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Tytuł:
The phenomena of social pathology among minors within the period of 1999-2012 as a result of family dysfunction
Zjawiska patologii społecznej wśród nieletnich w latach 1999–2012 jako wynik dysfunkcji rodziny
Autorzy:
Gosztyła, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526766.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Opolski. Instytut Nauk o Zdrowiu
Tematy:
dysfunction,
modern family,
juvenile crime
patologia,
nieletni,
dysfunkcja
Opis:
Over the last decade, the crime rate among young people has been rising, which may be caused by the growing dysfunctionality of the family. The aim of this work is to show the range of juvenile crime in recent years and the way in which the dysfunctionality of the family influences this phenomenon. To analyze the phenomenon of juvenile crime, the statistics of the Regional Police Headquarters in Opole in years 1999–2012 have been used. The analysis of the statistics has shown that over these years, the crime rate among young people has been rising and in 2012 it reaches 8.4% of all crimes. It is becoming apparent that the dysfunctionality of modern family influences the development of crime among young people. Modern dysfunctionality is not understood merely as orphanhood or half-orphanhood but more as a deep crisis of educational family values. What has been disturbed is the structure of families without considering it just at the level of parents’ physical presence at home but at the level of bonds, goals, norms which family should bring while shaping a young person, citizen and which it currently develops.
W ostatniej dekadzie wzrasta poziom przestępczości wśród młodych ludzi, co może być spowodowane narastającą dys- funkcjonalnością rodziny. Celem niniejszej pracy jest wskazanie zakresu przestępczości nieletnich w ostatnich latach i wpływu, jaki na to zjawisko ma dysfunkcjonalność współczesnej rodziny. Do analizy zjawiska przestępczości wśród nieletnich wykorzystano statystyki Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji z lat 1999–2012. Z analizy danych statystycznych wynika, że w wybranym okresie wzrasta poziom przestępczości wśród młodych ludzi, który w roku 2012 sięga 8,4% wszystkich przestępstw. Widoczne staje się, że dysfunkcjonalność współczesnej rodziny ma wpływ na rozwój przestępczości wśród młodych ludzi. Przedstawione dane pokazują, jak bardzo negatywny wpływ ma rozkład rodziny i jej wartości wśród młodych ludzi. Współczesna dysfunkcjonalność nie jest już rozumiana jako sieroctwo czy półsieroctwo, ale jako głęboki kryzys wartości wychowawczych rodziny. Zaburzona została struktura rodzin, nie rozpatrując już tego zjawiska na poziomie fizycznej obecności rodziców w domu, ale na poziomie więzi, celów i norm, jakie współczesna rodzina powinna wnosić i kształtować w młodym człowieku, obywatelu, a jakie obecnie rozwija.
Źródło:
Puls Uczelni; 2015, 1; 37-40
2080-2021
Pojawia się w:
Puls Uczelni
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Juvenile delinquency rates in Ukraine in 2016–2017
Autorzy:
I, Minchenko, Serhii
V, Shcherbakova, Hanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891556.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-10-07
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
juvenile delinquency
crime in Ukraine
juvenile
crime determinants
counteracting crime
Opis:
The article presents current tendencies related to juvenile delinquency in Ukraine based on data from the 2016–2017 period. Quantitative juvenile delinquency indices differ substantially from quantitative adult crime indices. This is primarily caused by the fact that the former apply to a four-year period (14–18 years of age), while the latter apply to the period after reaching the age of majority. Differences between juvenile and adult crime also manifest in the form of e.g. the nature and degree of social harm inflicted by the crimes, which is determined by the age of the perpetrators. Their age is not only related to the socio-psychological profiles of offenders, but also their position in society (which is why juvenile delinquency does not encompass e.g. economic crimes, professional offences etc.). The article presents the fundamental determinants of juvenile delinquency, based on the premise that a thorough analysis of crimes committed by persons under 18 years of age is necessary to effectively combat the phenomenon in Ukraine. The article also identifies the major methods currently used to prevent and counteract this type of crimes.
Źródło:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2019, 34; 96-104
2299-4033
Pojawia się w:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Nieobecny ojciec” – casus rodzin nieletnich przestępców
“The Absent Father” – a Case Study of a Family of Juvenile Delinquents
Autorzy:
Bernasiewicz, Maciej
Noszczyk-Bernasiewicz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1070729.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-11-14
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
juvenile delinquency
family
predictors of crime
Opis:
The studies presented in the article show the presence and quality of the male model of the guardian in the life of juvenile delinquents. The biographies of 26 boys and 34 girls (juvenile delinquents) were studied. The text attempts to prove the thesis that the absence of the father in the upbringing of the child (his physical as well as emotional absence) has serious consequences in the children’s moral development. On the other hand, a presence of a criminal father constitutes an equally strong predictor of juvenile delinquency.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2017, 44; 161-175
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Impulsiveness and venturesomeness among juvenile offenders
Autorzy:
Grzegorz, Kudlak,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/893063.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-11-18
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Juvenile deliquency
juvenile offenders
impulsiveness
venturesomeness
empathy
crime
Eysenck theory
personality
juvenile shelter
Opis:
The aim of this study was to determine possible relationships between delinquency and the personality traits of the juvenile offenders. The research covered a level of impulsiveness, venturesomeness and empathy among offenders placed in a juvenile shelter in comparison to a control group with a clean criminal record. Results analysis show that personality of juvenile offenders in surveyed dimensions was substantially different from the personality of adolescents in the control group. In particular, the impulsiveness level of juvenile offenders was significantly higher, and the empathy level was significantly lower than of control group. There was no significant differences found in a venturesomeness level in this comparison. The presented research problem certainly requires further studies, particularly focusing on the significance of impulsiveness and empathy as a personality dimension in the genesis of juvenile delinquency, but also in the context of social rehabilitation.
Źródło:
Papers of Social Pedagogy; 2019, 12(2); 43-56
2392-3083
Pojawia się w:
Papers of Social Pedagogy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Cross-border: juvenile delinquency and crime a paradoxical nexus for social transformation
Autorzy:
Ogbonnaya, Dickson
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933339.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Cross-border
Juvenile delinquents
Crime
and Social transformation
Opis:
Talented youths such as students, professionals, information technology experts, entrepreneurs, cultural workers, and others are now more internationally mobile in the world economy as a delinquent response to new opportunities (and risks) that are offered by globalization. This trend has been reinforced by the greater information flow on economic opportunities and life-styles in different cities and countries across the globe and by lower transportation costs. The burden of this paper is a critical examination of the various dimensions of delinquent international mobility of human capital and its developmental implications on source nations (often developing countries), recipient nations (often rich countries), and on international crime and development. The work is also interested in empirical solution to risk factors against youthful talents and possibilities as imperatives for social mobilization and transformation in a globalized world. The theoretical model for this work shall connect neo-Marxist critical perspective and comparative advantage theory viewed in the light of parsonnian social order model. Finally, the paper will critique social transformation problematic associated with youthful talents not developed and mobilized. Through resourceful literature and empirical models as stated earlier, the possible solutions will emerge. My expectation is to highlight the need for an adequate and cooperative policy response that balances the human resource needs of the source countries and of the receiving countries considering the fact that ethical standards for recruitment and compensation schemes are possible tools to deal with this phenomenon.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2021, 16; 78-92
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Family as a Predictor of Criminal Behaviour among Juveniles
Autorzy:
Noszczyk-Bernasiewicz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/48516474.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
social maladjustment
crime
juvenile
risk factors
multiproblem family
Opis:
The aim of this research is focused on identifying the criminogenic factors inherent in the family of children remaining in youth detention centres. This study used a survey as its research method. The analysis of documents (court records, and facility documents) for the family situation of minors was the research technique used here. The study focused on three youth detention centres and shelters for juveniles located in the Silesia Province. The study was carried out in November and December 2010. 50 files of 26 minor boys and 24 minor girls were analysed. Summarizing the research results, it can be concluded that the impact of family on the proper socialization process of children raised in these families is undeniable and significant. Negative factors in the family environments of respondents influenced the formation of negative events which result in the process of demoralization and juvenile delinquency.
