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Tytuł:
Kształtowanie się przestępczości nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1951-1960 w świetle statystyki sądowej
Juvenile Delinquency in Poland in the Years 1951-1960 in the Light of Judicial Statistics
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699286.pdf
Data publikacji:
1964
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
statystyka sądowa
nieletni recydywiści
juvenile delinquency
judicial statistics
juvenile recidivism
Opis:
In accordance with the criminal legislation in force in Poland, the term of juvenile delinquents comprises those persons who have committed a criminal offence before completing their seventeenth year of age. Such juveniles are prosecuted, as a rule, before special juvenile courts; they may be sentenced only to the application of various kinds of educational means, or be placed in a correctional institution. The subject of the present contribution is an analysis of the statistical materials connected with the juvenile persons found guilty within the ten years 1951- 1960. Such materials, making up the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency, are formed by adding up the records from record cards filled by the law-courts - in every single case where educational and correctional means have been decreed with regard to a juvenile person. Consequently, the above statistics are in Poland, as, incidentally, in a great many other countries, those of findings of guilt, and not of the persons found guilty; every juvenile person is counted there as many times as the application of such means was decreed with regard to him. The data contained in such and similar statistics are known not to provide information about the actual dimensions of juvenile delinquency. A sporadic perpetration of certain minor offences, particularly theft, is extremely widespread among the totality of children and young people, and the perpetrators of such offences brought to light and prosecuted before the law-courts constitute but an insignificant percentage of the total number of juveniles who have committed this or that offence. Independently of the above-mentioned record cards, which furnish us with a great many data concerning the juveniles found guilty, there exist other sources of information concerning a certain even wider category of juveniles, namely those, against whom there was a suspicion, at some stage or other of the prosecution, that they were the perpetrators of offences: special court reports and police statistics. The data taken from judicial reports inform us that the juvenile courts dealt, in the years 1951 to 1960, with 25,000 to 38,000 cases of juvenile delinquents every year. Approximately 56 to 61 per cent, of those juveniles with regard to whom the application of educational and delinquents every year. consisted of persons correctional means was decreed (i. e. the juveniles found guilty), from 20 to discontinued in the 31 per cent. - juveniles, prosecution against whom was of preparatory proceedings, 6 to 11 per cent. - the juveniles acquitted, - those, whose cases were dealt with in some other ordinary law-court, course and 7 to 12 per cent. –(most frequently by making the case over to an because of the suspect person having completed 17 years of age). quite exceptionally appealed against by the Public Prosecutor, and very rarely by the accused themselves (in a mere cent, of the cases). In at least one-half of the total number of cases maintained in force by the courts way The decrees of juvenile courts are 3 to 5 per of appeal the decrees appealed against are of appeal. It was only in very few cases that the alteration of the decrees appealed against found their expression in the finding guilty of a juvenile acquitted, or else in acquitting one found guilty; mostly they consist in changing the educational means of the making accused over to a correctional institution. Between the number of juveniles, whose cases are annually dealt with by juvenile courts, and the number of juveniles suspected by the police of the perpetration of offences there were, particularly in the years 1951 - 1954, considerable differences, which showed that a large number of juveniles with whom the juvenile courts had to deal, were directed there not by the police. ? Within recent years such differences have become much smaller, so that at considered that the large majority of cases dealt with by the juvenile courts find their way there through the intermediary of the police Year                           Rate            Index number of juveniles found guilty           1951       15641        4.5                  100.0 1952       18022        5.3                  117.8   1953       21444        6.5                  144,4 1954       18495        6.0                  133,3 1955       16307        5.5                  122,2 1956       13474        4.6                  102,2 1957       15019        4.9                  108,9 1958       16821        5.1                  113,3 1959       19730        5.6                  124,4      1960       20520        5.4                  120,0     In spite of the appearance, within the ten-year period in question, of certain variations in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty, a detailed analysis of the data provided by both judicial and police statistics has demonstrated that there were no foundations for an assumption that such variations were connected with any actual increase or decrease in juvenile delinquency. The yearly frequency of juveniles being found guilty (i. e. of persons between the ages of ten and sixteen) was expressed, throughout the 1951 - 1960 period, by an average rate equal to 5.3.   In accordance with the latest data available to us from the pre-war period, namely from 1937, the number of juveniles found guilty that year amounted to 29384, while the frequency of their findings of guilt was only slightly higher than the average rate for the years 1951 - 1960; the corresponding rate amounted to 5.5. If the frequency of juveniles being found guilty were to remain, within the nearest future, on the same level as in the years 1959 - 1960 (when the rate amounted to about 5.5), then - in connection with the ever more numerous age-groups, composed of children born after the war, and now reaching the “ juvenile” age groups - the probable number of juveniles found guilty would amount to about 26320 in 1965, consequently by some 28 per cent, more than in 1960. In order to evaluate properly the amount of the findings of guilt of larger groups of juveniles over longer periods of time, the rates which inform us about the above frequency within one year only, are of no use. Therefore in order to achieve this aim we must look for other measurements of the frequency of findings of guilt. It appears particularly tempting to take for such a measurement the percentage of persons who had been found guilty of offences committed while they were still juveniles, as compared with the total number of those born within the year in question. If the above percentage be calculated with regard to the number of persons born within one calendar year at the moment when they completed seventeen years of age, that measurement will inform us, what part of the group of persons who have just become adults consists of those who had been found guilty as juvenile delinquents.    The appropriate calculations have been made for persons born in the years 1941 to 1944, i. e. for persons who are from nineteen to twenty-two years old in 1963. At the moment when they were just seventeen, from 3.5 to 3.8 per cent, of their number consisted of persons found guilty for offences committed while they were juveniles. As for boys alone, the above-mentioned percentages were of the size of from 6.3 to 6.8 per cent., which means that, approximately, every fifteenth young man born in the years 1941 to 1944 was previously found guilty of offences committed during the period when he was still a juvenile. One of the problems which a considerable deal of attention has been devoted to in the present contribution are the local differences between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty. Two aspects of the problem were disscussed: that of the differences in the size of the rates calculated for the several voyevodships, and for town and country respectively.   