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Wyszukujesz frazę "military speech" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
Words of Warfare: Life of Mission Soldiers in the Perspective of Quantitative Linguistics
Autorzy:
Radková, Lucie
Místecký, Michal
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909320.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-01-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
stylometry
keyword analysis
collocation analysis
military speech
Czech language
Opis:
The paper focuses on the analysis of a sample of military language from the stylometric perspective. The corpus is the chronicle of the 8th Czech Armed Forces Guard Company, which operated at the Bagram Air Field base (BAF). We work on the assumptions that in the corpus, there will be (A) a prominent presence of military slang; (B) a high proportion of abbreviations; (C) frequent linguistic devices expressing mutuality and collectiveness of the soldiers’ enterprise. The texts were subjected to keyword and collocation analyses; these determined several stylistic features of theirs (such as use of English-based expressions, protocol-like language, or idiosyncratic collocations), which testify to the multifaceted character of the military chronicle genre.
Źródło:
Bohemistyka; 2021, 1; 7-26
1642-9893
Pojawia się w:
Bohemistyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ściganie sprawców kłamstwa katyńskiego w III Rzeszy
Prosecution of the Perpetrators of the Katyń Massacre Lie in the Third Reich
Autorzy:
Graczyk, Konrad
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/782660.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Katyń, crime, criminal speech, criticism of the state, actions against the military,
Katyń Massacre Lie, propaganda
Opis:
This article addresses the criminal liability of German citizens for the so-called Katyń Massacre Lie during the Third Reich. Its source materials are the records of three cases discovered in German archives. Questioning the official (and actual) German propaganda’s version about the massacre of Polish prisoners of war by the Soviets or negating its perpetration by the Soviets while attributing it to the Germans was subject to prosecution as criminal speech against the state. This paper brings to attention the circumstances under which such an act was committed, the statements said by the perpetrators, and a legal qualification which was grounds for indictment and conviction.
Źródło:
Z Dziejów Prawa; 2018, 11, 2; 139-148
1898-6986
2353-9879
Pojawia się w:
Z Dziejów Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Військова і безпекова складові внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації у 2007–2014 рр.
Składniki wojskowe i bezpieczeniowe wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2007–2014
Autorzy:
Демартино, Андрій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489524.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
internal politics
foreign policy
geopolitical space
political radicalism
Munich speech V. Putin
military reform
strategic decisions
international relations
Opis:
The radical actions of the Kremlin, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and the support of the separatists in the East of Ukraine, were conditioned by fundamental changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy, which began much earlier and were connected with the historically determined irrational aspirations of Russians to territorial expansion. The turning point of radical changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy can be considered the famous speech of Putin, which he spoke at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, and openly said that he «really thinks about the problems of international security.» The main points of this report are the following: the unacceptability and impossibility for a modern world of a unipolar model of international relations; the need to find a reasonable balance between the interests of all actors in international politics; the inadmissibility of the invasion of the United States of America in all spheres of world development and the imposition of rules of the game to other states; the admissibility of the use of military force as the last argument only on the basis of the UN Charter; termination of the provocative NATO expansion to the East as reducing the level of mutual trust in the world; the hopelessness of the West’s economic policy towards the Third World countries; stopping the process of transforming the OSCE into a tool for securing the foreign policy interests of one or a group of countries relative to other countries; the formation of a just, democratic world order capable of ensuring prosperity not only for the elected but for all. Putin’s speech served as an occasion for controversy in the Western political circles to restore the «cold» war. By the Russian side, the Munich speech of Putin was seen as a further program of foreign policy of Russia in the late 2000’s - early 2010’s. External causes of radical change in the course of the Russian Federation: 1) the enlargement of NATO and the EU to the east in 2004, which took place without taking into account the interests of the Russian Federation, and this is against the backdrop of the intensified declaration of Putin after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 supporting the American strategy to combat terrorism; 2) «color revolutions» that took place in 2003-2005 in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, and were actively supported by the United States and the leading European countries. The conservative part of the Russian elite perceived them as an offensive against Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space. Internal reasons: 1) the rise in oil prices on the world market since the early 2000’s, accompanied by a surge of foreign direct investment and a cessation of capital outflow. In conjunction with the dependence of European countries on the supply of Russian energy resources, all this generated in the higher political elite a sense of Russia’s new status as an «energy superpower» and claims to restore its role in world politics; 2) the defeat of the big business (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky) in the struggle for power in the Russian Federation and the growing influence of the federal bureaucracy and security forces, which led by Putin to gain mass support in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2003-2004. After Munich in Russia, a whole series of conceptual, legislative, structural changes and organizational measures aimed at adapting state institutions and politics under new conditions was launched. The preparation and conduct of the presidential elections in Russia, which resulted in the «return» of Putin to a senior position in the state, finally severed the Kremlin, even with the possibility of establishing a pragmatic cooperation with the West, which attempts were made during the reign of D. Medvedev within the framework of the «reboot» from the United States and «Partnership for Modernization» programs with Germany and the EU. Thus, the evolution of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in 2007-2014 is largely due to the imperial essence of the state and society of this country, due to all its historical historical development. In addition, the subjective factor associated with the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin and his oligarchic leadership headed by his desire for personal enrichment and indivisible domination in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, played a role in changing the country’s political course. Accordingly, Russian aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2014, should be considered a natural result of the expansionist aspirations of the ruling class in Russia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 28-34
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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