Źródło:
The New Educational Review; 2012, 28; 17-28
1732-6729
Pojawia się w:
The New Educational Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wielokrotnie karani recydywiści w wieku 26-35 lat w świetle badań kryminologicznych
Persistent Recidivists Aged Between 26 and 35 in the Light of Criminological Research
Autorzy:
Archiwum Kryminologii, Redakcja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698908.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
młodociani
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
crime
recidivism
juvenile
social maladjustment
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 7-10
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konsumpcja a przestępczość nieletnich
Consumption and juvenile delinquency
Autorzy:
Szafrańska, Elżbieta
Szafrański, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452349.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:
consumption
juvenile
crime
threats
victim
konsumpcja
nieletni
przestępczość
zagrożenia
ofiara
Opis:
Juvenile delinquency is a serious social problem. For a long time experts in diff erent areas (law, criminology, sociology, psychology, medicine) have been trying to fi nd solutions that would reduce juveniles’ involvement in criminal activity and various social pathologies which accompany crime. Unfortunately, they have been rarely successful. Th is publication is a criminological and victim logical discussion of juvenile delinquency in the context of satisfying needs, both material and non-material ones. A situation where a person’s needs have not been satisfi ed as desired poses a considerable threat to the individual. Human organism may develop various psychosomatic health disorders which lead to very serious diseases or even death. Being unable to satisfy their needs, particularly material ones, in a legal way, juveniles turn to crime. Research shows that juveniles’ eff orts to fulfi ll their needs may result in their victimization by both young and adult off enders.
Zjawisko przestępczości wśród nieletnich jest poważnym problemem społecznym od wielu lat. Naukowcy różnych dziedzin (prawa, kryminologii, socjologii, psychologii, medycyny) próbują znaleźć rozwiązania, które spowodują ograniczenie udziału nieletnich w zachowaniach przestępczych oraz związanych z nimi innymi zjawiskami patologicznymi. Niestety, udaje im się to tylko w niewielkim stopniu. W niniejszej publikacji, autorzy podjęli rozważania kryminologiczne i wiktymologiczne, dotyczące zjawiska przestępczości nieletnich w kontekście zaspokajania potrzeb zarówno materialnych, jaki niematerialnych. Sytuacja, w której potrzeby jednostki nie zostaną zaspokojone zgodnie z jej wymaganiami, rodzi dla niej poważne zagrożenia. Organizm ludzki narażony jest na zaburzenia psychosomatyczne, prowadzące do bardzo poważnych chorób, a nawet śmierci. Nieletni, często nie mając możliwości zaspokajania potrzeb w sposób legalny, w szczególności potrzeb materialnych, wchodzą na drogę przestępczą. Badania naukowe dowodzą, że działania podejmowane przez nieletnich w celu zaspokajania potrzeb powodują, że mogą stać się ofi arą przestępstwa, zarówno ze strony rówieśników, jak i dorosłych.
Źródło:
Journal of Modern Science; 2015, 25, 2; 11-31
1734-2031
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Modern Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
VÝCHOVA A PREVENCIA MLADISTVÝCH VO VZŤAHU KU KRIMINALITE A ICH VÝZNAM
Autorzy:
Renáta, Ďurkechová,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891712.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-08-21
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
Crime
juvenile delinquency
teen
youth
social deviance
education
prevention
legal awareness
Opis:
Seminar work titled Education and prevention of juvenile crime in relation to its importance and analyzes the current situation of this issue with respect to both domestic and foreign literature. Seminar paper defines the various fundamental concepts such as crime, juvenile delinquency and the concept of socio-ethical, criminal law and sociology. It deals with the resolution of label youth, juvenile, child of criminal and sociological perspective. Finally, it highlights the importance of education and the prevention of juvenile crime in relation to the level of legal awareness to adolescents.
Źródło:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2014, 15; 63-79
2299-4033
Pojawia się w:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieletnie dziewczęta 10 lat później - badania katamnestyczne
Juvenile girls 10 years later – a catamnestic study
Autorzy:
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
przestępczość dziewcząt
badania katamnestyczne
kariery kryminalne
juvenile girls
criminology
crime
Opis:
History of criminal studies dates back to the 1930s. However, since 1990s it has been going through a revival. Presently, it is called developmental criminology or life-course criminology. The object of the study was to trace further criminal histories of under-age girls who committed a punishable offence in 2000. Between 2003 and 2005, files of 873 under-age girls were examined . In 2010 it has been 10 years since the studied girls had a court trial. The youngest ones were 23, the oldest ones 27 – and adult women are most frequently sentenced between the age of 23 and 27. The first stage of the study was to apply to National Criminal Registry for information if the perpetrators of criminal deeds committed in 2000 broke the law within the next 10 years as adults, if they were sentenced, if so – how many times, and for what types of crimes. The second stage was to analyse the data from the Registry according to a questionnaire. The third stage was to compare the results with the data obtained previously in the study of the under-age: the crimes which had been committed as well as social and family backgrounds. Data concerning education, profession and work history are hardly present in the Reg-istry. The only information available is profession. It is impossible to obtain information how many sentenced women actually worked as adults. 7 of them (6%) declared “unemployed” so we know they were unemployed but it is unknown if they actually had any profession. Un-doubtedly more than a half of the sentenced women (52%) had no profession. Those who had a profession were cooks (9%), shop assistants (6%) and dressmakers (5%. Three persons (2,7%) were technicians (graduated from technical colleges) of economy and administration, sales, and environment protection. Most women (61%) were sentenced only once, 19 of them twice (17%). Two “record holders” were convicted 11 times during the 10 years. In the adult life, just like previously, most offences are against property. 39% are deeds of exclusively such nature, 23% are offences against property related to other types of offences (e.g. against life and health, safety in transport, documents or related to drug possession and trafficking). In total In total, 62% of crimes were against property. Second noticeable category of crimes (which was not committed by under-age girls) were crimes against transport safety (13,5%). Crimes against health and life were 13% of the overall number. Definitely more adult women than under-age girls commit crimes against document credibility (8%). There are also more punishable deeds related to drug production, trafficking and possession (7%). The study confirms legitimacy of risk factors known for a long time.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2011, XXXIII; 163-195
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1961-1967 (rozmiary, struktura przestępczości, orzeczone środki)
Juvenile delinquency in Poland 1961-1967 (extent, structure, adjudicated means)
Autorzy:
Jerzy, Jasiński
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698896.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
kara pozbawienia wolności
młodociani
alkoholizm
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
agresja
zakład poprawczy
crime
recidivism
imprisonment
juvenile
alcoholism
social maladjustment
aggression
juvenile detention center
Opis:
1. Problems related to juvenile delinquency have always been a subject of vivid interest of both scientific circles and the community at large. Consequently, juvenile delinquency has probably become a criminological problem given a most profound consideration and any studies which concern that type of delinquency get a vivid response also outside a nanow expert community. Among such studies, modest though and certainly not foreground place is occupied by analyses of statistical materials. Since the results of the analyses mentioned “grow old” much quicker than do the results of individual, more advanced studies, it seems purposeful, therefore, to make efforts in the direction of bringing them more up-to-date. At least one problem seems to demand such up-dating most specificaliy, i.e., the problem of the assessment of the general data obtained from the police and judicary statistics since such data can be one of juvenile the bases for determining the extent of delinquency. Having considered that within the meaning of the criminal law juveniles and adults are, in an arbitrary manner, demarcated merely by age limit (before or after 17 years of age at the moment an offence was committed) whose artificiality is somehow shocking from the criminological point of view, it seemed also advisable to-include in this study other questions related to the extent of delinquency of young adults as well as to consider its situation against the background of the adult population. Another group of questions discussed is connected with the structure of delinquency; also special attention has been paid to questions of place the suspects or those found guilty (and young adults, too) herd among the total numbers of suspected or convicted adults. Finally, there is the third group of questions given special consideration in this study, namely the educative and correctional means adjudicated upon juveniles. Although there is a good deal of information on that particular topic as well as more or less detailed papers concerning the analysis of these kind of data nevertheless the material in question has not so far been analysed in terms of an adequately long period of time which would permit to seize certain clearly-cut tendencies in adjudication of particular kinds of means, especially against the background of various fluctuations of numbers of juveniles appearing in the court. In that chapter of this essay, the studies have been considerably extended to include 1951-1967 instead of 1961-1967 as in the remaining ones. 2. 1. In analysing various kinds of contexts in which, particular authors mention the range of juvenile delinquency - especially when they are alarmed by its increase or whenever they are pleased to note its stabilization or decrease - one may easily see that the authors usually have different things in mind. Sometimes their opinions are based on more and sometimes on less founded assumptions or estimations concerning the number of juvenile offenders themselves, sometimes on the number of their offences, the importance of such deeds or their frequency rate, the degree of social depravity in juveniles appearing in courts, and finally, together - on a series of the abovementioned instances (and also on ones not mentioned there). Anyway, always where one or another adequately justified opinion on the extent of juvenile delinquency is found, the reader is able either to know at once or to trace back what in ęach particular case was the measure of the extent in question. The purpose of the present study is to show different ways for the determination of the detected extent of juvenile delinquency and to present certain groups of data which might serve as the most appropriate criteria for the evaluation of the dimensions of delinquency; furthermore, the intention of the present author is to show that at least some of the criteria are by no means of competitive nature but that they rather permit us to grasp different aspects of the problem of juvenile delinquency. It would be difficult therefore to forejudge about the superiority of one criterion over another as they concern different aspects of the samę problem and as such may have a different impact for our analyses, depedent on the line of our research. 2. A relatively large number of juveniles found among the total number of suspected or convicted individuals may sometimes incline us towards making certain far-reaching statements concerning the extent of juvenile delinquency. Some people hold the opinion that whenever juveniles (or sometimes juveniles and young adults) constituted a considerable portion of the total number of offenders, the range of their delinquency should be recognized as significant, if only on account of their share in delinquency. The author is doubtful about the rightfulness of such an opinion if it were only for a specific character of the juvenile delinquency structure, the importance of offences or also for other than in the case of adults, aims of prosecution (in the broadest meaning of that word). It does not mean, however, that it would not be worth while what is the place the known now in Poland juvenile offenders hold among the total number of individuals convicted. In 1961-1967, juveniles under 13 years of age constituted merely 2-3 per cent of the total number of individuals convicted (similar percentage was noted in the last decade 1951-1960). Together with 13-16 year-old offenders, the juveniles constituted only a group of several per cent - and in recent years - a dozen-or-so per cent group. The number of very young and young that had been found guilty (i.e., juveniles and young adults) was bigger but stin did not exceed 1/5-¼ of the total number of the individuals convicted out of which half were almost 30 or older at the time they committed the offences. It is fitting to note at this point that in a number of countries, persons under 21 years of age constitute 1/2 and sometimes 2/3 of the total number of the individuals convicted or suspected. It may then be said that from the point of view of a relative quantity of juveniles found in the total number of the individuals convicted, that juvenile delinquency in poland may still be estimated as a highly moderate one. 3. Out of all the available methods that can be employed for the evaluation of the extent of juvenile delinquency the simplest one is that which bases on the statistical data concerning the number of juveniles found guilty, or more broadly juvenile adjudgments, or even still more broadly - the number of cases in which a juvenile was suspected of an offence. The limitations involved in the use of such a criterion are quite evident since in applying such a criterion we fail to consider any consequences of the fact that the number of adjudgements or findings of guilt is hardly synonymous with the number of juveniles adjudicated or found guilty (which could after all be justified), but - and this is less acceptable - such a number does not bear any relation to the wider population - events or individuals - against whose background it occurs. However, from one point of view this criterion is important, namely it provides relatively accurate information about one of the quantitative aspects of risks faced by the police and the court of law, involved with the conduct of proceedings and with the adjudication upon the offences committed by juveniles. This criterion becomes particularly important whenever we tackle with organizational problems of courts for juveniles, or the needs for staff or institutions. For the last seven years, the total number of adjudgements increased from about 47 thousand to 71 thousand (i.e. by 52 pet cent). As compared with 1951 (abo 26 thousand), the total number of the adjudgements in 1967 was almost threefold. Close to the latter was the number of juveniles suspected by the police of offending the law (for the last four years past, it was 53 to 70 thousand a year). Out of the total number of the adjudgements, the findings of guilt held similar place (54 to 56 per cent) slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when the proportion was about 56 to 61 per cent. In the seven-year period discussed, the proportion of discontinuations of legal proceedings evidently increased: at the present moment, 33 to 34 per cent of juvenile cases are dismissed, in 1951-1960 on the other hand, the proportion having been 20 to 30 per cent. Various categories of juveniles are involved therein. Acquittals are a particular category of adjudgements; the absolute number of acquittals was on an approximate level (2,300-2,800) but owing to the simultaneous increase in the total number of adjudgements, the percentage of acquittals decreased to 4 per cent. Perhaps it is worth while remembering that acquittals were as many as 11 per cent of adjudgements in 1951, but already in 1952 and onwards, the proportion had been stabilized on the 6 to 7 per cent level. The fact that it is so low now should perhaps be recognized as a positive phenomenon; it seems to give evidence that magistrates, who but certainly conduct also preparatory proceedings, do not send cases too hastily for hearing where the juvenile's guilt seems insufficiently made probable to them. It may be asked upon how many juvenile suspects educative-or correctional means are adjudicated following a finding of guilt. A summary of the data obtained from the police or court statistics may supply an answer. As was said before, cases of almost 60 per cent of suspected juveniles end up with a finding of guilt, that proportion being slightly lower in boys than in girls and in lower age groups rather than in older. Very few suspects of 7 to 9 years of age are found guilty (7 per cent). Those proportions increase rapidly already in 10 year-old suspects (47 per cent) and grow up to 13 yearsage-group (62 per cent) showing then a stabilization on a similar level. According to the information mentioned, in 1961-1967 annual numbers of findings of guilt were 27 to 38 thousand. Those numbers included, of course, a majority of findings of guilt by juvenile courts and also sentences of ordinary courts. The latter were concerned with cases when a juvenile was 17 years of age prior to the beginning of the hearing or when he or she acted together with an adult  and when according to the prosecution's decision “for the benefit of the administration of justice” their case should not be transferred to the juvenile court. The proportion of findings of guilt by ordinary courts of law was about 9 to 11 per cent in 1961-1967, having been slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when sometimes it reached even 13 per cent. This is probably connected with some lowering of the mean age of juveniles found guilty for the last few years as compared with that observed in 1951-1960. 