Even though Poland is divided into twenty-two large administrative units, called voyevodships, yet in the present contribution their number was assumed to be only seventeen; this was done by joining the five largest cities, having the status of a separate voyevodship, with the surrounding voyevodships (thus e. g. Warsaw and the voyevodship of Warsaw, Poznan and the voyevodship of Poznań, etc., have been treated as one single voyevodship). In the size of the rates, therefore, calculated on the basis of the number of the juveniles found guilty in the several voyevodships, there appeared considerable differences, which, however, proved to be smaller towards the end of the ten-year period under investigation, than they had been at its beginning. When, within each year, the voyevodships were placed in a sequence corresponding to that of the size of the coefficient of juvenile delinquency, it appeared that a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were always characteristic of some voyevodships, while others showed a relatively lower degree of frequency (W = 0.87)[1]. It also appeared that there existed a correlation between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty in various voyevodships and the degree of frequency of the convictions of young persons between the ages of seventeen and twenty (in 1955: % = 0.53; in 1957: t = 0.51)[2]; on the other hand, correlation with the intensity of adult convictions looked rather doubtful. Generally speaking, a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty was characteristic of the western and north-western voyevodships, while in the remaining areas of the country it was distinctly lower. Of course, the question arises of how to explain the above differences in the size of the rates. An attempt was made to provide an answer, by establishing whether the voyevodships with a high degree of frequency of findings of guilt were also those where such phenomena, thought to affect the increase or decrease of juvenile delinquency, appeared. For this purpose a number of demographic data of various kinds have been made use of, viz. those showing the characteristic features of , above all the dimensions and intensity of population migrations, the process of urbanization and industrialization. The following results have been obtained.[3] The voyevodships which were characterized by the highest degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were, as a rule, the very same voyevodships, in which the population migrations caused by the Second World War and by its consequences have attained the most considerable dimensions, as well as those, in which in the years 1952 to 1957 there was recorded the largest population increase and its smallest decrease connected with the voyevodship- to - voyevodship migrations. These were, moreover, the following voyevodships: those where a considerable part of the population drew their principal livelihood from sources other than agriculture; those where the bulk of the population consisted of town->dwellers, and finally those, where the urbanization process during the years 1950 to 1960, was most rapid as compared with the 1950 level. Marked differences have been observed in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between town and country. In the towns it was approximately three times higher than in the country (the corresponding rates, in 1960, amounted to 8.4 and 3.0, respectively). Consequently, one in every one hundred and nineteen juveniles was found guilty in towns, as compared with one in every three hundred and thirty three in the country. The lack of appropriately detailed demographic data has made impossible a more precise analysis of the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between towns of various sizes. All we know is that, in 1960, the rate equal to 9.7 for the five largest cities, each of which has over 400,000 inhabitants, was higher than that in the -remaining towns (8.1). Judging from the 1960 data, in the voyevodships where the intensity of juvenile convictions was relatively high in the towns, it also proved to be relatively high in the country (T = 0.56). The dimensions of the intensity of juvenile convictions in the country seem to be somewhat connected with the degree of “ urbanization” of the countryside: viz. in those voyevodships, in which the frequency of findings of guilt in the country was higher than that in others, the percentage of persons, among the rural population, who drew their livelihood from trades other than agriculture being also higher (T = 0,29). Among the total number of juveniles found guilty, the enormous majority (approximately 90 per cent.) consisted of boys, whereas their percentage increased, from 89 per cent, in 1951 to 93 per cent, in 1960. Similarly, among the young people and young adults between seventeen and twenty years of age, the share of men increased within the same period. As a result of this, while in 1951 the rate for boys (7.8) was seven times higher than that for girls (1.1), by 1960 it was already as much as twelve times higher (the corresponding rates then amounted to 9.9 and 0.8 respectively). The frequency of boys being found guilty was expressed by a mean rate amounting to 9.7, while that for girls was 1.0; in the period under investigation, therefore on an average one boy in one hundred and Tyree was found guilty, and one girl in a thousand, both of them within the age groups of from ten to sixteen years of age. Relative differences in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty which appeared as between the several voyevodships exhibited marked features of constancy, for boys (W = 0.85), as well as for girls (W = 0.82). It has also turned out that for both boys and girls, there existed a correlationbetween the frequency of their being found guilty in the several voyevodships, and the degree of frequency, in the voyevodships in question, of the above social phenomena which strongly affect juvenile delinquency. In the years 1959 and 1960 the frequency of boys being found guilty was more than ten times higher than that of girls, bath for town-dwellers and for village-dwellers. The number of juveniles found guilty gradually increases as we pass from the junior to the senior age groups. Among the total number of juveniles found guilty there were three to four times less ten-year-olds than there were fourteen-, fifteen-, or sixteen-year-olds. The average degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty within the several age groups was as follows within the period under investigation (in rates per 1000 persons in the corresponding age groups): 10-year-olds   2.4 11-year-olds   3.5  12-year-olds  4.8 13-year-olds  6.3 14-year-olds  7.1 15-year-olds  7.7 16-year-olds  6.6     The fact that the rate obtained for 16-year-olds is lower than that for 15-year-olds results from the author’s inability (because of the lack of the appropriate data) to take into consideration to a sufficient extent approximately twenty to thirty per cent, of the 16-year-olds, namely those who were convicted by ordinary law-courts after having completed their seventeenth year of age, and consequently when they were already adults.   Within the 1951 through 1960 period the average age of the juveniles found guilty in the successive years underwent changes connected, to some extent at least, with the total number of juveniles in the several year-groups. While in 1951 the average age of the juveniles found guilty was 14.0 years, by 1955- 1957 it had reached 14,2 years and subsequently it gradually dropped to 13.8 years in 1960. The above observation has proved to be very important: for, indeed, it was the changes in the juveniles’ age that made it possible for us to explain a number of discrepancies found to occur in the information concerning the juveniles found guilty in various years of the period under investigation.   The average concentration of conviction rates for boys and girls, as well as the quotient of their respective numbers are as follows in the period under investigation for the several age-groups within a year:                          Boys     Girls         for 100 boys found guilty there                                                         were girls found guilty   10-year-old      4.3      0.3            6,8 11-year-old      6. 5      0.4           6.6    12-year-old      8.9      0.6.           7.0       13-year-old     11.6     0.9           7.2 14-year-old     12. 9.  1.2            9.4 15-year-old      13.5   1.9           13.9 16-year-old.     11.2   2.0           17.2 The above remarks concerning the value of the rates for 16-year-olds, as well as the changes in the average ages of those found guilty, naturally also apply both to boys and to girls. In every year of the 1951 to 1960 period the girls found guilty were, on average, older than the boys found guilty; the differences between their average ages have proved to be statistically significant[4]. The girls found guilty within the 1959 to 1960 period were also significantly older while than the boys found guilty in the same years, only for town-dwellers, the difference was not significant for village-dwellers. It has also been established that the boys found guilty within the same years and living in towns were significantly younger than those living in the country, while no such differences have been found to occur in the case of girls. The frequency of findings of guilt of the oldest age-groups of juvenile boys from the towns has assumed serious proportions:, in 1959 and 1960 from 2.0 per cent, to 2.7 per cent, of the total number of town-dwelling 14 to 16-year-old boys were annually found guilty. Among the 20,520 juveniies found guilty in 1960 - 15,927 (77.6 per cent.) had both parents living, 3,650 (17.8 per cent.) had only a mother, 720 (3.5 per cent.) had only a father, while a mere 223 (1.1 per cent.) were orphans. In the years 1953 to 1956 the family situation of the juveniles found guilty assumed even less favourable proportions: a bare two-thirds of their number had both parents living, half-orphans constituted about thirty per cent., while complete orphans from 3 to 4 per cent.   