródło:
Studies in Polish Linguistics; 2022, 17, 4; 177-216
1732-8160
2300-5920
Pojawia się w:
Studies in Polish Linguistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Komponent fonologiczny języka polskiego jako struktura rdzeń-peryferie na przykładzie akcentu wyrazowego w galicyzmach
Autorzy:
Radomski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2050055.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-29
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
gallicisms
loanword phonology
word stress
Optimality Theory
galicyzmy
fonologia zapożyczeń
akcent wyrazowy
teoria optymalności
Opis:
Tematem artykułu jest adaptacja akcentu wyrazowego w galicyzmach w języku polskim. Przedstawione dane pokazują, że omawiane zapożyczenia można podzielić na dwie kategorie pod względem umiejscowienia akcentu. Z jednej strony istnieją wyrazy z akcentem paroksytonicznym, zgodne z rodzimymi regułami akcentowania. Z drugiej strony są takie wyrazy, które zachowują pierwotny akcent oksytoniczny, naruszając te zasady. Proponowana analiza formalna tego zjawiska w ramach teorii optymalności opiera się na założeniu wywiedzionym z prac Itô i Mestera (1995, 1999, 2001), zgodnie z którym systemy fonologiczne języków naturalnych mają strukturę rdzeń-peryferie. Galicyzmy z akcentem paroksytonicznym zostały przyporządkowane do rdzenia, natomiast te z akcentem oksytonicznym do sfery peryferyjnej. W każdej z tych warstw obowiązują odmienne rankingi ograniczeń fonologicznych, czego wynikiem jest rozbieżność akcentowania w obu grupach zapożyczeń.
The article deals with word stress adaptation in French loanwords in Polish. The presented data demonstrate that the borrowings in question can be divided into two categories in terms of stress placement. On the one hand, there are items with penultimate stress, which conform to native Polish stress rules. On the other hand, there are those which retain the original final stress in violation of these rules. The proposed formal analysis of this phenomenon within Optimality Theory is based on the assumption derived from Itô and Mester (1995, 1999, 2001) that phonological systems of natural languages have a core-periphery structure. The gallicisms with penultimate stress have thus been assigned to the core, while those with final stress to the periphery. It is argued that each stratum has a different constraint ranking, which results in the divergent adaptation of word stress.
Źródło:
Linguistica Copernicana; 2021, 17; 208-219
2080-1068
2391-7768
Pojawia się w:
Linguistica Copernicana
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Three Arguments for Underspecified Representations
Autorzy:
Rubach, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52803921.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
phonology
Polish phonology
Derivational Optimality Theory
underlying representations
fonologia
fonologia polska
derywacyjna teoria optymalności
reprezentacje głębokie w fonologii
Opis:
In classic generative phonology (The Sound Pattern of English, Lexical Phonology) underlying representations and associated rules account for generalizations of two types: alternation-based generalizations and distribution-based generalizations. This article addresses the issue of how distribution-based generalizations are handled in Standard Optimality Theory and in Derivational Optimality Theory. The former uses the principle of the Richness of the Base, the latter relies on underspecification. It is argued that the Richness of the Base and the associated principle of Lexicon Optimization are unable to provide an adequate analysis of three types of generalizations: Nasal Assimilation in English, Vowel Retraction in the process of assimilating borrowings into Polish, and a presonorant voicing process called Cracow Voicing. 
W klasycznej teorii fonologii generatywnej reprezentowanej przez Sound Pattern of English reprezentacje głębokie i związane z nimi reguły fonologiczne odzwierciedlają dwa rodzaje generalizacji: generalizacje oparte na alternacjach i generalizacje oparte na dystrybucji dźwięków. Niniejszy artykuł omawia problem reprezentacji dystrybucyjnych i sposobu ich opisu z punktu widzenia standardowej teorii optymalności i derywacyjnej teorii optymalności. Teoria standardowa wprowadza zasadę wzbogaconej reprezentacji głębokiej (Richness of the Base), natomiast teoria derywacyjna – zupełnie odwrotnie – postuluje reprezentacje pozbawione wszelkiej redundancji (underspecified representations). Niniejszy artykuł dowodzi, że teoria standardowa nie jest w stanie opisać trzech rodzajów generalizacji: reguły asymilacji nosowej w języku angielskim, reguły cofania samogłoskowego w języku polskim oraz reguły tzw. udźwięczniania krakowskiego. 
Źródło:
Studies in Polish Linguistics; 2019, 14, 4; 191-217
1732-8160
2300-5920
Pojawia się w:
Studies in Polish Linguistics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 20

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