4. The number of juveniles upon whom judicial.educative or correctional means had been executed provide information about another side of the quantitative aspect of work facing the juvenile courts. The number of juveniles under court control due to a committed offence increased from 34,520 in 1951 to 58,005 in 1967 and that is by 68 per cent. This seems to be an effect of not only an increase in the number of juveniles found guilty but also of a prolonged average duration of execution of means. That considerable number of juveniles upon whom means were executed should perhaps be further increased. So, for instance, in 1965 45.055 children and youth were placed under juvenile court control, established according to civil proceedings, and under ordinary court control there were another 23,699. As for some portion of the number of such juveniles, court control was certainly connected with manifestations of their social maladjustment, with behavioural disturbances not varying in nature from those for which other juveniles were found guilty. Also in some of those cases, the way of carrying out the control did not differ significantly from the means usually applied, such as supervision order, probation or approved school. 5. Since in the hitherto discussed ways of understanding the range of the detected juvenile delinquency the main stress was laid on absolute numbers, in the present analysis of the standards some attention may be paid to relative numbers resulting from a reference of the number of findings of guilt to some population of individuals concerned or of the number of juveniles found guilty to some broader population of which they were a portion. The objective of such an analysis is to illustrate the degree to which the phenomena of delinquency have been spread throughout the juvenile population. This will lead to quite a different manner of appreciating the juvenile delinquency range. It will not be considered weighty e.g., when the number of findings of guilt will reach some definite level but when the number of juvenile offenders in the juvenile population will be sufficiently high. The most common standard of that kind is represented by delinquency which, if applied for analysing data of court statistics with regard to juvenile delinquency, is represented by the number of findings of guilt as one pro mille of the entire juvenile population. As compared with absolute numbers, the above listed rates give the following picture: between 1961 and 1965, a slight (a few-per-cent) increase in the number of findings of guilt was observed, however, considering that this was accompanied by a much higher increase in the number of i0-16 year-old juveniles, the rates showed a decrease. During the following two years; there was a significant change of that situation, the increase in the number of findings of guilt was then so high that it brought about also an increase in rate values which in 1967 became 15 per cent higher than those in 1961.  The increase in rates was by no means equal in all age groups of juveniles concerned, some were not involved at all. The rates in all age groups of girls were found on similar level as in 1956-1960. Thus, the increase in the number of findings of guilt in girls was proportional to the increase in the total population of 10-16 year-old girls. The annual average was one finding of guilt per 1,000 girls in that particular age group. With boys, the situation was different; here we had to deal with a general increase in rates as compared with that observed in the preceding five-year period. The increase in rates was very high in 14-16 year-old boys (by 19-23 per cent), approximate level was maintained in12-73 year-old boys and a decrease was observed in 10-11 year-old ones (by 5-10 per cent). An average rate of 196l-1967 for the total population of boys was 12,2 and showed that an annual average in the discussed seven-year period was one finding of guilt per 82 boys between 10 and 16 years of age. In our earlier discussion of the rank that the findings of guilt in juveniles held among the total number of such findings in 1961-1967, also young adults were mentioned. There were more findings of guilt in young adults although the latter belong only to four age groups (17, 18, 19 and 20) while the juveniles - to seven age groups at least. The above listed findings show first of all a systematic decrease in numbers of convictions in young adults (1961 -1964) followed, as compared with the 1961 level, by an increase (1965-1967) by 9 per cent in made and by 2 per cent in female offenders. This movement of absolute numbers of convictions in young adults was accompanied by simultaneous but considerable decrease in rates which although failing to increase after 1964, have maintained thę level of that year. Consequently, the relevant rates, as compared with 1961, were in 1967 - 30 per cent lower in men and 33 per cent in women. These changes were caused by a few independent agents whose effects were partially accumulated. Therefore it must be said that the rates in young men and women in 1961-1963 were on an approximate level. Its rapid decrease took place in 1964, which was undoubtedly connected with the Act of Amnesty of 20th July 1964 whose bearing on the number of convictions was certainly felt in 1965, too. At the same time, the effect of another diminishing agent was felt: according to the Decree of 28th March 1963, a certain number of young adults ceased to be subject to ordinary court proceedings since the conscription age limit was lowered to be 19 instead of 20 Years of age. In 1967, a successive agent appeared on the scene to have a bearing on the number of convictions in that category of individuals concerned (as well as of the adult population, too). Namely, in accordance with the provisions of the Decree of 17th June 1967, a series of minor offences were classified as non-indictable offences having at the same time become subject of administrative and not judicial proceedings; minor speculations or theft had been involved. As far as the rates were concerned, an additional element started functioning; it was a process of leaving the young adult age group by individuals born during the war (law quantity year groups) on one hand and of entering into that particular age of very numerous year groups of those born after the war, on the other. Prospectives for an extent of young adult convictions for the next few years to come should perhaps be worth while mentioning now. As a result of a thorough analysis of the young adult conviction rate in 1961-1965, of legislative changes and of foreseen changes in numbers of the total young adult population (which will still be increasing for another few years) - the author had drawn the following conclusion. In 1970, the number of convictions of male young adults will probably be about 38 thousand while the rate will reach about 28.0; the relevant figures for females will be 5.5 thousand and 4.0 respectively. In closing our remarks on an evaluation of juvenile and young adult known delinquency extent, made in terms of rates, it might be said that analogically to earlier rates based on the numbers of convictions, also other ,,rates" might be established, where data on numbers of juveniles on whom educative or correctional means had been executed by juvenile courts, could be utilized. A reference of the number of such juveniles to the total number of 10-16 year old ones would lead to the following findings: in 1961, they were 8.7 pro mille of all juveniles of 10-16 years of age but after 7 years - they were 11.8. Thus, as per 31st December 1967, out of each 86 juveniles of 10-16 years of age group, one was under a juvenile court control a subject of executed educative or correctional means. 