The percentage of juveniles who were actually under the guardianship of both parents was, in every single year, lower by several per cent, than the percentage of those who had both parents alive. Approximately one in every four or five juveniles found guilty was under the guardianship of a solitary mother (either widowed or else deserted by her husband).   On the basis of judicial statistics alone it is impossible to form a proper opinion of what social strata the juveniles found guilty were recruited from. Only indirect and but vaguely approximate information concerning that may be found in the data on the kind of occupation of the parents or guardians of the juvenile in question; for the years 1953 to 1960 they presented the following picture: juveniles whose parents (guardians) were manual workers amounted to from 60 to 62 per cent., the children of white-collar workers - from 9 to 10 per cent., farmers (the enormous majority of them had farms of their own) - from 19 to 22 per cent., artisans working in their own workshops or small traders - from 1 to 2 per cent.; the remaining few per cent, of juveniles consisted of those, whose parents or guardians remained without any permanent occupation, or of juveniles who had neither parents nor guardians. Among the juveniles found guilty every year from 81 to 88 per cent, committed offences against property (as a rule, of theft); most them had committed crimes against the property of private citizens, while the remaining ones - against social property. Juveniles prosecuted for crimes against life and health accounted for from 3 to 6 per cent.., for sexual offences - for from 0.7 to 1.4 per cent., for forgery of documents - for from 0.5 to 2.1 per cent., while a few per cent, were found guilty every year of various other kinds of criminal offences. The perpetrators of serious crimes (such as homicide, manslaughter, serious bodily damage, robbery, rape, intimacy with minors below fifteen years of age) accounted for a mere few per cent, of the total number of the juveniles found guilty. Between the structure of the delinquency of the town-dwelling and that of the village-dwelling juveniles, as well as between that of boys and girls, certain minor differences were recorded, which – as proved by test x2 - were statistically significant. Age proved to be a factor which seriously influenced the structure of juvenile delinquency, as we move from the younger to the older age-groups, their criminality becoming more and more differentiated. Thus, e.g. in 1960 those prosecuted for the perpetration of offences against property accounted for 92 per cent, of the 10-year-olds found guilty, while only for 76 per cent, of the 16-year-olds; in the case of those prosecuted for offences against life and health the appropriate figures were 3 per cent, and 11 per cent, respectively, in sexual offences: 0.2 in document forgery: 0.1 per cent, and 1.4 per cent. Similarly the kinds of theft, the offence most frequently committed by juveniles, assumed various aspects, in accordance with their perpetrators. It appeared that certain changes in the structure of juvenile delinquency, which came to light in the course of the 1955 to 1960 period, were almost exclusively connected with the decrease in the average age of the juveniles found guilty during those years. One of the age pieces of information concerning the offence for which a juvenile was prosecuted before the courts, consists of the data recorded on the registration card, whether he or she has committed his or her offence individually or else in co-operation with other persons. Even though the entries on the registration card do not contain any information as to the character of the bond which united the juvenile to the persons who have perpetrated offences together with him, yet it could be assumed - on the basis of the results of special research on that problem - that, in every single case those found guilty of offences committed together with at least two fellow-perpetrators, were members of gangs of juvenile delinquents.                    The juveniles prosecuted for offences committed in a group (i.e. along with two or more fellow-perpetrators) constituted a considerable percentage of those annually found guilty (from 34 to 39 per cent.), a percentage only slightly lower than that of juveniles prosecuted for offences individually (from 38 to 43 per cent.). As could be surmised, the percentage of juveniles who committed offences on committed ones group was actually even higher in proportion to the total number of juveniles found guilty; for, indeed as a many of such juveniles were recorded in judicial statistics among the accused found guilty of the commission of offences perpetrated together with one fellow-perpetrator.   The percentage of juveniles who co-operated with adults (who were, as young adults, between seventeen and twenty years of age) in no single year of the period under investigation exceeded 9 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty of committing offences together with other persons. The considerable importance which is ascribed, in the etiology of juvenile delinquency, to groups, has encouraged the author to check the question of whether, in the voyevodships with a relatively high frequency of juveniles being found guilty, those found guilty of the commitment of crimes perpetrated in a group were also relatively more numerous. That assumption was proved to be well-founded: for the data from the successive years of the 1957 to 1960 period the values of t obtained remained within years the range of from 0.50 to 0.60.   High percentages of juveniles found guilty of offences committed in a group (from 45 to 55 per cent.) among the total number of juveniles found guilty in the voyevodship in question, as well as low percentages (from 25 to 30 per cent.) were recorded in approximately the same voyevodships, in the 1957 to 1960 (W = 0.74).   Both the above observations also apply to boys, while in the case of girls, we lack foundations for considering that the territorial distribution of the girls who had committed offences in a group was connected with the degree of frequency of their being found guilty.   Neither has the assumption found its confirmation that there could exist a connection between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the frequency of adult persons appearing in groups of juveniles. Cases of committing offences in a group were considerably more frequent for boys (from 36 to 41 per cent.) than girls (from 9 to 12 per cent.); approximately three-fourths of the girls found guilty were prosecuted for offences committed individually, while for boys the corresponding figure was only slightly above one-third. A marked dependence has been found to exist between the sex of a juvenile and the fact of his or her committing offences individually or else in groups. The juveniles who committed offences in groups have proved to be than those who committed them individually; this significantly younger observation holds for both boys and girls. Significant differences have been found to exist between the structure of the delinquency of the juveniles who acted as a group, and those who committed offences individually; these found their expression, foremost, in the juveniles who belonged to gangs of juvenile offenders frequently committing offences against property. On the basis of the materials contained in the judicial statistics only formal recidivism could be stated to exist, consequently it was possible to find out how many (and what kind of) juveniles found guilty e.g. within any given calendar year had already been found guilty before. Even such data, however, are far from complete; this is connected, in particular, with certain peculiarities of Polish criminal procedure, as of the recording of the findings of guilt of juveniles in judicial statis- first and more well as with the scope tics. Some of the more important among the data mentioned above are as follows: The percentages of recidivists among the juveniles found guilty within every single year of the 1953 to 1960 period were found within the range of from 12 per cent, to 18 per cent. About four-fifths of the recidivists consisted of juveniles who had only 1 In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to one appearance in court in the past; there were less than one hundred juveniles yearly who had previously been found guilty three times, and merely from fifteen to thirty who had been found guilty four or more times. An analysis of the local differences between the percentages of recidivists among the total number of juveniles in the several voyevodships has led to the conclusion that there did not exist any correlation between the degree of frequency of findings of guilt and the formal recidivism of juveniles. Juvenile recidivists were considerably more numerous among those found guilty who lived in cities and towns (from 14 per cent, to 23 per cent.) than among those who lived in the country (from 6 per cent, to 10 per cent.), considerably more numerous among boys (from 12 per cent, to 19 per cent.) than among girls (from 5 per cent, to 10 per cent.), among older offenders than among younger ones, among orphans and half-orphans than among those juveniles who were under the guardianship of both parents.   