6. So far, analyses of a degree, to which known juvenile delinquency had spread among youth, were based on information about findings of guilt, however, there is also a possibility to define it by reference to the number of juveniles found guilty. To do so, one has to know how many juveniles, out of those born during one calendar year were found guilty for offences committed by them at thęir juvenile age, exclusively between 11th and 17th years of age. By making use of the data on findings of guilt in 1950- 1960, one could see that for each year group of juveniles born in 1941, 1942, 1943 or 1944, the number of individuals found guilty were 14.1 to 14.9 thousand; their percentage, related to the total number of those born in the said year groups' was 3.5 to 3.8 per cent (for boys only - 6.3 to 6.8 per cent). Thanks to the fact that complete data on findings of guilt have now been available for 1961-1967, an extention of the analysis with respect to few further year groups could be possible. As it may be seen, the numbers of juveniles found guilty, born in the successive years just after the war, increased rapidly (from about 15 to 28 thousand). That increase, however, took place with a simultaneous considerable increase in general quantities of those particular year groups. In the entire population of those of 17 years old, the percentage of juveniles found guilty was approximately on similar level (on a slightly.higher levęl than in the case of those born during the war). Although such a percentage was low in girls, in boys it grew up as high as 6,7 to 7,5 per cent. This means that approximately every thirteenth - fourteenth young adult of 17 years of age born between 1945 and 1951 had already been found guilty for an offence committed at his juvenile age. Analogical attempts to define the number of found guilty within some longer period of time, where findings of guilt could be referred to not only to one but to a sequency of years - in young adults - are more difficult than in juveniles. It is because of relevant shortage of statistics in Poland. By way of analysing data on convictions in 1951 -1963, I had defined some approximate number of young adults, born in 1939, 1940, 1941 and 1942, covicted, at whatever moment of the entire four-year period when they were young adults (between I7 and 20 years of age). In the population of 21 year-old men (born in the above mentioned years) there were about 15 per cent of those who had once been found guilty at their young adult age. This means that approximately every seventh man at that particular age had been convicted at his young adult age. Should the entire eleven-year period between 10th and 21st year of age be taken into account, one would have to accept that every sixth had been found guilty. The above mentioned figures seem very high, indeed. This calls for a thought to be given as to whether or not the penalization extent in this country is not too much expanded or whether or not penal means are too hastily applied when - without prejudice or even to some purpose - they could be given up. 7. So far, data of twofold nature were used for defining standards of known juvenile delinquency extent: numbers of individuals (found guilty) or numbers of events, such as findings of guilt, adjudgements or cases in which a juvenile was a suspect. Let us mention another type of dates which in its character is approximate to the latter category: numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects. Relevant information is provided for by police statistics. According to data of that kind, numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects were 99,588 in 1956 and 110,892 in 1967. 8. Also various ways of interpretation of known juvenile delinquency extents as well as various standards of such extents were discussed. In dealing with legal order endangered by juveniles, attention will first of all be paid to the numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects, especially, so if that standard would adequately be enriched by data concerning the kind or importance of such offences. If interest is taken in quantitative aspects of tasks facing ouf courts of law, the juvenile delinquency extent will be looked at through a prism of the number of adjudgements (especially - of findings of guilt) as well as of the number of subjects under the juvenile court control due to execution of educative or correctional means adjudicated. In that particular area, the extent of juvenile delinquency for the recent seven-year period considerably increased, what might to a certain degree be related to a general increase of the youth population in this country in that period. If one wants to know the degree to which manifestations of known to the police major juvenile depravity has bęen spread, delinquency rates should be used or - what even allows for a broader look at that problem - the percentage of those found guilty for offences committed at their juvenile age in relation to the young adult population born in particular year groups. The abovementioned rates as well as - though to a minor extent - the percentages seem to show that the known juvenile delinquency in this country increased, especially for the last few years. 3. A definition of the delinquency structure is usually understood to include the elements delinquency is composed of and the numerical ratio of delinquency groups differentiated either from delinquency as a whole or from its particular categories. If so understood, in analysing the delinquency structure it is only natural to use a body of information in which offence is a unity. This may be data on the total number of offences committed in a selected area at a certain definite time, irrespective of the method of its evaluation; this may also be a body of data on known offences, on offences where a suspect had been determined in the course of preparatory proceedings or, finally, a body of information about offences where offenders had lawfully been convicted or found guilty. In most cases no such data are available (except perhaps for the second of the mentioned bodies of information which is a fundamental section of police statistics). However, where interest is taken in the delinquency structure, related to a definite category of offenders - to juveniles, the analyser is as a rule compulsed to search for material of different kind. Such material would usually include data on findings of guilt, enriched as they are with information about the nature of offences concerned. An analysis of such data leads to the following conclusions: A considerable increase in the number of findings of guilt in 1961-1967 failed to produce any substantial changes of the juvenile delinquency structure. It is still offences against property (86 to 89 per cent) which are dominant in juvenile delinquency - mostly including theft of things of minor value. Besides, a somewhat numerous group embraced offences against the person (5 to 7 per cent), in which slight bodily harm (about 1/3 of cases), assault (1/5 of cases) and battery or grievous bodily harm dominated. Annually, there were 5 to 11 juveniles found guilty for murder and 21 to 35 for manslaughter. In 7967,614 juveniles were found guilty for sexual offences (1.7 per cent of the total number of findings of guilt in that very year); rape was found in more than a half of cases, the remaining ones having been fornication with juveniles below 15 years of age. About one per cent of cases included offences against public order officers. Offenders of other categories were few. A higher than average increase in the number of findings of guilt for housebreaking or burglary, for damage done to property, a series of offences against the person and for rape has been noted since 1961. This was accompanied by an increase of the mean age of juveniles found guilty annually - from 13,8 years in 1961 to 14,3 years in 1967. It is no wonder then that first of all an increase in the proportion of offences committed by juveniles of older year groups has been observed. A peculiarity of the.juvenile delinquency structure becomes clearly-cut, indeed, when compared with the young adult and adult delinquency structures. Differentiation of only 4 delinquency groups (against property, against the person, sexual offences and those against public order officers) is sufficient to embrace a) almost the entire juvenile delinquency (93 to 96 per cent), b) a considerable proportion of young adult ddlinquency and c) but only below 60 per cent of adult delinquency. The fact that a great majority of juvenile delinquency are related to offences against property (chiefly theft) of minor importance must by no means stipulate that such a delinquency should be neglected. On the contrary, the effects of commitments of various, often slight, offences turn out too often to be serious. This may not be clear when only single cases are considered but when the developing process of juvenile social depravation is taken into account whose that sort of offerences are but a fragment only. According to findings of individual studies, the extent of juvenile offenders demoralization shows either a slight or no connection with the objectively evaluated specific gravity of offences ascribed to juveniles. 4. The activities of juvenile courts or of ordinary courts of law with regard to the adjudication of educative or correctional means upon juveniles in 1951-1967 was the last question discussed in the study. A salient feature of the adjudication by our courts upon juveniles is their very considerable caution in applying means connected with separation of a juvenile from his or her familial community and sending them to an institution. The percentage of juveniles upon whom approved school or borstal had been adjucated was between 10 and 14 per cent, in recent years having been stabilized as l0 to 11 per cent. From that fact a conclusion can hardly be drawn that it was only every 9th or 10th juvenile upon whom an institutional order was considered necessary. Because it should always be remembered that the adjudication in that particular subject is influenced not only by an evaluation of the degree of juvenile social depravity, of educational valours represented by the juveniles' environment, of needs of the juvenile's himself, but also by the realistic possibility of execution of such an adjudication since there is chronic lack of placements in approved schools and very often felt lack of placements in borstals. With respect to further 15 to 24 per cent of juveniles found guilty, eventual need for applying institutional treatment must have been felt by the courts since executions of relevant adjustications had been suspended and 3/4 of cases were placed on probation. Probation was the most frequently applied means with respect to juveniles. That particular means was applied almost in 1/3 of all juveniles found guilty, the proportion of such adjudications having considerably increased in 1951-1967, i.e from 23.2 per cent to 32.2 per cent, so that the yearly number of juveniles placed on probation augmented threefold. Supervision order is another kind of means which used to be more frequently adjudicated early in the fifties and now it is adjudicated upon every 4th-5th juvenile. Most probably, the observed changes regarding preference of adjudication of probation is caused by development of such services enabling probation of increased numbers of juveniles found guilty. Admonition was a mean whose application seemed to be decreasing (it was adjudicated upon 23 per cent of juveniles in 1951 and only upon 14 per cent in 1967). A rapid decrease in the number of juveniles upon whom the courts were satisfied by applying that particular single act a few years after 1951, was probably due to a simultaneous rapid growth of the mean juvenile defendant age progressing according to a rise of the age limit of juvenile responsibility from 7 to 10 years of age (1954). On the other hand, the recently observed considerable decrease in proportion of such adjudications is undoubtedly closely connected with advising the courts in terms of limitation of means to be adjudicated upon juveniles of younger year groups. The choice of adequate educative or correctional means was no doubt influenced not only by the court having been convinced as to which was the best mean for the juvenile's re-education but also what were the realistic possibilities to get the mean executed. An open question is to what extent the changes of the structure of adjudicated means are a result of changes in categories of juveniles appearing at the courts.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 149-202
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demoralizacja i czyny karalne wśród nieletnich – dynamika i rozmiary
Demoralization and Juvenile Delinquency – the Dynamics and Dimensions
Autorzy:
Noszczyk-Bernasiewicz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371533.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-13
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pedagogium
Tematy:
demoralizacja
przestępczość nieletnich
dynamika i rozmiary przestępczości
demoralization
juvenile delinquency
the dynamics and dimensions of crime
Opis:
This paper provides data concerning the dimensions, dynamics and structure of demoralization as well as criminal acts committed by minors over the period 2000–2014 in Poland. The presented results of analyses are the Author’s own elaboration of the data from the Statistics Department of the Ministry of Justice in Warsaw. The statistical data presented herein show the decreasing number of juvenile delinquents from 25,667 to 16,388 juveniles (i.e. by 36.1%) and an increase in demoralization issues from 8,878 to 15,524, i.e. by 74.9% in the years 2000–2014. It can be said that the number of offenses committed in society by juveniles tends to be going down, but this decrease is inadequately low when compared to the reducing number of individuals in this age group. Over the period 2000–2014 the total number of 13–17-year old teenagers decreased by as much as 40%.
W artykule zaprezentowano dane dotyczące rozmiarów, dynamiki oraz struktury demoralizacji i czynów karalnych popełnionych przez nieletnich w latach 2000–2014 w Polsce. Prezentowane wyniki analiz są opracowaniem własnym danych Departamentu Statystyki Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości w Warszawie. Prezentowane dane statystyczne pokazują spadek liczby nieletnich przestępców z 25 667 do 16 388 sprawców czynów karalnych (tj. o 36,1%) oraz wzrost w zakresie demoralizacji z 8 878 do 15 524, tj. o 74,9% w latach 2000–2014. Można stwierdzić, że liczba czynów karalnych popełnianych w społeczeństwie przez nieletnich ma tendencję spadkową, ale spadek ten jest nieadekwatny do obniżenia się populacji tej kategorii wiekowej. W okresie 2000–2014 ogólna liczba osób w wieku 13–17 lat spadła aż o 40%.
Źródło:
Resocjalizacja Polska; 2016, 11; 145-162
2081-3767
2392-2656
Pojawia się w:
Resocjalizacja Polska
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Analiza przestępczości wielokrotnych recydywistów
Delinquency of persistent recidivists
Autorzy:
Szelhaus, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698890.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
kara pozbawienia wolności
młodociani
więzienie
włamanie
kradzież
alkoholizm
crime
recidivism
imprisonment
juvenile
prison
burglary
theft
alcoholism
Opis:
1. The first part of the paper deals with the data from criminal records, pertaining to the delinquency of all thb 440 prisoners recidivists who within a two-year period entered the Warsaw Central Prison and who corresponded to the previously mentioned criteria. 42% out of the total of these recidivists were aged between 26 and 30, 58% - between 31 and 35, their average age being about 31. Two-thirds lived in the Greater Warsaw area, 15% in small towns and settlements on the outskirts of Warsaw and 7%  in nearby villages. The average number of convictions after 17, amounted to 6,7 in regard to 440 recidivists. 40% were convicted 4-5 times, 35 - 6-7 times, 25% - 8 times and more. As far as their stay in prison is concerned it can be stated, that 26%, of the recidivists stayed in prison only four times,44% - 5-6 times and 21% - 7 times and more. Investigating the age of recidivists at which they were first brought to courts after 17, it was established that 20% were first tried at the age of 17, 18% at 18 and 29% between 19 and 20. Only 33%, of recidivists were first convicted when they were 21 or older. The beginning of delinquency with respect to persistent recidivists was however much earlier; results of detailed investigations relating to 220 out of those 440 recidivists revealed a considerable percentage of subjects commiting thefts when they were not older than 17 (these data are quoted below together with the results of investigations on the 220 recidivists). Taking into account all the offences for which 440 recidivists were convicted and for the perpetration of which they were suspected (if they were remanded in custody awaiting trial), it can be asserted that 59%, out of 3,862 were offences against property of which thefts amount to as many as 75,6%. Offences against person constitute 15% ot the total of offences. Most of them did not involve any serious consequences for the victim, - minor assaults constituting 43%, light bodily injury 24%, maltreating his wife and children by an alcoholic recidivist - 17%. Assaults on public officers (nearly always committed in state of inebriety) constitute 12% of all the offences. Out of 3,862 offences only 201 (5%) may be classified as serious acts of aggression, 148 of which were robberies. Although 150 (34%) recidivists committed these 201 serious acts of aggression, the overwhelming majority were convicted only once for the perpetration of that type of offence. Only 41 recidivists (9%) committed two or more offences connected with aggression; out of those 41 offenders 23 were convicted for the perpetration of robberies. The 440 recidivists were divided into categories taking into account the kind of offences they committed; it appeared, that two-thirds of the recidivists were convicted for the perpetration of different offences. Only 24% were convicted for the perpetration of offences against property exclusively and only with 28% such offences distinctly outweighed any other offences. A category of recidivists (9%) convicted several times for offences against person exclusively and for insulting or attacking public officers (mostly policemen) is also worthy to be mentioned as well as such recidivists (16%) with whom these offences connected with aggression distinctly outweighed any other offences. By comparing the length of time during which, since they were 17, the persistent recidivists stayed in prison with that during which they were at liberty it has been established that about 30% of them stayed longer in prison than at liberty; nevertheless, about 32% stayed at liberty for at least three-fourths of the entire period after they were 17. The rate of recidivism is reflected in the data relating to the average stay at liberty of 440 recidivists. Almost half of them (46%) stayed at liberty for a relatively short time - less than a year - (with 13% it did not exceed 6 months). In 40% of cases the average stay at liberty lasted from one year at least to less than two years and only with 14% it lasted at least two years. Worthy of mentioning are also the following data on the longest stays at liberty, indicating that the rate of recidivism was formed in different ways. Only 12,5% of recidivists did not stay longer at liberty, between arrests, than 1 year while 23% stayed at liberty for 3-5 years at least once in their lifetime, counting from their release from prison until the new arrest. 