The structure of the delinquency of juvenile recidivists differed signifi- cantly from the structure of the delinquency of those juveniles who were prosecuted for the first time; in particular, juvenile recidivists were more frequently prosecuted for offences against property than were non-recidivists. Among those data of the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency which have not been discussed in the present contribution, particularly noteworthy is the information concerning the amount of school education received by the juveniles found guilty. Even though, in the course of the period under investigation, the situation in so far as their training was concerned underwent a considerable improvement, it is still most unfavourable in various respects.    In the years 1954 to 1958 barely from 61 to 65 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty attended school (by 1960 the percentage had increased to 81); in the same years from 20 to 25 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty neither attended school nor worked (in 1960 - 13 per cent.). The percentage of those not attending school at an age of below 14 years (i.e. those still within the school-attending age) 1[5] was by several per cent, higher among the juveniles found guilty in all age groups than it was among all the children in Poland (in whose case it did not exceed 1 or 2 per cent.).   The belatedness in school curriculum of the juveniles found guilty was enormous and considerably exceeded the belatedness to be met with among the total number of school children in Poland.   Among the latter there were - depending on the class attended - from two-thirds to nine-tenths of the total number of pupils who had the age proper for the class in question, while among the juveniles found guilty who attended school there were (in the majority of the classes attended) considerably below one-half such pupils. The percentages of juveniles belated by three or more years in their school curriculum were many times higher among the juveniles found guilty than they were among the total number of school children.   The education level of those juveniles who had abandoned learning and were found guilty in the 1954 through 1960 demonstrated that barely from 36 per cent, to 46 per cent, of them finished the seven-class obligatory elementary education.   21. The materials contained in judicial statistics also make possible an analysis of the law-courts’ policy in the field of decreeing educational and correctional means, as well as providing some information on the application of the means mentioned above. The presentation of the results of such an analysis, however, would require a separate publication.   [1] This dependence was fixed by making use of Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W. (Cf. M. C. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). In this case, as well as in all the others, the values of statistical tests have been provided, when the hypothesis of the independence of the variables investigated could be rejected at least at a level of significance of 0.05. [2] For the purpose of establishing the relation between the two rankings use was made of Kendall’s rank correlation coefficient %. (Cf: M.G. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). [3] As a measurement of the correlation between the frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the several demographic variables investigated the rank correlation coefficient, was accepted. [4] Cf. H. Cramer: Mathematical Methods of Statistics (Polish translation, Warszawa 1958). [5] In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to 18 years, comprising eight classes of the elementary school.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 9-144
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Raport o sądowych morderstwach
Judicial Murders: a Report
Autorzy:
Kielasiński, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699044.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sądowe morderstwa
Zamek Lubelski
żołnierze Armii Krajowej
judicial murders
the Lublin castle
Home Army soldiers
Opis:
The Lublin castle has historical connections with the old town area. The castle hill was the seat of a stronghold and residence of the starost who ruled in the king’s name. Excavations led to discovery of traces of a 9th century settlement. The construction of a stone castle began in the 14th century. It was used as a prison in the 19th century and until 1954. In 1939‒1944, the Lublin Castle housed a prison of the Nazi secret police and security service, the Sicherheitsdienstpolizei and Sicherheitsdienst Lublin. The role of the Lublin Castle prison was particularly dreadful; dring the period of martyrdom and extermination of the Polish nation under the Nazi occupation of  Poland. Even today, the castle is treated as a national symbol of the heroism and suffering of the Polish nation. Before they took flight, the Nazis organized a last execution on Jury 22, 1944: 286 prisoners were murdesed in the Castle. On that same day and on July 20, 1944, a further 800 prisoners were taken from the castle and executed at the  concentration camp in Majdanek, a suburb of Lublin. On July 22, 1944, of the Polish Committee for National Liberation (PKWN) was created under Soviet pressure. It assumed power over the territory of Poland which had been taken by the Red Army after the flight of the Nazis. Organized armed forces known as the Home Army, ‒ operated  in Poland  troughout the war. They were subordinate to the Polish Government in Exile, residing in England. The Government in Exile was recognized by all counties except the USSR. Home Army troops refused to submit to the Red Army and PKWN. For this reason, the Soviet and Polish army, together with security services, started to disarm the Home Army troop. Mass arrests and deportations into the USSR began. A number of Home Army units were disarmed, among them the famous 27th Infantry Division. Troughoot the Lublin District, mass arrests of Home Army soldiers took place. The detainees were sent to the former concentration camp in Majdanek and the Lublin Castle prison. Arrested were also state oflicials ‒ delegates of the Polish Government in London. The Commander of the Home Army Lublin District, General Kazimierz Tumidajski, was detained during negotiations with Soviet authorities and  deported to the USSR. Home Army soldiers who had been arrested and confined to Polish prisons, were subjected to investigations by the Soviet and Polish security service which involved the use of threats and a variety of tortures.  Describing his ordeal, one of the prisoners stated he could not relate “all the atrocities” he had suffered from Soviet officers. The detained soldiers received no medical assistance; those who managed to survive the Castle prison nightmare described the appearance of  battered Home Army soldiers and related their complaints. During the initial period discussed in this report, most Home Army soldiers were arrested by Soviet authorities without due judicial decision. They were interrogated in Russian, a language they did not speak. It was only 2 or 3 months later that the detainees were handed over to Polish authorities. Only then, Polish prosecutors issued formal decisions to remand them in custody, and the records of selected hearings were translated into Polish. The evidence gathered by Soviet security officers provided the grounds for indictments directed to military courts that operated in Lublin.             III. In 1944, the indictments signed by Polish military prosecutors were lodged with the Military Court of the Lublin Garrison, commanded by a Soviet officer, Colonel Konstantin Krukovsky. Preceding the first-instance hearing was a closed sitting where the court, composed of three judges, confirmed the indictment; the trial followed on that same day. The copy the indictment was delivered to the detainee only after the hearing had started. The main charges contained in indictments were: membership in the Home Army, unlicensed possession of firearms, or evasion of military service ‒ acts threatened with capital punishment. There is evidence to show that the actual penalties were decided upon by the Mi1itary Courts Department of the Polish Army, headed by a Soviet ofIicer, Brigadier General Alexander Tarnovsky. The execution of the orders was the responsibility of the head of the court, Colonel Krukovsky, and the judges presiding over the case. In none of the cases did the Lublin Garrison Military Court took any evidence whatsover, whether on motion of the defendant or on its own initiative. The only hearing of evidence consisted of hearing the defendant’s statement; the defendants admitted their membership of the Home Army but refused to acknowledge any guilt. The various formulations they used were then quoted out of context to prove they had in fact been guilty of trying to subvert democratic system of Poland ‒ an  assumption made well in advance. The trials were held at the Lublin Castle prison. They were closed sittings in which neither the counsel for the defence nor the prosecutor participated. The defendant’s family were not informed about the date of the trial as they knew nothing about his fate anyway, and the defendant himself did not learn about the trial until it started. Unqualified persons participated in deciding on conviction and sentence, or the court was formed inadequately. For example, the principle that the lay judges’ rank should not be lower than