10% stayed at least once at liberty for as long as 5 years. 2. The above data on delinquency of 440 recidivists, based exclusively on the information contained in registers, will be now completed by essential, additional data from judicial records, obtained during detailed investigations on 220 out of the 440 recidivists. In the beginning however, it is necessary to give the results of investigations concerning the origins of delinquency of recidivists when they were under 17. These results are based on data revealed in Juvenile Courts and on information received from the recidivists themselves and from their mothers. If only such cases are taken into account on which objective information could have been obtained from Juvenile Courts (136), it appears, that 63% of recidivists were found guilty by the courts already under 17 or else confessed to repeated perpetration of thefts for which they had not been tried. On the other hand, basing on the incomplete data on all the 220 recidivists it was ascertained that at least 57% committed offences (thefts) as juveniles, 37% were found guilty by the courts and 20% committed unrevealed thefts. The delinquency of 25% of recidivists began already under 13 (this percentage is in fact undoubtedly higher). Thus, the results obtained from investigations on persistent recidivists aged between 26 and 35 correspond to the results of previous investigations carried out on recidivists under 26, most of whom began committing offences also at the time of their juvenility On the basis of judicial records one may characterize the type of offences and the manner of committing them by the investigated 220 recidivists, after their 17th year. As far as thefts are concerned the percentage of burglaries amounts to 40% while burglaries into shops and stores do not exceed 25% and into houses 23%. Among thefts perpetrated without burglaries a fair number constitute thefts committed in private houses, petty thefts in places of work and stealing from drunkards. Pocket thefts are only 5%. The value of stolen property did not exceed 500 zł in 3% of the thefts and 2,000 zł in 61% of cases. Losses exceeding 10,000 zł were stated only in 10% of the total of thefts according to the material under investigation. It should be emphasized that the analysis of judicial records and investigations of recidivists have shown that a large majority of them commit various types of thefts and cannot be classified as thieves with a definite specialization. Even among recidivists who committed several burglaries only 5 could be classified as offenders committing a definite type of theft. The number of recidivists convicted for three or more burglaries is after all very small as it amounts to 29 (scarcely 16% out of the total of the investigated recidivists). Investigating robberies committed by the recidivists it was first of all ascertained that only 23% were committed by sober offenders (besides, the victim was sober only in 45% of cases). 65% of robberies were committed in the streets (or in parks). Only 21% of robberies were planned and carefully prepared (robberies in houses of well-off persons). 32% constitute robberies in the streets, parks etc. on persons unknown to the offender. Victims of the remaining robberies were persons with whom offenders were drinking alcohol before (the victims were often previously convicted). It should be mentioned that 80% of victims did not sustain any bodily harm whatever. Examining offences against person, committed by the investigated recidivists (90% of which constitute offences of no serious consequences to the victims) it can be asserted that almost all offenders acted under the influence of alcohol and that nearly half of the offences (46%) were committed by two persons at least. Regarding motives of those offences, there were no motives at all in 35% of cases; hitting a passer-by in the street or beating him up was done by an inebriate offender for no reason. There were some insignificant reasons in the remaining cases but the reaction of the inebriate offender was distinctly inadequate to the circumstances of the incident. Similarly, insulting or attacking the policemen was perpetrated by inebriate recidivists only. For the most part (47%) these offences were connected with arrests of the recidivists for some misdemeanours (i.e. drunkenness, disorderly behaviour), rarely for committing an offence (30%). In 23% of cases assaults on policemen were connected with establishing the identity of an inebriate recidivist in the street. Already the analysis of the material contained in judicial records testifies to the fact that frequent alćoholization plays an important part in the etiology of the recidivism and that individłals abusing systematically of alcohol appear in large numbers among the recidivists. 3. An attempt to isolate definite categories of offenders from among 220 of investigated recidivists gave the following results: A. 70% out of the total number of recidivists constitute those recidivists, whose offences against property (thefts as a rule) outweigh considerably any other offences they ever committed. B. 29% of them constitute such recidivists who either did not commit any offences against property at all or committed them only exceptionally. The first category of recidivists (A) comprising 152 prisoners could be divided into two separate groups of recidivists: A1 - a group of recidivists (93) who could be defined as professional offenders, since their chief or only source of maintenance were gains from offences, and A2 - a group of recidivists (59) who perpetrating almost exclusively offences against property, nevertheless have also other sources of stable income. Group A1 - could be divided into two sub-groups (of a similar number of men) consisting of recidivists who commit serious thefts (and robberies) and recidivists who commit only petty thefts as a rule. Recidivist from both sub-groups classified as professional offenders, began committing offences as a rule already in their juvenility (over 80%). As many as 59% abused of alcohol in large quantities already under 21. The percentage of alcohol addicts amounts to 42% in the first sub-group. and up to 69%, in the second. The highest percentage of recidivists (75%) who spent the larger part of their life in prison, appeals among recidivists classified as professional offenders perpetrating serious offences. They are characterized by a more rapid recidivism as compared with other groups of recidivists since their average stay at liberty between subsequent arrests did not exceed six months in 41% of cases and in 85% of cases lasted less than a year. Already these data testify to the fact that although these recidivists were classified as professional offenders since as a rule they had no other sources of maintenance than gains from offences they committed, they nevertheless differ substantially from genuine professional offenders, who usually stay at liberty for long periods of time. Besides, they differ substantially from genuine professional offenders also in that that there are no such recidivists among them (with a few exceptions) who would possess a definite specialization in stealing and would perpetrate a definite sort of theft (pocket thefts, burglaries etc.). Although this sub-group of recidivists were isolated because of the serious thefts they had perpetrated, nevertheless a majority of the thefts did not cause any considerable losses. The second sub-group of recidivists, also defined by the term of professional offenders, in even smaller degree resembles the type of a genuine, professional offender. There is not even one recidivist among them who would commit thefts of a definite type; they commit petty thefts as a rule and some of them live on gambling, illegal trade or fencing. In contrast to the recidivists of the first subgroup (professional offenders committing serious thefts), the recidivists committing petty offences against property stayed at liberty for a much longer time - only 36% stayed in prison for more than half the period of time which elapsed since they were 17. The rate of their recidivism is much slower as only in one-fourth of cases the average stay at liberty between subsequent arrests did not exceed 6 months (in the former group as many as 41%). Finally it should be mentioned that recidivists classified as professional offenders (from both sub-groups) committed, besides the offences against property, also offences against person and police when under the influence of alcohol. Offences against property amount to 75/" of the total of perpetrated offences in the first sub-group, while in the second they amount only to 59% The A2 recidivists committing offences against property, which does not constitute their main source of maintenance, do not form a uniform population of offenders. There are recidivists among thęm who work more or lęss systematically and who committed thefts not connected with the abuse of alcohol, as well as recidivists (and they constitute a majority among the A2 recidivists) who commit petty thefts connected with their alcoholism (the percentage of alcohol addicts in this group is the highest and amounts to 80%). With regard to these recidivists the beginning of their abuse of alcohol preceded the beginning of perpetration of offences and a considerable percentage of thefts is committed in state of inebriety. 56% ot these recidivists began abusing of alcohol already under 17. An altogether separate category of recidivists constitute offenders isolated as recidivists B (29% of the total of investigated recidivists) who committed offences mostly with the use of aggression (against total strangers as a rule), qualified as hooligan offences. Thefts, which they commit very rarely, constitute rather a secondary or even episodical phenomenon in their life, and are usually perpetrated occasionally, without any definite plans. The category of recidivists B now under consideration, contains a small (23) group of recidivists who committed several thefts (3,3 per person); almost all (83%) began committing offences and abusing of alcohol as juveniles (81% of them abused of alcohol already under 19). In general, their way of life could be defined as parasitic. The percentage of alcohol addicts amounts tp to 73%. Other recidivists belonging to the same category of offenders persistently committing aggressive offences (qualified as hooligan offences), against person or police, perpetrated almost exclusively offences of that sort (the average number of thefts per person amounting only to 1,5). They began committing offences much later (hardly 19% committed them as juveniles), and as many as 50% were first tried at 21 or later. The percentage of alcohol addicts amounts in this category to 50%. Almost all of them began abusing of alcohol early, only 32% started at 19 or later. This group contains recidivists with the smallest number of convictions - half of them were convicted only 4 - 5 times. Some 60% worked rather systematically. In this way, persistent recidivists constitute a vęry varied population of offenders. Recidivists committing exclusively offences against property do not exceed 27%. It is also significant that as many as 25 recidivists, committing thefts exclusively, can be found in 4 different groups of recidivists. A typical occurrence is the perpetration, under the influence of alcohol, of offences against person, not involving any serious consequences for the injured. Similarly, very significant is the fact that among the investigated persistent recidivists there are virtually no representatives of the type of a genuine, professional offender; most offences against property involved only trifle losses. Considering the intensity and rapidity of thę recidivism one is confronted with following questions: why penalties inflicted on the persistent offenders have proved ineffective; did recidivism occur as rapidly after short penalties as after the long ones; was long imprisonment inflicted on thęm also at the beginning of their delinquency, etc. This work could not dwęll at length on the above problems. We may merely content ourselves with quoting the following essential results of investigations concerning penalties inflicted on 400 recidivists. An analysis of their stays at liberty after they had served all the sentences which amounted up to 6 months, from 7 to 11 months, from 1 year to less than 2 years, from 2 years to less than 3 years and from 3 years upwards - revealed, that a long prison term of at least 3 years has not proved more effective than a short one up to 6 months. Moreover, it appeared that long prison terms are followed by shorter, on the average, stays at liberty than the short ones. Even in case whęn high penaities involving 2-3 year imprisonment were inflicted at the first, the second or the third trial, results were not any better than in case of short-term penalties. The analysis of penalties inflicted on 44 recidivists, classified as professional offenders committing serious offences against property, revealed, that although nearly half of them were sentenced, at least once, to 5 years or more, the rate of their recidivism did not prove less rapid than after much shorter prison terms. It should be recalled, that only 25% of these recidivists stayed longer at liberty than in prison after they were aged 17. Thus, the results of investigations confirm the experience of many other countries indicating, that with regard to those recidivists who were seriously maladjusted and anti-social since their juvenility, mere imprisonment which is usually resorted to, irrespective of its length, has proved as a rule disappointing.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 11-58
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Social maladjustment and its prevention among secondary school students in the perspective of their professional education and professional activity
Niedostosowanie społeczne oraz jego profilaktyka wśród uczniów szkół ponadpodstawowych w perspektywie ich edukacji zawodowej i aktywności zawodowej
Autorzy:
Reterska-Tkaczyk, Sandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2130170.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-04-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
Tematy:
niedostosowanie społeczne
szkoła ponadpodstawowa
nieletni
zjawisko przestępczości
edukacja zawodowa
aktywność zawodowa
social maladjustment
secondary school
juvenile
crime phenomenon
Opis:
Over the last decade, the number of all punishable offences committedby juvenile delinquents, including secondary school students, has exceeded60 000. Social maladjustment is a major problem for contemporary parents,teachers, and society. Prevention is one of the ways of responding to those socialphenomena that are considered as undesirable and harmful. Fighting juveniledelinquency requires not only an appropriate approach, but also proper skillsof teachers and educators.
W ciągu ostatnich dziesięciu lat liczba wszystkich czynów karalnych,które dokonywane były przez osoby nieletnie, w tym także uczniów szkółponadpodstawowych, zaczynała się od 60 tys. Niedostosowanie społeczne jestsporym problemem dla rodziców, nauczycieli, współczesnego społeczeństwa.Profilaktyka stanowi jeden ze sposobów reagowania na takie zjawiska społeczne,które powszechnie uważane są za niepożądane i szkodliwe. Zwalczanie przestępczości wśród młodych ludzi wymaga bowiem nie tylko odpowiedniego podejścia, ale także odpowiednich predyspozycji nauczycieli i wychowawców. Zjawisko niedostosowania społecznego ma także istotne znaczenie w perspektywie edukacji zawodowej i aktywności zawodowej uczniów, ponieważ wpływa to na ich sytuację społeczną, walory własne, przynależność do różnych grup – formalnych i nieformalnych, a także elementy kulturowe. Praca i aktywność zawodowa młodych ludzi z trudną przeszłością generuje różne zadania wychowawcze i resocjalizujące względem nich, jak chociażby kształtowanie w procesie pracy norm moralnych wobec innych ludzi, wdrażanie do myślenia w kategoriach poszanowania dobra wspólnego, nauka umiejętności pracy w zespole itp. Bardzo często jednak młodzież niedostosowana społecznie posiada przeważnie negatywny wzorzec pracy, co jest przede wszystkim wypadkową wadliwej socjalizacji. Zadanie ukształtowania prawidłowego wzorca pracy i jej roli w życiu ludzkim spoczywa na kadrze pedagogicznej np. placówek resocjalizacyjnych. To właśnie ona ma pomóc w likwidowaniu niewłaściwych zachowań kompensacyjnych wobec obowiązku pracy, ale również w należytym przygotowaniu wychowanków do zawodowej samodzielności.
Źródło:
Szkoła - Zawód - Praca; 2021, 22; 79-88
2082-6087
Pojawia się w:
Szkoła - Zawód - Praca
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
Autorzy:
Paszkowska, Hanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępstwo
młodociani
przestępca młodociany
przestępczość
nieletniość
recydywiści
środowisko rodzinne
spożywanie alkoholu
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
offense
juvenile
juvenile offender
criminality
nonage
recidivists
family environment
alcohol consumption
crime against property
Opis:
The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been  convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were  repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no  retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had  been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of  group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted  to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They  drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending -  also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had  yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 17

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