the defendant’s was commonly infringed upon. A glaring example of  such infringement was the case of Colonel Edward Jasiński who was convicted by N.C.O. lay judges. Delivering the judgment, the court informed the defendant that the decision was final and not subject to appeal. Most defendants were sentenced to death. Many meritorious Home Army soldiers who had fought for independence throughout the Nazi occupation met death this way. The sentences were carried out upon confirmation by the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army (at that time, General Michał Rola-Żymierski) or his second in command (Generals Świerczewski and Berling), and sometimes by lower rank commanders. They were obliged to examine the justification of the sentences ex officio; they also had the right to grant pardon. Confirmation of the sentence and pardon were two separate institutions of the law of criminal procedure; thus pardon could be granted even if the sentence had been confirmed. In practice, no rules whatsoever were observed: confirmed sentences were carried out without pardon proceedings, or following such proceedings but without the proceedings aimed at review of the grounds. It should be added that under the law in force, pardon could only be refused by the President of the National People’s Council, Bolesław Bierut, while the army commanders had merely the right to grant pardon. In fact, they also refused pardon on numerous  occasions. In practice, sentences were carried out basied on the order of Brigadier General Alexander Tarnovsky who informed the head of military court about the decision of Commander-in-Chief and ordered the need for immediate execution. Capital punishment was executed at the Castle prison, in the basement of the administration building, at various hours of day and night. The Report quotes the account of an execution provided by a surviving Lublin physician, and a numer of facts which, together with the now available reports from executions, tell about the identity of their participants. The grim record holders are two sergeants: within 50 minutes, one of them participated in the execution of 11, and the other one – of 12 Home Army soldiers. Until January 5, 1945, the bodies of the executed were secretly buried at a Lublin cemetery upon written of the prison warden Second Lieutenant Alojzy Stolarz; the orders have been preserved in the cemetery archives. There is no  mention at all about subsequent burials although – as follows from the attached documents – Home Army soldiers were still executed at the Castle after that date. The soldiers kept on their dignity till the end; scant accounts of their demeanour were provided by prison chaplains, the only persons the convict’s family about hos death. Throughout both the preparatory and the judicial proceedings, valid legal provisions were violated. The system of military penal law contained provisions dating from the 1930’s and not yet quashed at the time of examination of the discussed cases. Such provisions were simply treated as non-existent. The Code of Criminal Procedure and the Military Code of the Polish Armed  Forces in USSR, developed by the Political and Educational Board of the Polish  Army in the USSR established in 1943 was adopted as the legal grounds for proceedings. As shown by the facts quoted in this report, the summary procedure  was applied to defendants. It was provided for by the code of criminal procedure of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, but military courts competed with each other in breaking the law to the extent of not even observing the law that had been established in the USSR. Under the law then in force, none of the sentences discussed in the report ever became final and valid. Judicial proceedings glaringly infringed on all the principles of procedure: direct examination of evidence, impartiality, presumption of innocence, openness, adversary trial, right to defence, to appeal, and the right to apply for pardon. The Home Army soldiers mentioned in the report were convicted in defiance with the ban on retroactive force of law as the decree on  protection of state under which they were tried had entered into force on November 4, 1944 with the binding force since August 15, 1944; most had been imprisoned for many weeks before the decree was actually introduced. VII. The extermination of Home Army soldiers at the Lublin Castle was kept secret for decades. Many attempts at revealing the tragic events failed, and the demands for posthumous acquittal, made by families of the executed, were rejected. It was only after June 4, 1989, as a result of extraordinary appeals or re-institution of proceedings, that the Supreme Court passed many decisions on acquittal, manifesting not only the groundlessness of convictions but also their function as a political disposal of opponents of the new authority – of the Home Army formed by the legitimate Polish Government to fight the Nazi invaders. The enormity of lawlessness of the discussed practices made the Parliament of Republic of Poland pass, on February 23, 1991, an act on the invalidity of the judgments in cases of persons victimized for their activities on behalf of a sovereign Polish state.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 97-135
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przywilej cesarza Karola V z 1530 roku nadający zakonowi szpitalników wyspy Maltę i Gozo oraz twierdzę Trypolis
Emperor Charles Vs Privilege of 1530 Granting the Malta and Gozo Islands as Well as the Fortress of Tripoli to the Knights Hospitaller
Autorzy:
Cieślak, Aleksander
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1954352.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Zakon
Szpitalnicy
przywilej
Malta
władza ustawodawcza
władza wykonawcza
władza sądownicza
cesarz
the Order
Hospitallers
privilege
the legislative power
the executive power
the judicial power
the emperor
Opis:
This article is a short analysis of the provisions of the privilege given by the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles V on 23rd March, 1530, in which the Emperor granted the Malta and Gozo islands (feudal fiefs of the Kingdom of Sicily) as well as the fortress of Tripoli to the Knights of St John of Jerusalem (also known as the Knights Hospitaller) as a fief. The author of the article characterised the interdependences between the Emperor and the authorities of the Knights Hospitaller, as well as the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the state of the Knights of Malta. In the article some fragments of the Emperor's privilege are cited in Polish and in Latin (in the footnotes). The article contains also a short historical outline of Malta and its political system between the 11th and 16th century. The interdependences between the Kingdom of Sicily and Malta are also mentioned. The relationships between the Maltese Catholic Church and the Order of St John are also described, as well as the way of choosing the Bishop of Mdina.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2002, 50, 2; 35-57
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryzys społecznego zaufania do sądów
The Crisis of Social Confidence toward Courts
Autorzy:
Daniel, K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137399.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
judge
legal consciousness
judical independence
mass−media
crisis of judicature
prestige of courts
legal culture
judicial journalism
court
sąd
sędzia
świadomość prawna
niezawisłość sędziowska
kryzys sądownictwa
kultura prawna
media
prestiż sądów
sądowe dziennikarstwo
Opis:
One of the most striking changes we have already observed in the Polish society is a rapid decrease of social confidence toward courts and judges. As some studies have revealed, society under communism and during the first decade after its collapse had a rather positive attitude toward courts. That attitude towards judicial practice became increasingly critical at the end of nineties when the percentage of positive opinions of judicial decisions dropped to the level below 60%. A 2000 study carried out on a national sample by a group of scholars from the Department of the Sociology of Law of the Jagiellonian University indicated that only 29% of Poles positively evaluated decisions in civil courts and only 24% of them thought that sentences in criminal courts were fair. The respondents indicated the following as most significant reasons for injustice in courts: corruption (involving judges, prosecutors, solicitors in particular as well as court officials), bad, unfair law, distressing delay in adjudication and political preassure exerted on judges. The explanation of this apparent paradox - little social confidence in court and judges in the democratic Poland - lies probably not so much in the individual experience with courts but is created by the way in which media present courts and judges, very often concentrating on the negative aspects of their activity. According to majority of judges who took part in the study of 2000, journalists who work as intermediaries between the court and society are often unwilling to present objective or positive aspects of court activity. It should be noted that such, not always just, criticism can undermine the social confidence toward administration of justice and thus to the whole social order.
Wyniki szeregu badań sondażowych przeprowadzonych w ostatniej dekadzie, włączając w to badania Katedry Socjologii Prawa Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w 2002 roku ukazały znaczący spadek społecznego zaufania do sądów oraz samych sędziów, pełniących główną rolę w sądowym wymierzaniu sprawiedliwości. Badania te ujawniły, że zdecydowana większość respondentów krytycznie ocenia wyroki sądów powszechnych (zarówno karnych jak cywilnych), a także wyraża przekonanie, że w sądach ludzie nie są traktowani jednakowo, a sędziowie sprzeniewierzają się zasadzie niezawisłości. Należy przy tym podkreślić, że uzyskane wyniki zasadniczo nie potwierdziły hipotezy o wpływie osobistych kontaktów z sądem na poglądy o funkcjonowaniu wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Podjęta próba wyjaśnienia powodów, dla których społeczeństwo polskie przestało obdarzać sądy zaufaniem, pozwala przyjąć, że wśród przyczyn tego zjawiska znajduje się m.in. brak społecznej akceptacji dla stanowionego prawa, krytyczne nastawienie wobec państwa i jego organów, czynniki obiektywne związane z funkcjonowaniem sądów, w tym niedofinansowanie sądownictwa i przewlekłość w rozpoznawaniu spraw oraz krytyczne przekazy medialne. Odpowiedzi respondentów wskazują, że media są podstawowym źródłem informacji o sądach i sędziach. Wskazują również, że przekazy te nastawione są przede wszystkim na poszukiwaniu sensacyjnych i kontrowersyjnych rozstrzygnięć oraz ujawnianiu nieprawidłowości w funkcjonowaniu sądów i w zachowaniu sędziów. Efektem jest społecznie szkodliwe podważanie społecznego zaufanie do sądów. Zjawisko kształtowania przez media negatywnych opinii o sądach i sędziach budzi również poważne zaniepokojenie samych sędziów.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2007, 2(185); 61-82
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawem i lewem. Kultura prawna społeczeństwa polskiego po komunizmie
Either Rightly or Like a Crook: Legal Culture of Polish Society after Communism
Autorzy:
Kurczewski, J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137397.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
popular legal culture
judicial and alternative dispute resolution
prestige of law
popularna kultura prawna
sądowe i pozasądowe rozwiązywanie sporów
prestiż prawa
Opis:
The paper presents the results of research projects conducted by the Chair of Sociology of Custom and Law, of the Warsaw University Institute of Applied Social Sciences, on the chosen components of the Third Republic of Poland's legal culture. The popular legal culture is distinguished here from the professional one. The latter is not a subject of this paper, although its direct points of junction are indicated: lawmakers, social origin and environment of lawyers and the participation of nonlawyers in the administration of justice. All of them make treating the legal culture as an autonomous entity hardly possible. General legal attitudes are discussed with reference to the 1964 pioneer studies of Adam Podgórecki, and the patterns and practices of dispute resolution. The instrumental treatment of law by political elites is debated; those who use the law as an instrument of political struggle and the political advantage for those who pass the laws. Finally, five general conclusions are drawn. According to the most important one, in the Polish culture the most common is the interest in claiming 'one's own' right by using both legal and illegal means to obtain it, which is linked to the toleration of similar behavior of others. The latter occurs if such a behavior does not interfere with the fulfillment of one's own aims.
Artykuł przedstawia wynika badań prowadzonych w katedrze Socjologii Obyczajów i Prawa ISNS UW nad wybranymi elementami kultury prawnej III RP. Popularna kultura prawna jest odróżniona od zawodowej kultury prawniczej, która pozostaje poza obrębem artykułu, chociaż wskazuje się na jej bezpośredni styk (prawodawcy, pochodzenie i otoczenie prawników, udział osób niebędących prawnikami w wymiarze sprawiedliwości), uniemożliwiający traktowanie kultury prawniczej jako autonomicznej. Omawiane są ogólne postawy wobec prawa w nawiązaniu do pionierskich badań Adama Podgóreckiego z 1964 roku, następnie wzory i praktyki rozwiązywania sporów. Omawiane jest ponadto instrumentalne wykorzystanie przez elity polityczne prawa jako narzędzia walki wzajemnej, a także jako środka do umocnienia przewagi politycznej tych, którzy uchwalają „swoje” prawa. Na koniec sformułowanych jest pięć wniosków ogólnych, z których najważniejszy jest ten, że w polskiej kulturze prawnej jest powszechne zainteresowanie dochodzeniem „swojego prawa”, dochodzeniem tak prawnymi jak pozaprawnymi, a także i bezprawnymi środkami, co wiąże się z tolerancją na podobne zachowania innych, jeśli nie zakłócają realizacji dążeń własnych.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2007, 2(185); 33-60
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Politics-and Constitutional Courts (Judge’s Personal Perspective)
Autorzy:
Safjan, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929534.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-03-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
constitution building
democracy
non-majoritarian institutions
political culture
political representation
public opinion
fundamental/human rights
judicial review
transparency
Opis:
The paper deals with different forms of political impact on the constitutional justice. The main subject of presentation is the analysis of recent Polish experiences which can help to identify better the threats to the independence of the constitutional justice in democratic space. The first part takes the effort to describe the specific phenomenon of political pressure exerted on the constitutional justice through indirect influence (so called “political mobbing”). The argumentation developed in the paper proves that even such indirect and sometimes subtle interferences from the political elite create the very danger for accountability of constitutional justice and have a negative impact on constitutional awareness of the society. The second part deals with typical reasons (ongoing in all constitutional courts) of inevitable “politization” of the constitutional review, first of all the political procedure of appointments of the judges and the political nature of constitutional cases. The thesis is defended through the analysis of Polish experiences which indicate that the presence of politics, inherent element of the constitutional justice, cannot be automatically identified with lack of the objective and independent judgments issued by the judges. Internal independence and formal external guarantees of it allow us to avoid the pathological impact of politics. Two factors have a particularly great impact on the attitudes of judges and support them in fulfilling their responsibility: the continuity of jurisprudential lines, accumulation of constitutional experience (acquis constitutionnel) and the permanent dialogue between the constitutional courts and the international courts or among the constitutional courts in the European space.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2009, 165, 1; 3-26
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rządność sądów a zarządzanie przez sądy
Judicial Governance and Governing through Courts
Autorzy:
Zirk-Sadowski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/904040.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej
Tematy:
rządność sądów
administracja sądowa
dobre administrowanie
władza sądownicza
pozytywizm prawniczy
prawo responsywne
aktywizm sędziowski
judicial governance
judicial administration
good administration
judicial power
legal positivism
responsive law
judicial activism
Opis:
Sądy w pewnym fragmencie swej aktywności są administrowane. Choć istotą sądu jest osądzanie, administrowanie sądowe ma chronić sprawne sądzenie, ale jednocześnie nie wolno sprowadzać problemu administrowania do problemu rządności. Problem dobrej administracji odnosi się do wewnętrznego zorganizowania sądowej kadry urzędniczej i biurowości sądowej. Dobre rządzenie dotyczy wykonywania trzeciej władzy przez sąd rozumiany jako wspólnota czy organizacja sędziów. Samo osądzanie i związane z nim czynności sędziego lub sędziów nie mogą być regulowane administracyjnie. Są one oddane samorządowi sędziowskiemu i jego organom. Z punktu widzenia ustrojowego nie ma podstaw, aby zastosować unijne zasady dobrej administracji (Europejski Kodeks Dobrej Praktyki Administracyjnej) do administracji sądowej. Można je wykorzystać tylko w niektórych wymiarach administracji sądowej (np. udostępnianie informacji o pracy sądu). W niniejszej pracy głównym zagadnieniem jest relacja rządzenia sądami do unijnej kategorii dobrego rządzenia. W artykule zadano pytanie – jakie są niezbędne cechy rządności sądów i czy można do trzeciej władzy odnieść kategorię dobrego rządzenia? Z przeprowadzonych rozważań wynika, że odpowiedź jest uzależniona od koncepcji teoretycznych i filozoficznych samego osądzania.
Courts are administered where a certain part of their activity is concerned. Although the process of arriving at judgments is the main assignment given to courts, judicial administration serves to protect efficiency of judging. At the same time, the problem of administration cannot be resolved by the problem of governance. The problem of good administration is here taken to refer to the internal organization involving judicial officials and judicial office administration. Good governance refers to the exercising of power by the judiciary, where this is understood as a community or organization of judges. The boundary which "court administration" cannot cross relates to the judgment itself and the activities of the person of the judge or judges connected with it, who cannot be regulated in an administrative way, but only by means of powers assigned to self-governing authorities of the judiciary. From a political point of view, there are no bases for applying EU rules of good administration (personified in The European Code of Good Administration) to judicial administration, and in fact such an effort would only be possible in regard to some dimensions of the judicial administration (e.g. where access to information concerning the activities of the court is concerned). This work goes on to focus in particular on the other problem described, i.e. the relation between judicial governance and the EU category of good governance. A question concerning the indispensable features of judicial governance was posed, as was one on whether the category of good governance can be taken to relate to judicial power. It emerges that, once account has been taken of the above deliberations, the answers to the questions are ultimately found to depend on the theoretical and philosophical concepts underpinning the activity of judging itself.
Źródło:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance; 2009, 1(7); 45-63
1898-3529
2658-1116
Pojawia się w:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Znaczenie orzecznictwa rotalnego dla wymiaru sprawiedliwości w Kościele : przemówienie papieża Benedykta XVI do Roty Rzymskiej z dnia 26 stycznia 2008 roku
L’importanza della giurisprudenza rotale per l’amministrazione della giustizia nella Chiesa. Il discorso del papa Benedetto XVI alla Rota Romana del 26 gennaio 2008
Autorzy:
Góralski, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/663275.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
orzecznictwo rotalne
Rota Rzymska
judicial decision of Roman Rota
Opis:
Il discorso del Benedetto XVI alla Rota Romana pronunciato il 26 gennaio 2008, cioé nel centesimo anniversario del ristabilimento di quel Tribunale Apostolico, ha creato per il Santo Padre un’occasione per riflettere su un aspetto fondamentale dell’attività dello stesso Tribunale, cioé sul valore della giurisprudenza rotale nel complesso dell’amministrazione della giustizia nella Chiesa.Presentando i singolari fili del discorso papale, indirizzato in realtà a tutti i ministri di giustizia nella Chiesa, l’autore sottolinea il ruolo della giurisprudenza rotale nell’ambito delle cause matrimoniali.
Źródło:
Ius Matrimoniale; 2009, 20, 14; 131-138
1429-3803
2353-8120
Pojawia się w:
Ius Matrimoniale
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Posiadanie gruntów rolnych jako warunek nabycia prawa do płatności bezpośrednich
POSSESSION OF AGRICULTURAL LANDS AS A CONDITION OF ACQUIRING THE RIGHT TO DIRECT PAYMENTS
Autorzy:
Bieluk, Jerzy
Łobos–Kotowska, Dorota
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531087.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Temida 2
Tematy:
DIRECT PAYMENTS
POSSESSION
JUDICIAL DECISION
Opis:
The article contains an analysis of premises of acquiring uniform direct payments, with special emphasis on the regulations concerning the demand for possessing agricultural lands (covered by the motion for the admission of payment). The aim of the authors’ deliberations is to determine what meanings the notion „possession” is used in the regulations. The legislator of these regulations does not define the term „possession”, referring instead to the definition contained in the civil code. Yet, to satisfy the demand for possessing agricultural lands, additional premises are to be fulfilled. Legal regulations concerning payments introduce a kind of a qualified possession consisting in actual agricultural usage of lands. The article points to some terminological problems on the private–public law border, reflected in judicial decisions. Legal character of payments indicates that direct payments belong to a public–legal sphere, whereas the legislator uses private law notions to define premises of acquiring the right to them.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica Agraria; 2010, 8; 137-149
1642-0438
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica Agraria
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Solvents to the Rescue – a Historical Outline of the Impact of EU Law on the Application of Polish Competition Law by Polish Courts
Autorzy:
Miąsik, Dawid
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/530346.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010-12-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:
EU competition law
judicial application of competition law
Europe’s Agreement
spontaneous harmonization
relevant market
consumer detriment
restriction of competition
Opis:
The article is devoted to the influence of European competition law on the application of Polish competition rules by Polish courts. It covers references to EU law that has been made throughout 20 years of its history. It aims at identifying various instances where EU law has been invoked to provide Polish competition rules with the actual content as well as different modes of referrals to EU law.
L’article concerne l’influence de la loi européenne de la concurrence sur l’application des règles polonaises de concurrence par des tribunaux polonais. L’article couvre les références a la loi de l’UE développée au cours des 20 années de son histoire. Son but est d’identifier des instances où la loi de l’EU a été invoquée pour donner aux règles polonaises de la concurrence le contenu actuel et les modes de référence a la loi de l’UE.
Źródło:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies; 2010, 3(3); 11-27
1689-9024
2545-0115
Pojawia się w:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
'DIVORCE' OF INSTITUTIONS: JUDICIARY AND PROSECUTION HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT NEEDS
Potrzeby administracji sadowej i prokuratury w zakresie ZZL. Sytuacja po 'rozwodzie' instytucji
Autorzy:
Rostkowski, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/598629.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-06-15
Wydawca:
Instytut Pracy i Spraw Socjalnych
Tematy:
HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
THE PROSECUTOR ADMINISTRATION
zarządzanie zasobami ludzkimi administracja publiczna
administracja sądowa
administracja w prokuraturze
Opis:
W 2010 roku rozdzielono w Polsce funkcję Prokuratora Generalnego i Ministra Sprawiedliwości, co stało się impulsem do modernizacji zarządzania zasobami ludzkimi zarówno w administracji sądowej, jak i administracji prokuratury. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie specyfiki zarządzania pracownikami administracyjnymi sądownictwa i prokuratury oraz przyczyn, dla których konieczne jest opracowanie rozwiązań uwzględniających specyfikę tych organizacji. Artykuł zawiera syntetyczne omówienie organizacji sądownictwa i prokuratury, krótkie omówienie wniosków z przeprowadzonych analiz obowiązującego prawa, wnioski z przeprowadzonych badań obejmujących blisko 350 sądów oraz 185 prokuratur.
The functions of Public Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice in Poland were separated in 2010. This set the stage for the modernization of human resource management in both the judicial and prosecution administrations. This article aims at identifying the specific management challenges of judicial and prosecution administrative employees and indicates the reasons for which it is necessary to develop different HRM solutions pursuant to the specific needs of the two organizations. The article contains a synthetic discussion of the organization of both the courts and the prosecutor's office, a brief overview of conclusions drawn from an analysis of existing law, and study conclusions involving nearly 350 courts and 185 prosecutor offices.
Źródło:
Zarządzanie Zasobami Ludzkimi; 2011, 3-4(80-81) Efficiency of HRM; 105-116
1641-0874
Pojawia się w:
Zarządzanie Zasobami Ludzkimi
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Komunikacja prawno-sądowa z perspektywy retoryki, stylistyki i tekstologii
Autorzy:
Szczepankowska, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1203414.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Opolski
Tematy:
rhetoric
stylistics
textology
legal communication
judicial discourse
Opis:
This paper provides a synthetic overview of the research approaches to datę which refer to the sphere of legał and judicial communication, with particular attention given to disciplines such as rhetoric, stylistics and linguistic textology. This overview is aimed at presenting a certain tradition of research on the style of utterances performed in the sphere of legał and judicial communication, on the one hand, and at indicating deficiencies within the discussed issues and description methods employed, on the other hand. The author emphasises the significance of the discussion on the so-called judicial genre in the classical rhetoric and the development - on the ground of Slavic stylistics - of the concept of social functional styles and, in relation to this, the distinction of the so-called administrative style, which includes the legał discourse. She also appreciates the pragmatic and communicative breakthrough in linguistics which occurred in linguistics under the influence of the theory of speech acts by J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle. The combination of research on speech acts with the analysis of the genre and style diversification of utterance seems particularly fruitful when referred to the legał and judicial discourse. The aim of the researcher is also to outline the prospects for further research which might be inspired by achievements on the ground of linguistic genology and new stylistics which take advantage primarily of the pragmalinguistic and cognitive inspirations. The author also points to research areas in which interdisciplinary cooperation between linguists and law theoreticians would be desired.
Źródło:
Stylistyka; 2011, 20; 145-162
1230-2287
2545-1669
Pojawia się w:
Stylistyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Powers of Inspection of the Polish Competition Authority. Question of Proportionality
Autorzy:
Bernatt, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/530085.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-11-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania
Tematy:
competition proceedings
antitrust proceedings
dawn raids
inspection
right to privacy
right of defense
judicial control over the administrative proceedings
procedural fairness
Opis:
The principle of proportionality applies to competition proceedings especially, when it comes to the exercise by the competition authority of its powers of inspection. Their use limits the economic freedom and right to privacy of the scrutinised undertakings in order to protect free competition. The use of inspection powers must thus be proportionate and remain the least onerous possible for the inspected companies. In consequence, legislation must provide procedural guarantees of proportionality of inspections. This article analyses whether the powers of inspection bestowed upon the Polish competition authority are regulated in a way that guarantees the observance of the principle of proportionality. The analysis focuses on the powers of control and search. Subsequently covered is also the issue of judicial control over the use of the powers of inspection by the competition authority. Proposals for changes in the practice of the competition authority as well as in the Polish legal framework are made in conclusion.
Le principe de la proportionnalité s'applique quand il vient à l'exercice des puissances de l'inspection par l'autorité de concurrence. L'utilisation de ces puissances - limitant, au nom de la protection de la libre concurrence, la liberté économique et le droit des entreprises à l'intimité – doit être proportionnée et la moins onéreuse possible pour les entreprises inspectées. Par conséquent, dans le cadre juridique les garanties procédurales de la proportionnalité des inspections doivent être fournies. L'article analyse si les puissances des inspections de l'autorité de concurrence polonaise sont réglées d'une manière qui garantit le respect du principe de la proportionnalité.
Źródło:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies; 2011, 4(5); 47-66
1689-9024
2545-0115
Pojawia się w:
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawem i lewem. Kultura prawna społeczeństwa polskiego po komunizmie
EITHER RIGHTLY OR LIKE A CROOK: LEGAL CULTURE OF POLISH SOCIETY AFTER COMMUNISM
Autorzy:
Kurczewski, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/427819.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
JUDICIAL AND ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION
POPULAR LEGAL CULTURE
PRESTIGE OF LAW
Opis:
The paper presents the results of research projects conducted by the Chair of Sociology of Custom and Law, Institute of Applied Social Sciences, Warsaw University, on the chosen components of the Third Republic of Poland's legal culture. The popular legal culture is distinguished here from the professional one. The latter is not a subject of this paper, although their direct points of junction are indicated: law-makers, social origin and environment of lawyers and the participation of non-lawyers in the administration of justice. All of them make treating the legal culture as an autonomous entity hardly possible. General legal attitudes are discussed with reference to the 1964 pioneer studies of Adam Podgórecki, and the patterns and practices of dispute resolution. The instrumental treatment of law by political elites is debated; those who use the law as an instrument of political struggle and the political advantage for those who pass the laws. Finally, fi ve general conclusions are drawn. According to the most important one, in the Polish culture the most common is the interest in claiming 'one's own' right by using both legal and illegal means to obtain it, which is linked to the toleration of similar behavior of others. The latter occurs if such a behavior does not interfere with the fulfillment of one's own aims.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2011, 1(200); 611-636
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
An Analysis of the Criticism of the Area of Freedom Security and Justice of the European Union
Analiza krytyki przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej
Autorzy:
Skłodowski, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/522959.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Ośrodek Analiz Politologicznych
Tematy:
Area of Freedom Security and Justice,
Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters,
European Union,
Euro-scepticism
Opis:
The following paper concentrates on the analysis of the criticism of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice of the European Union. The Author focuses on the nature of this criticism, its subject – the process of securitization of the EU and also on the sources of such criticism. This paper addresses fundamental questions related to the issues of both general criticism of the AFSJ (its technocratic character and lack of parliamentary and judiciary control) and the criticism of particular activities of the EU agencies, such as Europol and Frontex.
Niniejsza praca skupia się na analizie krytyki Przestrzeni Wolności, Bezpieczeństwa i Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. Autor skupia się na naturze tej krytyki, jej przedmiocie – procesie sekurytyzacji Unii Europejskiej, a także na źródłach tej krytyki. Praca porusza fundamentalne kwestie związane zarówno z ogólną krytyką Przestrzeni Wolności, Bezpieczeństwa i Sprawiedliwości, jak i z krytyką poszczególnych działań podejmowanych przez unijne agencje, takie jak Europol i Frontex.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"; 2012, 1; 85-108
2084-5294
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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